The Obscurity of the Equimultiples
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Babylonian Astral Science in the Hellenistic World: Reception and Transmission
CAS® e SERIES Nummer 4 / 2010 Francesca Rochberg (Berkeley) Babylonian Astral Science in the Hellenistic World: Reception and Transmission Herausgegeben von Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München Center for Advanced Studies®, Seestr. 13, 80802 München www.cas.lmu.de/publikationen/eseries Nummer 4 / 2010 Babylonian Astral Science in the Hellenistic World: Reception and Transmission Francesca Rochberg (Berkeley) In his astrological work the Tetrabiblos, the astronomer such as in Strabo’s Geography, as well as in an astrono- Ptolemy describes the effects of geography on ethnic mical text from Oxyrhynchus in the second century of character, claiming, for example, that due to their specific our era roughly contemporary with Ptolemy [P.Oxy. geographical location „The ...Chaldeans and Orchinians 4139:8; see Jones 1999, I 97-99 and II 22-23]. This have familiarity with Leo and the sun, so that they are astronomical papyrus fragment refers to the Orchenoi, simpler, kindly, addicted to astrology.” [Tetr. 2.3] or Urukeans, in direct connection with a lunar parameter Ptolemy was correct in putting the Chaldeans and identifiable as a Babylonian period for lunar anomaly Orchinians together geographically, as the Chaldeans, or preserved on cuneiform tablets from Uruk. The Kaldayu, were once West Semitic tribal groups located Babylonian, or Chaldean, literati, including those from in the parts of southern and western Babylonia known Uruk were rightly famed for astronomy and astrology, as Kaldu, and the Orchinians, or Urukayu, were the „addicted,” as Ptolemy put it, and eventually, in Greco- inhabitants of the southern Babylonian city of Uruk. He Roman works, the term Chaldean came to be interchan- was also correct in that he was transmitting a tradition geable with „astrologer.” from the Babylonians themselves, which, according to a Hellenistic Greek writers seeking to claim an authorita- Hellenistic tablet from Uruk [VAT 7847 obv. -
Apollonius of Pergaconics. Books One - Seven
APOLLONIUS OF PERGACONICS. BOOKS ONE - SEVEN INTRODUCTION A. Apollonius at Perga Apollonius was born at Perga (Περγα) on the Southern coast of Asia Mi- nor, near the modern Turkish city of Bursa. Little is known about his life before he arrived in Alexandria, where he studied. Certain information about Apollonius’ life in Asia Minor can be obtained from his preface to Book 2 of Conics. The name “Apollonius”(Apollonius) means “devoted to Apollo”, similarly to “Artemius” or “Demetrius” meaning “devoted to Artemis or Demeter”. In the mentioned preface Apollonius writes to Eudemus of Pergamum that he sends him one of the books of Conics via his son also named Apollonius. The coincidence shows that this name was traditional in the family, and in all prob- ability Apollonius’ ancestors were priests of Apollo. Asia Minor during many centuries was for Indo-European tribes a bridge to Europe from their pre-fatherland south of the Caspian Sea. The Indo-European nation living in Asia Minor in 2nd and the beginning of the 1st millennia B.C. was usually called Hittites. Hittites are mentioned in the Bible and in Egyptian papyri. A military leader serving under the Biblical king David was the Hittite Uriah. His wife Bath- sheba, after his death, became the wife of king David and the mother of king Solomon. Hittites had a cuneiform writing analogous to the Babylonian one and hi- eroglyphs analogous to Egyptian ones. The Czech historian Bedrich Hrozny (1879-1952) who has deciphered Hittite cuneiform writing had established that the Hittite language belonged to the Western group of Indo-European languages [Hro]. -
Polygonal Numbers 1
Polygonal Numbers 1 Polygonal Numbers By Daniela Betancourt and Timothy Park Project for MA 341 Introduction to Number Theory Boston University Summer Term 2009 Instructor: Kalin Kostadinov 2 Daniela Betancourt and Timothy Park Introduction : Polygonal numbers are number representing dots that are arranged into a geometric figure. Starting from a common point and augmenting outwards, the number of dots utilized increases in successive polygons. As the size of the figure increases, the number of dots used to construct it grows in a common pattern. The most common types of polygonal numbers take the form of triangles and squares because of their basic geometry. Figure 1 illustrates examples of the first four polygonal numbers: the triangle, square, pentagon, and hexagon. Figure 1: http://www.trottermath.net/numthry/polynos.html As seen in the diagram, the geometric figures are formed by augmenting arrays of dots. The progression of the polygons is illustrated with its initial point and successive polygons grown outwards. The basis of polygonal numbers is to view all shapes and sizes of polygons as numerical values. History : The concept of polygonal numbers was first defined by the Greek mathematician Hypsicles in the year 170 BC (Heath 126). Diophantus credits Hypsicles as being the author of the polygonal numbers and is said to have came to the conclusion that the nth a-gon is calculated by 1 the formula /2*n*[2 + (n - 1)(a - 2)]. He used this formula to determine the number of elements in the nth term of a polygon with a sides. Polygonal Numbers 3 Before Hypsicles was acclaimed for defining polygonal numbers, there was evidence that previous Greek mathematicians used such figurate numbers to create their own theories. -
The Adaptation of Babylonian Methods in Greek Numerical Astronomy
FIgure 1. A Babylonian tablet (B.M. 37236) listing undated phases of Mars according to the System A scheme. By permission of the Trustees of the British Museum. This content downloaded from 128.122.149.96 on Thu, 04 Jul 2019 12:50:19 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms The Adaptation of Babylonian Methods in Greek Numerical Astronomy By Alexander Jones* THE DISTINCTION CUSTOMARILY MADE between the two chief astro- nomical traditions of antiquity is that Greek astronomy was geometrical, whereas Babylonian astronomy was arithmetical. That is to say, the Babylonian astronomers of the last five centuries B.C. devised elaborate combinations of arithmetical sequences to predict the apparent motions of the heavenly bodies, while the Greeks persistently tried to explain the same phenomena by hypothe- sizing kinematic models compounded out of circular motions. This description is substantially correct so far as it goes, but it conceals a great difference on the Greek side between the methods of, say, Eudoxus in the fourth century B.C. and those of Ptolemy in the second century of our era. Both tried to account for the observed behavior of the stars, sun, moon, and planets by means of combinations of circular motions. But Eudoxus seems to have studied the properties of his models purely through the resources of geometry. The only numerical parameters associated with his concentric spheres in our ancient sources are crude periods of synodic and longitudinal revolution, that is to say, data imposed on the models rather than deduced from them.1 By contrast, Ptolemy's approach in the Alma- 2 gest is thoroughly numerical. -
On the Shoulders of Hipparchus a Reappraisal of Ancient Greek Combinatorics
Arch. Hist. Exact Sci. 57 (2003) 465–502 Digital Object Identifier (DOI) 10.1007/s00407-003-0067-0 On the Shoulders of Hipparchus A Reappraisal of Ancient Greek Combinatorics F. Acerbi Communicated by A. Jones 1. Introduction To write about combinatorics in ancient Greek mathematics is to write about an empty subject. The surviving evidence is so scanty that even the possibility that “the Greeks took [any] interest in these matters” has been denied by some historians of mathe- matics.1 Tranchant judgments of this sort reveal, if not a cursory scrutiny of the extant sources, at least a defective acquaintance with the strong selectivity of the process of textual transmission the ancient mathematical corpus has been exposed to–afactthat should induce, about a sparingly attested field of research, a cautious attitude rather than a priori negative assessments.2 (Should not the onus probandi be required also when the existence in the past of a certain domain of research is being denied?) I suspect that, behind such a strongly negative historiographic position, two different motives could have conspired: the prejudice of “ancient Greek mathematicians” as geometri- cally-minded and the attempt to revalue certain aspects of non-western mathematics by tendentiously maintaining that such aspects could not have been even conceived by “the Greeks”. Combinatorics is the ideal field in this respect, since many interesting instances of combinatorial calculations come from other cultures,3 whereas combina- torial examples in the ancient Greek mathematical corpus have been considered, as we have seen, worse than disappointing, and in any event such as to justify a very negative attitude. -
The Story of Euclid Is of Interest Or Importance for Busy Men and Women to Know
THE STORY EUCLIDOF BV W. B. FRANKLAND, M.A., FELLOW OK CLARE COLLEGE, Late mathematical lecturer at selwy.v, CAMBRllXiB WITH ILLUSTRATIOXS LONDON GEORGE NEWNES, SOUTHAMPTON STREET, STRAND / r 1902 TO FATHER -1 Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2017 with funding from University of Toronto https://archive.org/details/storyofeuclidOOfran J»a. :«aid ek^.miek^iat^an | £/um^ r^/^ A 'm^ t/tar Home 4 B4 . »Wrm ^minf^ mW:>m,uhdaM£/ ^ *>m.A,tC^ c^hf^ ^ic t^^4£t-izrj ztjif 4? S-Z^' » See p. 138 . J PREFACE The career of the Elements of Euclid has been of an extraordinar)' and indeed unique character. For two thousand years or more it has served for text-book to countless students, and to-day it is a work with which all Englishmen are piore or less familiar, whilst the name of its writer is a household word throughout the civilized world. And yet so lacking in curiosity are we of this country, although I do not know that other people have shown themselves much more in- quisitive in the matter, that there does not exist, so far as I am aware, any small book of this sort to tell us what in the Story of Euclid is of interest or importance for busy men and women to know. Even in school books, I venture to suggest, there is a quite unaccountable lack of that historical and philo- sophical information which it is the aim of this little volume in some degree to communicate^ and so in writing this brief sketch of Euclidian lore I have had in mind younger as well as older people. -
Bibliography
Bibliography A. Aaboe, Episodes from the Early History of Mathematics (Random House, New York, 1964) A.D. Aczel, Fermat’s Last Theorem: Unlocking the Secret of an Ancient Mathematical Problem (Four Walls Eight Windows, New York, 1996) D. Adamson, Blaise Pascal: Mathematician, Physicist, and Thinker About God (St. Martin’s Press, New York, 1995) R.P. Agarwal, H. Agarwal, S.K. Sen, Birth, Growth and Computation of Pi to ten trillion digits. Adv. Differ. Equat. 2013, 100 (2013) A.A. Al-Daffa’, The Muslim Contribution to Mathematics (Humanities Press, Atlantic Highlands, 1977) A.A. Al-Daffa’, J.J. Stroyls, Studies in the Exact Sciences in Medieval Islam (Wiley, New York, 1984) E.J. Aiton, Leibniz: A Biography (A. Hilger, Bristol, Boston, 1984) R.E. Allen, Greek Philosophy: Thales to Aristotle (The Free Press, New York, 1966) G.J. Allman, Greek Geometry from Thales to Euclid (Arno Press, New York, 1976) E.N. da C. Andrade, Sir Issac Newton, His Life and Work (Doubleday & Co., New York, 1954) W.S. Anglin, Mathematics: A Concise History and Philosophy (Springer, New York, 1994) W.S. Anglin, The Queen of Mathematics (Kluwer, Dordrecht, 1995) H.D. Anthony, Sir Isaac Newton (Abelard-Schuman, New York, 1960) H.G. Apostle, Aristotle’s Philosophy of Mathematics (The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1952) R.C. Archibald, Outline of the history of mathematics.Am. Math. Monthly 56 (1949) B. Artmann, Euclid: The Creation of Mathematics (Springer, New York, 1999) C.N. Srinivasa Ayyangar, The History of Ancient Indian Mathematics (World Press Private Ltd., Calcutta, 1967) A.K. Bag, Mathematics in Ancient and Medieval India (Chaukhambha Orientalia, Varanasi, 1979) W.W.R. -
Diophantus of Alexandria, Arithmetica and Diophantine Equations
Diophantus of Alexandria, Arithmetica and Diophantine Equations Dr. Carmen Bruni University of Waterloo David R. Cheriton School of Computer Science November 8th, 2017 Diophantus of Alexandria This week, we'll be discussing Diophantus of Alexandria. We will be talking about Alexandria, its foundation, the Library of Alexandria and problems in Diophantine Equations. Where Are We This Week? 350BCE 350AD in Macedon ∼ − https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Map_Macedonia_336_BC-en.svg History of Alexander the Great • Battle of Chaeronea (won by Philip II of Macedon) in 338 BCE • Marked the end of the golden age of Greek mathematics. • Philip was succeeded by his son Alexander the Great. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Filip_II_Macedonia.jpg Alexander the Great • Lived from 356 until 323 BCE (died at age 33) • Conquered much of the world between 334 BCE to 323 BCE • Spread Greek culture around the world (his armies were usually Greek) • Tutored by Aristotle (343 BCE) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Alexander1256.jpg Alexander the Conqueror (334 BCE-323 BCE) Courtesy: http://www.ancient.eu/timeline/Alexander_the_Great/ • 334 BCE - Invaded Persian Empire; liberated Ephesos, Baalbek (renamed Heliopolis) • 333 BCE - Conquered Sidon, Aleppo • 332 BCE - Conquers Tyre (injures shoulder), Syria (turns to Egypt) • 331 BCE - Egypt is conquered by Alexander with little resistance including Susa • 331 BCE - Founds Alexandria at port town of Rhakotis. Map of Conquered Areas Alexandria After Alexander • Once Alexander left Egypt (shortly after creating Alexandria say 331-330 BCE), control passed to his viceroy Cleomenes (died 322 BCE) • Upon Alexander's death in 323 BCE, Cleomenes remained as a satrap (political leader) in Alexandria under viceroy Ptolemy who then ordered him to be killed on the suspicion of the embezzlement of 8000 talents. -
A Concise History of the Philosophy of Mathematics
A Thumbnail History of the Philosophy of Mathematics "It is beyond a doubt that all our knowledge begins with experience." - Imannuel Kant ( 1724 – 1804 ) ( However naïve realism is no substitute for truth [1] ) [1] " ... concepts have reference to sensible experience, but they are never, in a logical sense, deducible from them. For this reason I have never been able to comprehend the problem of the á priori as posed by Kant", from "The Problem of Space, Ether, and the Field in Physics" ( "Das Raum-, Äether- und Feld-Problem der Physik." ), by Albert Einstein, 1934 - source: "Beyond Geometry: Classic Papers from Riemann to Einstein", Dover Publications, by Peter Pesic, St. John's College, Sante Fe, New Mexico Mathematics does not have a universally accepted definition during any period of its development throughout the history of human thought. However for the last 2,500 years, beginning first with the pre - Hellenic Egyptians and Babylonians, mathematics encompasses possible deductive relationships concerned solely with logical truths derived by accepted philosophic methods of logic which the classical Greek thinkers of antiquity pioneered. Although it is normally associated with formulaic algorithms ( i.e., mechanical methods ), mathematics somehow arises in the human mind by the correspondence of observation and inductive experiential thinking together with its practical predictive powers in interpreting future as well as "seemingly" ephemeral phenomena. Why all of this is true in human progress, no one can answer faithfully. In other words, human experiences and intuitive thinking first suggest to the human mind the abstract symbols for which the economy of human thinking mathematics is well known; but it is those parts of mathematics most disconnected from observation and experience and therefore relying almost wholly upon its internal, self - consistent, deductive logics giving mathematics an independent reified, almost ontological, reality, that mathematics most powerfully interprets the ultimate hidden mysteries of nature. -
Encyclopedia of Renaissance Philosophy, 2 Euclid: Reception in the Renaissance
E Euclid: Reception in the Zamberti’s texts were published – at times in Renaissance combination. From the 1540s onward, revi- sions, selections, and vernacular translations Jens Høyrup began to appear, all based on the same two Section for Philosophy and Science Studies, texts. In 1572, however, Commandino made a Roskilde University, Roskilde, Denmark new Latin translation from Zamberti’s text and a sounder manuscript, and in 1574 Clavius Abstract produced a didactically oriented redaction. Although the Latin Middle Ages received a These two set the scene for the next two number of versions of Euclid’s Elements and centuries. several other Euclidean works, by the four- teenth century, only the Campanus redaction from c. 1259 was in circulation. In the four- Medieval Latin Background teenth and fifteenth century, this redaction was encountered by students of Arts or Medicine Until the beginnings of the twelfth century, the university faculties, even though we have scant Latin Middle Ages had access to Euclid only evidence that Euclid impressed their minds. In through Boethian translation of the Elements (or, the fifteenth century, other circles discovered quite likely, of an epitome of that work) – another him: Alberti took over the idea of elements, translation, also from c. 500 CE (Bohlin 2012), Regiomontanus used Euclid alongside Archi- seems not to have circulated. Part of the Boethian medes as an argument for the superiority of translation was conserved in coherent form – how mathematics over philosophy, and one Floren- much and for how long is disputed; Boethian tine abacus school tradition was able to give fragments were also integrated in gromatic writ- correct references to the Elements. -
THE MATHEMATICAL TABLETS of NIPPUK. Mathematical
392 THE MATHEMATICAL TABLETS OF NIPPTJE. [May, THE MATHEMATICAL TABLETS OF NIPPUK. Mathematical, Metrological and Chronological Tablets from the Temple Library of Nippur. By H. V. HILPRECHT. Vol. XX, part I, of Series A, Cuneiform texts, published by the Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania, 1906. Pp. xviii + 70 + (30 + xv) plates. Price, $5. UNTIL the middle of the last century the mathematics of the Babylonians was practically a mystery to modern European scholars. It was asserted, it is true, in a general way by many writers on the history of the science that our sexagesimal frac tions originated in the valley of Mesopotamia. Formaleoni of Venice had suggested as early as 1788 that these were due both to the ancient division of the year into three hundred and sixty days and to the properties of the regular hexagon. Even the Greeks had assigned these " fractiones physicae," as they were called in the middle ages, to the Babylonians, and before their use by such writers as Hypsicles and Ptolemy the story had long been current that Pythagoras had studied mathematics with the priests along the Euphrates, where the sexagesimal sys tem was known. There were also numerous assertions in the later Middle Ages that even our Hindu-Arabic numerals were due to the Chaldeans, the Kaldâ of the monument inscriptions, who overran and subdued Babylonia in the first millenium, B. c. It was this tradition that led Tonstall to say, in 1522 : " Qui a Chaldeis primum in finitimos, deinde in omnes pene gen tes fluxit," and Recorde (c. 1542) to remark: "In that thinge all men do agree, that the Chaldays, whiche fyrste inuented thys arte, did set these figures as thei set all their let ters, for they wryte backwarde as you tearme it, and so doo they reade." All this was mere fiction, or but little more than tradition, and our knowledge of Babylonian mathematics may be said to have had but little scientific foundation until Eawlinson deci phered two small and imperfect cylinders found in 1854 by W. -
Some Thoughts on the Epicurean Critique of Mathematics
Journal of Humanistic Mathematics Volume 7 | Issue 2 July 2017 Some Thoughts on the Epicurean Critique of Mathematics Michael Aristidou American University of Kuwait Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.claremont.edu/jhm Part of the Other History Commons, Other Mathematics Commons, and the Other Philosophy Commons Recommended Citation Aristidou, M. "Some Thoughts on the Epicurean Critique of Mathematics," Journal of Humanistic Mathematics, Volume 7 Issue 2 (July 2017), pages 187-216. DOI: 10.5642/jhummath.201702.09 . Available at: https://scholarship.claremont.edu/jhm/vol7/iss2/9 ©2017 by the authors. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons License. JHM is an open access bi-annual journal sponsored by the Claremont Center for the Mathematical Sciences and published by the Claremont Colleges Library | ISSN 2159-8118 | http://scholarship.claremont.edu/jhm/ The editorial staff of JHM works hard to make sure the scholarship disseminated in JHM is accurate and upholds professional ethical guidelines. However the views and opinions expressed in each published manuscript belong exclusively to the individual contributor(s). The publisher and the editors do not endorse or accept responsibility for them. See https://scholarship.claremont.edu/jhm/policies.html for more information. Some Thoughts on the Epicurean Critique of Mathematics Cover Page Footnote I would like to thank the anonymous reviewer for his most valuable comments on my article. I should also thank the Friends of Epicurean Philosophy (Athens) and the Ideotopos Magazine (Athens) for organizing my talks in 2014 that led to this article. Finally, I thank Ludy Sabay-Sabay for her constant support.