Review of African Political Economy No.65:291-300 © ROAPE Publications Ltd., 1995 ISSN 0305-6244; RIX #6501

Commentary: Taking Leave of the Twentieth Century

Ray Bush & Morris Szeftel

A year ago, in ROAPE 60, we observed that the debt crisis provoked a deep pessimism about the prospects for African economic development in the immediate future. While the development process has been characterised historically by alternating waves of optimism and pessimism, the enormity of debt servitude and the ideology of debt management which structured the approach of the international financial institutions made the present conjuncture particularly disquieting. The brief hopes, encouraged by the events of 1989, that the end of the would turn swords into ploughshares, end arms races and shift resources to growth, development and environmental protection have proved unfounded. Instead, US hegemony and the politics of markets have imposed further austerity on the poor and the weak and heightened local, national and global inequalities.

Crisis is not unique to Africa, nor even to the 'third world'; in some form or other it is present everywhere. The millennium is coming to an end characterised by increased levels of inequality, violence and persecution notable even in a century which has 'raised the greatest hopes ever conceived by humanity, and destroyed all illusions and ideals' (Yehudi Menuhin, quoted in Hobsbawm, 1994:2). Nor is there much sense that politicians, managers or intellectuals have the remotest idea how to tackle the challenges which confront them. As Eric Hobsbawm has observed: 'the short twentieth century ended in problems, for which nobody had, or even claimed to have, solutions— all they knew for certain that an era of history had ended. They knew very little else' (1994:558-9). The 'new world order', proclaimed by George Bush in 1990 at the height of liberal triumphalism and with the full intoxication induced by the Gulf War, rapidly revealed itself to be a 'new world disorder' characterised by uncertainty and insecurity, violence and turmoil everywhere. True, there have been opportunities for the resolution of disputes and for modest gains in the area of democracy and human rights - as in , Eritrea, - but these seem the exception rather than the rule. National, ethnic and religious claims have been released to produce a catalogue of atrocities. Half a century after the Nuremburg trials, prejudice has become respectable again and even the language of 'ethnic cleansing' has quickly ceased to shock. Some of these conflicts reflect displaced class struggles and increasing strains in the migrant labour regimes that govern post-colonial relations between former colony and metropolitan centre. They are manifest in the growing racism of urban politics and government policies in the United States, Britain, Germany and France. In other cases (as in Angola, Afghanistan, Timor, Sri Lanka, Kurdistan, Kashmir and Punjab, for instance) they represent intractable and enduring disputes, often inherited from or encouraged by the cold war. Still others represent divisions previously held in check by the or other eastern European communist regimes and now politicised by forces seeking to manipulate them to gain 292 Review of African Political Economy power. The violence in Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Chechnya, and former Yugoslavia is intensified by the determination of particular cliques to consolidate political support by defining and then attacking communities of 'outsiders'. In Africa too the crisis has been most severe where economic hardship has combined with the activation of communal sentiments to influence the distribution of meagre resources through political muscle. At its worst, the process has devoured the state and even produced genocidal conflicts, as in Somalia and . Even in South Africa, the optimism generated by the 1994 elections is tempered by the violence in KwaZulu, where ethnicity is manipulated to maintain clientelist political structures. Elsewhere we see a politics of regional alignments organised to plunder the state. Universal values of citizenship and secular democracy, social justice and equality of entitlement, are in retreat and under attack by the forces of particularism, exclusivity, privilege and prejudice. Nor is the new world 'disorder' confined to political and nationalistic struggles. Indeed, communal conflict reflects the strains of widespread economic instability. The traditional centres of industrial power in the west have been in relative and even absolute decline since the Vietnam war. Capital has moved about the world economy, bringing boom here, bust there, in equal measure. Stock market crises, currency speculation, commodity shortages and gluts, all are symptoms of change and uncertainty. The globalisation of the world capitalist economy in the last quarter- century has made national economic policy a weak regulatory mechanism and encouraged military adventures in their place - by the United States as much as by Iraq, by NATO as much as by Serbs or Croats. If the accelerating globalisation of capitalism has made the world economy more anarchic, it has also created pressures for regional blocs (NAFTA, EU) to co-ordinate policy. There is a new emphasis on global regulation and control through GATT, OECD, the IMF and the World Bank. In 1991, Arrighi observed that

the notion of a world government seems less fanciful than fifteen years ago. The Group of Seven [G7] has been meeting regularly and has come to look more and more like a committee for managing the common affairs of the world bourgeoisie. In the 1980s the IMF and the World Bank have acted increasingly like a world ministry of finance. ... In totally unplanned fashion, a structure of world government is being put in place bit by bit under the pressure of events by the great economic and political powers themselves (1991:64). If he is right, recovery and development in Africa in the future are likely to be more constrained by external forces than at any time since the end of colonial rule. By the end of the decade and the arrival of the new millennium, Africa will have spent just over a quarter of a century in thrall to its creditors and the neo-classical dogmas of adjustment programmes imposed by the IFIs. Africa's disadvantaged position in the world economic order has been accentuated and deepened during this time (see the table on Africa's debt profile on page 338). Leys summarises it thus:

Out of a total population of about 500 million, nearly 300 million are already living in absolute poverty, and it is getting worse. Per capita incomes have been falling at over 2 per cent a year since 1980, and there is no obvious prospect that it will be reversed in the foreseeable future (1994:34). All recent evidence seems to indicate that its position is likely to deteriorate still further. It has become marginal in the global economy, marginalised in the corridors of state and corporate power. One indication of this is Africa's declining share of Taking Leave of the Twentieth Century 293 foreign direct investment (FDI) going to other developing regions; it fell from 13.8% in the 1982-86 period to 10% in the 1987-91 period and 5.3% in 1992-94 (see graph on page 340). As Leys suggests:

What it comes down to is that in sub-Saharan Africa most people are facing a future in which not even bare survival is assured: to use Andre Gorz's term, they are being made into the "supernumeraries" of the human race (1994:34). Africa's prospect seems bleak. The evidence to support the pessimism of writers such as Davidson, Ravenhill, Leys, Barratt Brown seems overwhelming. It is interesting that three recent and important books, each proceeding from a very different method and each concerned with very different problems, should all underscore Africa's growing marginalisation within the world order and its poor prospects for the next century (Arrighi, 1994; Hobsbawm, 1994; Kennedy, 1993).

The Long and the Short of the Twentieth Century For Giovanni Arrighi (1994) 'the long 20th century' is defined by the 'systemic cycle of accumulation' which began in the late 19th century and continues into the present. His notion of a systemic cycle (combining Wallerstein's world-system theory with Braudel's history of the longue duree of capitalism) relates the process of capitalist accumulation to the dominance of state power. It is marked by the global hegemony of the United States and the imposition of its 'free enterprise system' on the global order. For Eric Hobsbawm (1994) by contrast, 'the short twentieth century' runs from 1914 to 1991. It is bounded, on the one hand, by the Russian Revolution and the challenge it presented to capitalism and imperialism and, on the other, by the collapse of the Soviet Union and communism in eastern Europe. For Arrighi, the 'maturity' of the accumulation cycle produces instability and change which may or may not signal that the life of the American world-system is coming to an end. For Hobsbawm, although the collapse of the socialist challenge has left the west with unrivalled power, it lacks the means to resolve or manage the growing instability of global capitalism. For both writers, the future of capitalism is therefore uncertain. Arrighi identifies the American century as the fourth systemic cycle of accumulation in the history of capitalism. It follows a Genoese cycle, from the 15th to the early 17th centuries; a Dutch cycle, from the late 16th to the late 18th centuries; and a British cycle from the late 18th to the early 20th centuries. In contrast with British 'free trade imperialism', where Britain was the leading but not dominating world power and where the development of production and trade was encouraged throughout the world, American hegemony has rested on a far more powerful and regulatory state, one less enthusiastic about free trade and more concerned to centralise economic and political resources. It is a regime committed to 'free enterprise investment', characterised less by market exchanges than by vertical integration and internal corporate transactions (1994:47-74, 239-48). Free enterprise imperialism has de- manded not so much free markets as American corporate access to, and even domination of, global investment; local sovereignty and self-reliant strategies of development are frequently regarded as competitive and hostile. Arrighi raises, but does not answer, the question of whether the many symptoms of global crisis are signals of 'maturity' heralding further restructuring of accumulation patterns within the American cycle or whether they are signs that this cycle is coming to an end. Arrighi finds the evidence inconclusive, noting that 'the superiority of force of the west' has become greater than ever but that this has begun to diverge from the 294 Review of African Political Economy geopolitical centres of accumulation. On the one hand, the expansion of accumulation in Japan and south-east Asia points to changes in the locus of accumulation; on the other hand, the eastern Pacific lacks the political mass and state power for hegemony (Ibid: 20-3; chapter 4). It is, of course, possible that future accumulation cycles will no longer rest on state power. Arrighi quotes observations by Robert Reich and Peter Drucker that national economies and the power of nation-states are in decline; he also quotes Paul Kennedy's observation that states are becoming 'the wrong sort of unit to handle the newer circumstances' (Ibid: 74; Kennedy, 1993:131). For the present, despite a variety of crises, the US continues to dominate global accumulation and its hegemony remains in force, if not as securely as before. Arrighi suggests that the crisis of US hegemony had serious consequences for developing countries. The cold war and third world efforts to achieve self- determination in the wake of the Bandung conference had negative economic and political effects on US hegemony. Even after the collapse of the Soviet Union, third world sovereignty was, argues Arrighi, incompatible with its importance 'as a reservoir of natural and human resources for the satisfaction of the present and projected needs of [western] economies'(1994: 321). It also threatened the interests of corporations 'in preserving maximum present and future flexibility' in the use of resources. In the wake of the Vietnam War, 'the US government temporarily lost most, if not all of its credibility as the policeman of the free world' with the result that a number of successful revolutions occurred in the late seventies and early eighties. One consequence was for US economic policy and practice to retreat into fiscal conservatism with restrictive monetary policies, high interest rates and a decline in demand for third world products. 'As a result, between 1980 and 1988 the real prices of the South's commodity exports declined by some 40 per cent and oil prices by 50 per cent payments to service debts soared ... [and] the ensuing generalized state of de facto bankruptcy completed the reversal of fortunes of third world states in world financial markets' (Ibid:323). In short, the South was quickly brought to heel, reduced to begging for credit in a shrinking market. Or as Julius Nyerere, Tanzania's former president and now chairman of the South Commission, remarked recently: 'We appoint Ministers of Finance who quickly become Ministers of Begging. Nobody respects beggars, especially able-bodied ones.' Within the present cycle of accumulation Africa's subordinate, even marginal status has been reinforced. It is instructive that in a book of 400 pages, there are no more than 25 which discuss the South in any detail and Africa is mentioned on only 13 pages. Elsewhere (1991), Arrighi has paid closer attention to the developing world as the lower end of a rigid structure of global income inequality. There he speaks of 'the seemingly "iron law" of a global hierarchy of wealth that stays in place no matter what the governments on the lower rungs of the hierarchy do or do not do' (1991:57). His message is clear; the prospects for change are bleak, most of all in sub-Saharan Africa. Working from a more orthodox marxist perspective, Hobsbawm follows a different route to very similar conclusions. For him crisis represents the contradictions and injustices of the capitalist mode of production and the struggles of resistance of its victims. Such crises and struggles characterise the entire century since the 1917 revolution. Between 1914 and 1945 they manifest themselves in the catastrophes of depression and fascism and in anti-imperialist struggles which ultimately liquidated the empires of Europe after 1945. For Hobsbawm, the Great Depression played a fundamental role in stimulating anti- imperialism: the collapse of markets for primary products led to riots and protests; 'it established contact between the politicized Taking Leave of the Twentieth Century 295 minorities and the common people of their countries' (1994:214). Political independ- ence, when it came after 1945 took western forms and was inspired by ideas of organisation, emancipation and progress derived from liberalism, socialism, commu- nism, secularism; it used 'the devices developed for the purposes of public life in bourgeois societies' (1994:202). After 1945, the 'golden age' of capitalism which saw unparalleled growth in wealth, tolerance and democracy, also permitted the new states of the third world a degree of dependent development for a time. Yet this proved short-lived and unsustainable for reasons that have been much discussed and which Hobsbawm rehearses rather predictably: population growth, political instability, military repression, the destruc- tion of peasant self-sustainability, the absence of land reform and other measures to further social justice and so on. Moreover, suggests Hobsbawm, by the 1970s the very concept of a third world became redundant as a number of states were able to take advantage of the globalisation of capitalism to achieve rapid rates of economic development, in contrast to 'the dismal record of sub-Saharan Africa's new states' (1994:351). By 1989, he indicates, most of Africa's debtor states had per capita incomes about a third the level of middle income third world countries and about an eighth the level of the wealthier third world countries (1994:363). Poverty, debt and instability make Africa's problems the most severe in a world generally in crisis. Solutions are nowhere to hand. For Hobsbawm, the failure of secular ideologies, the rise of 'xenophobia and identity polities', growing demographic and environmental crises, the illusions of liberal triumphalism and the inadequacy of market solutions, and the inability of liberal democratic politics to take long-term decisions, have all combined to ensure that 'we do not know where we are going' (1994:584, Chapter 19).

Hobsbawm regards the crises of the world economy at the end of the century as the direct result of contradictions inherent in capitalism and its articulation on a world scale. It does not reflect the 'maturity' of finance capital, or a corporate need for 'flexibility'. The problems observed are deemed to be inherent in the nature of capitalism on a world scale, not the shifts of world-systems. The contrast is even more marked when set against Kennedy's evaluation of the challenges faced in the next century - which does not include any reference to class conflict, imperialism or exploitation and barely notices structural adjustment or debt servitude (1993:214, 217). Yet all three see Africa as particularly vulnerable and disadvantaged in the global crises to be overcome. None of the three predicts a way forward for the continent.

The New Stalinists The picture seems even more depressing when we move from such lofty vantage points to confront the concrete situation on the ground. There, economic decline, increasing indebtedness, debt service servitude, the collapse of infrastructure and production, growing inequality and poverty, increasing instability and coercion are more the norm than the exception. The process continues to be represented widely as a consequence of the failures of the African state and political process and even of Africans themselves. For Bayart (1992) 'the politics of the belly' is in the nature of things, part of African 'historicity'. For Robert Jackson (1992) these are hardly states at all, 'quasi-states' with juridical existence but no capacity to carry out the basic functions of statehood. For the IFIs and their apologists, it is high time they became effective states, preferably liberal democratic ones! The bloated, rent-seeking state, itself plundered by corruption, needs to be reduced relative to civil society and the 296 Review of African Political Economy economy opened to market disciplines. These are views widely held on both the left and the right. Leys perhaps sums up this jaundiced view of the African state well:

... the scramble for whatever surplus is still extracted from the direct producers through taxation has reached crisis proportions; corruption has drained the African states of their efficiency and legitimacy. Obscenely vast fortunes have been siphoned from public treasuries into private bank accounts ... while the apparatus of government decays. Roads have become largely impassable. When crops fail people die because there are no longer any food reserves or delivery systems, and when people fall ill they die because there are no longer any doctors or nurses or medicines ... (1994:35). Yet we should not accept too readily this idea that Africa's crisis stems solely (or even mainly) from the corruption and inefficiency of its political classes and institutions, still less from its historical traditions of statecraft. The 'tigers' of south-east Asia are the modern development success story, examples held up to Africa of what can be achieved with the right policies and institutions. Yet they are societies with much large scale corruption. The same can be said of Japan and, of course, of the United States. Clearly corruption need not be a determinant of whether or not development occurs. And how long ago was it that 'Asian culture' or Asian conceptions of the state were depicted as inappropriate for development? Clearly the goes deeper than neo-classical economics and western policy makers have understood. Moreover, even while agreeing that repressive, incompetent and dishonest govern- ment has imposed an unbearable burden on Africans, it must be seriously questioned how much of the blame the African state should take for the present malaise. It is all too easy to forget that the last quarter of the twentieth century has been a period in which Africa's policies and strategies were regulated by the hegemony of economic orthodoxy. Since the early to mid-seventies, IFI economists and experts have promoted deregulation of markets and prices, privatisation of enterprise, the scaling back of government and the liberalisation of trade. Neo-liberal economists supplied or imposed by the IMF or bilateral donors have been setting budgets, determining fiscal policy, setting exchange rates and planning privatisation measures for more than 20 years in parts of Africa. Economists seconded from the IMF and World Bank to African finance, development planning and trade ministries have long been setting government targets and hence national horizons. The evidence that their programmes have been a disaster is overwhelming. Do they not need to take at least some of the responsibility for the shambles produced by more than two decades of adjustment programmes? A veritable aid industry has developed across Africa. Hundreds of thousands of experts, seconded to national governments or provided as part of aid packages (their salaries constituting a major proportion of the aid) busy themselves around the continent. They evaluate and oversee project aid and performance. Occasionally, they may even prepare government submissions to the Paris Club meetings where the implementation of structural adjustment programmes, debt servicing and further loans are discussed - and evaluated by other experts from the same agencies! As a participant noted at the recent Nairobi conference on Africa's Imperative Agenda: 'Donors tell us on the one hand to take charge, to take responsibility ... Then they turn around and demand adherence to a very specific set of policies' (quoted in Africa Recovery, June 1995:9). As we noted in ROAPE 60, the IFIs and the technical experts have essentially taken over the main role of the state in Africa, namely the provision of strategic direction for Taking Leave of the Twentieth Century 297 economic development. Debt management has meant that donors set policies and parameters in economic, social and administrative fields. African states are reduced to cyphers, attempting to implement them. IMF country missions, project overseers, economists in the budget units of finance ministries, experts placed in reserve banks, privatisation agencies and the like, have become, if not the state then at least a large part of it. All this activity, all this 'regulated deregulation', is being undertaken by unelected agencies accountable only to foreign creditors. One African official remarked in an interview that a group of overseas economists were provided through an aid agreement to oversee budgeting and fiscal planning:

... the agreement does not allow us to interview or vet any of them. They have been here for 15 years, trained no local personnel and achieved nothing. We have no power to influence their decisions but we take all the blame for the failure of their policies. We do not want to overstate this case. There are experts and experts. Many have worked very hard and with much honesty to build local capacity, overcome the impact of debt and introduce economic and administrative efficiency. Speak to Africans struggling to promote democracy, human rights, a free press, transparent and accountable government and there is widespread praise for the role of donors and of particular individuals among them. Such approval is tempered by criticism of the insensitivity of many programmes, the lack of expertise of some experts and, especially, the inadequacy of the aid advanced. But it is also invariably accompanied by a clear perception that such aid has checked or moderated the worst abuses of human rights and provided a shield against government repression. That said, however, the same approval is not forthcoming for those that Hancock (1991) called 'the lords of poverty', the IFIs which impose structural adjustment and austerity on people already living below the poverty line. The human cost of these programmes is incredible. The imposition of school fees has taken a large part of a generation out of education and forced it into street vending and petty crime. Medical fees have forced people to do without treatment. The end of food subsidies has put a basic diet beyond the means even of many in regular employment and ensured that large numbers go to work malnourished (and are no doubt the objects of further studies on low productivity). Privatisation and liberalisation have destroyed whole sectors of indigenous industry and escalated unemployment dramatically. The jobless pile up on pavements, at traffic intersections and in markets, all trying to sell whatever they can. The informal sector has great vitality but it is, in the words of one observer, 'the vitality of someone clinging by their fingernails to the edge of a cliff. At one end, a day can be spent trying to sell a few packets of vegetables; at the other, successful criminal operations move stolen vehicles and drugs across international boundaries. It is in large measure a vitality based on cannibalising the decaying formal sector. What it is not is the incubus of a new indigenous entrepreneurship.

The terrible burden which structural adjustment programmes impose on their victims have been stated and restated countless times (see for instance, the recent issues of ROAPE No. 62, 1994; 63, 1995). One research report after another has exposed the meagre achievements and even outright failure of these programmes to generate growth, to reduce debt, to improve productive and administrative capacity, to restore infrastructure, to encourage agricultural or industrial investment, to provide social investment, to reward producers, to reduce waste and corruption, to do just about anything at all. Indeed, the evidence might support the proposition that such policies exacerbate existing problems, lowering life expectancy, reducing work force skills, 298 Review of African Political Economy lowering earnings, increasing the need for corruption, increasing the need for state repression and so on. Yet, with some minor adjustments, the IMF and the World Bank sail serenely on. Although claiming that it is now concerned above all else with poverty reduction, the World Bank has yet to translate its declared aims into action. On the contrary, at the celebrations of its 50th birthday in Madrid last year, it rebuked NGOs for misunderstanding Bank figures and threatened not to cooperate with information sharing. If a little ruffled at times, it generally remains immune to criticism. According to the new World Bank President, the investment banker James D. Wolfensohn, Africa is to be his top priority. Yet we must ask how serious is this declared shift in policy. Is it likely to ensure that Bank officials on the ground operate according to guidelines which prioritise investment, growth, employment and the satisfaction of basic human needs at prices the poor can afford and with policies which allow for different countries to make the best use of local resources? The record of the last quarter century provides few reasons for optimism.

To some extent the enduring presence of adjustment programmes may point us to an instance of the determination to impose 'free enterprise imperialism' and 'G7 world government' along the lines discussed by Arrighi. Yet such a global order needs to work, to create profit, to produce new customers and suppliers, rather than to constantly reduce people to pauperism and dependence on an infinite stream of aid handouts. Thus, this obduracy would seem to us also to be evidence of a blind ideological dogma that is impervious to experience or argument. It is a dogma shared by many of the World Bank's disciples within African governments. It is a dogma that seems to believe in the restorative powers of the market as if in voodoo: there is little sense of what will follow once liberalisation has been implemented and the state rolled back; just impose the market and all else will come right. In an interview in February 1994, a newspaper editor expressed serious concern about a recent conversation he had had with an American economist seconded to a key government agency. 'Unemployment' she informed him, 'is the price we [sic] have to pay for liberalisation and privatisation. It does not matter.' These are the new Stalinists. We do not make such a statement entirely facetiously or gratuitously. Stalin was prepared to impose severe hardship and huge human sacrifices on a generation in the interests of building some future Utopia. Similarly in Africa, an entire generation is being sacrificed to create some future miracle, the free market economy. 'We' are prepared to pay any price in other people's lives and futures for this grand design. Only the means of enforcement is different. There is even less evidence that the liberal Utopia will be achieved in Africa than there was for Stalin's and, in all likelihood, no chance that it will bring substantive development to more than a few functionaries and operators.

Looking Forward All of the above lends itself to a certain 'Afro-pessimism'. There are clear constraints which global forces, especially during crisis, place in the way of African countries promoting a path of independent and democratic economic and political develop- ment. The World Bank currently stands on 'the critical path' of nearly 75 per cent of total capital flows and debt relief to African countries. But herein might lie reason for some optimism. The Bank's reputation ultimately rests on whether it can 'deliver the goods' in Africa - something it clearly is not doing at present. Edward Jaycox, World Bank Vice President for Africa, has indicated discomfort about the Bank's performance in the continent - there are no success stories to flaunt in the face of critics of adjustment. Taking Leave of the Twentieth Century 299

More fundamentally, the constraints of the global system do not justify an 'intellectual surrender' - there are alternatives to the strategies promoted by the international financial institutions. These alternatives involve posing somewhat different questions when characterising Africa's crisis and they require in many ways much more limited horizons than those to which intellectuals have looked in suggesting solutions to political decay and economic misery. It is possibly time to worry rather less about who will dominate the world-system next or where the challenges to it might come from: they will not come from Africa. Nor is Africa likely to produce another Korea, or even Malaysia, in the early decades of the next century. In the immediate future we need a more basic approach to Africa's crisis and solutions - one which sets much more modest, and achievable, targets and which focuses on ending the status of Africans as capitalism's 'supernumeraries'.

Part of this requires the recognition that Africa is being fed a false agenda. One example is the ahistorical claim that liberalisation will produce industrial growth. Contrary to the claims of the new Stalinists, the countries that have benefitted from market liberalisation have been those that already had established industrial and agricultural structures which could use the market to dominate regional and global economies. As Hobsbawm notes, very little industrialisation spread beyond the core economies before the 1970s and as late as 1960 Western Europe and North America accounted for almost 80 per cent of industrial output (1994:205). Those wishing to industrialise have invariably had to use state sponsorship and/or protection. The dependency agenda may have been suppressed and elements of it discredited, but some of its key propositions remain as important today as 20 years ago. Far from there being a need to diminish the state and exclude it from economic development in Africa, it urgently needs to be strengthened to make its operations more effective and efficient (and less corrupt). This is only possible if the state is underpinned by political legitimacy, by government authority which can sustain and promote social welfare, education and human rights. There has been much talk about the need for governance and democratisation to accompany or promote a revitalised civil society. But if this is to be more than a facade, it requires an idea of civil society in largely peasant societies, or where the majority classes are peasant-workers straddling the realms of both household agriculture and industry. It requires the development of political institutions which capture the vitality and different forms of representation and participation common to the lives of such people - and not just of a small stratum that once studied in the west. It has been clear for many years that mechanistic macro-economic liberalisation and privatisation produce closure and chaos. It is not possible to contemplate improve- ment in mass living conditions by this route for the next millennium. There is equally little hope that 'flexible' financial holdings or free trade will provide a panacea for Africa as the century draws to a close. Isn't it precisely the links which these economic orthodoxies promote which have been primarily responsible for Africa's crisis in the first place? It needs to be insisted that, ultimately, it is production that is the basis of any growing economy; finance capital can only prosper once that productive base has been consolidated. An agenda of action thus becomes clearer. There is a need to restore - or create for the first time since colonialism - a strategic direction and a state with the capacity to implement that direction. That might well require in many cases a reduced expectation about what the state can do, about its outreach and its ability to sustain extensive interventions. It requires state planners to focus on what is possible rather 300 Review of African Political Economy than on competitive notions of 'catching up'. It needs to emphasise basic services such as education and health care, agricultural production and marketing infrastructure, and communications rather than projects designed to attract foreign capital (which is as ever grudging in its support and quick to repatriate funds). It needs to ensure that such programmes are also gender specific to allow women to become economic and political citizens. For even a fraction of this to be achieved the need is for a state which is the antithesis of the present patronage state - smaller but far more professional, better remunerated, competent and with its economic ministries honest, independent of foreign interference and dedicated to strategic planning. It needs a structure with the ability to plan for 10,15 and 20 years ahead and not just for the next round of debt rescheduling at the Paris Club.

Any attempt to become economically independent will require an investment policy which prioritises key sectors which use advantages of scale and resources to meet local as well as export needs. It thus requires those sectors to be protected from foreign competition and from control by political patronage. It will also need policies to promote much greater, and less competitive, links between states in Africa to offset the penalties of regulating economic links with world markets. Elements of this have taken on a new impetus in the Horn of Africa but, in southern Africa, there are tensions induced by dumping and mercantilist trading. All these reforms ultimately hinge upon political reform and a restructuring of the state to produce greater efficacy, accountability and transparency in legitimate institutions. This requires a state that is more representative and more capable of identifying and directing long-term accumulation and social targets; it cannot afford a state that is either used to divert resources to private pockets or one that is capable only of implementing the orders of the day from the IMF and the World Bank. But it depends also on the success of collective international efforts to reform the international environment. This must be made less repressive and less exploitative if there is to be any hope that the new century will see a beginning in creating real and equitable development. This requires no less than the democratisation of global institutions themselves, making them more accountable and better able to check the plunder of the environment by global corporations. A good beginning would be writing off African debts long paid for several times over. Demands for a wider system of international representation and a reduction in the monopoly of decision- making by the core economic powers may well be the site of struggles for independence for Africa and the South in the next century.

Bibliography Africa Recovery, 9,1 (June 1995). Hobsbawm, Eric (1994), Age of Extremes: The Short Twentieth Century 1914-1991, London: Arrighi, G (1991), 'World Income Inequalities Michael Joseph, 627pp. and the Future of Socialism', Nezv Left Review 189 (Sept/Oct) pp. 39-65. Jackson, Robert (1990),Quasi-States: Sovereignty, International relations and the Third World, Arrighi, G (1994), The Long Twentieth Century: Cambridge: Cambridge UP. Money, Power and the Origins of Our Times, London: Verso, 400pp. Kennedy, Paul (1993), Preparing for the Twenly- First Century, London: Fontana/Harper Collins, Bayart, J-F (1992), The State in Africa: The Politics 428pp. of the Belly, London: Longmans. Leys, Colin (1994), 'Confronting the African Hancock, G (1991), The Lords of Poverty, London: Tragedy', New Left Review 204 (March/April) Reed/Mandarin. pp. 33-47. Review of African Political Economy No.65:301-320 © ROAPE Publications Ltd., 1995 ISSN 0305-6244; RIX #6502

Understanding African Politics

Chris Allen

Generalisation about African politics and political systems is made difficult by the extent to which African states both differ from one another and have changed since independence. This article discusses whether it is nevertheless possible to understand African states as examples of the same political system, as some recent studies have asserted (or assumed). It argues that by comparing the historical patterns of political development in African states, one can identify a limited number of distinct historical paths, starting with the process of decolonisation (where there are two variants). Subsequently divergent paths arose from differing responses to early post-independence political crises, producing contrasting forms of politics - 'centralised-bureaucratic politics' and 'spoils politics' - and corresponding political systems. Further differentiation has arisen systematically from popular responses to the breakdown of these forms, giving rise to populist revolts, state collapse or to democratic challenges (and sometimes democratic restructuring). Each of these represents a distinct form of politics, and political systems, within Africa. A model of the process of political development in post-war Africa is set out along these lines, and used to criticise several recent attempts at characterisation of African politics, in which either states belonging to one historical path (and thus one political system) are treated as representative of all African states, or in which states from different paths and belonging to different systems are seen as examples of the same political form and political process.

How Many Africas? One, None or, Many? Although many case studies of African politics are written as if their conclusions automatically apply to all or most African states (and some like Callaghy's remarkable analysis (1985) of Zaire, are clearly intended to do so), there are still relatively few general works on African politics. Each of them, more or less explicitly, has had to confront the remarkable diversity of African politics. Thus Richard Hodder-Williams (1984, xv) notes that 'the size and variety of the African continent, which makes any generalisation difficult, is perhaps too obvious a point to labour. But it is the necessary starting point...' He is echoed a decade later by Chazan and others (1992:14) - 'there is not one but many Africas' - and by Tordoff (1993:1): 'Africa is a vast and diverse continent ... To lump these states together and talk about African politics is somewhat misleading...' 302 Review of African Political Economy

How then should we respond to the apparent wealth of differences that can be observed between individual African polities at the same time, and at different points in the history of one single state? Does the extent of these differences imply that each individual state should be studied on its own, and comparison be made only of features that individual states appear to share? Should we talk not of 'African politics' but only of 'politics in Africa'? Or is all this extraordinary and exciting variety itself largely the product of shared fundamental features - of common structures and common dynamics within African politics? The answer is politically as well as analytically important, as attitudes towards Africa of journalists, policy-makers, and those who make and execute decisions of international agencies frequently assume that all African states exemplify the same political system and same political history: to know one is to know them all. Equally frequently, this uniform vision of African states is one of political decay, incompetence, and disintegration, for which the remedy is external intervention and the substitution of the authority of international agencies for that of African governments. I shall argue that it is a mistake to look for just one African political system, and that there are several, necessarily limited in number.

As Osaghae argues in ROAPE 64, the history of the analysis of African politics is peculiarly full of blind alleys. One such blind alley, especially favoured within the English empiricist tradition, is to respond to the extent of variety within politics in Africa by limiting generalisation to 'common characteristics of the new African states' (Tordoff, 1993:3), these characteristics being identified by the frequency of their appearance: military coups, one-party states, corruption, ethnic politics etc. Thus the task of theorisation is simply abandoned in favour of a 'tidying-up' of the confusing welter of empirical data, drawn from different time periods and different histories. Unfortunately, this technique does not even identify the most significant categories of events, or features of political systems, that a systematic account would have to explain: it is far from clear, for example, that the single party state has any analytical interest as a distinct category. While it is important that our theories of African politics do explain why so many single-party states came into being, those explanations need not turn on features of the single party state form. Another blind alley, with which this essay will be much concerned, is the attempt at a single characterisation of African politics: as 'personal rule' (Jackson & Rosberg, 1982; Sandbrook, 1985), as a variant of the early modern state (Callaghy, 1984), as the politics of the belly (Bayart, 1989) or of ethnicity (Ingham, 1990), or as the politics of chaos (Kaplan, and other Afropessimists). There is too much in politics in Africa, even when reduced to the simplest historical sketches of individual states, for a single political structure or process to be adequate for the analysis of those histories. What each of these authors does is to identify structures and processes common to many - but not all-African states, and then to write as if that exhausted all possibilities. Thus , Zaire, or Somalia become exemplars of African politics and African political systems in general. These accounts can be persuasive precisely because such states are indeed exemplars - but not of all African states, only of significant and distinct subsets.

In their influential textbook on the politics and economics of Africa Chazan et al. (1994) also conclude that neither 'one Africa' or 'no Africa' is an appropriate response to the variety of politics in Africa. Their strategy is to identify a number of forms of political system that they see as occurring frequently in post-independence African history. These they discuss, with illustrations from individual states. They do not however, provide us with an explanation of why these forms and not others should be Understanding African Politics 303 common, whether they exhaust the possible forms, and how they are related to each other. A particular state may be used to illustrate different forms, again without a clear account of the progression from one form to another. Like Tordoff, what has been achieved is a 'tidying-up', although in the process not only different garments, but different parts of the same garment have been thrust into different drawers. I shall try to overcome the weakness of Chazan's attempt to identify 'many Africas' by basing my categories on a comparison not of events within individual state histories, nor of the political forms that feature in them, but of the sequences of events and forms that make them up. I argue that there are a necessarily limited number of different sequences, which are linked together to form a small number of basic 'histories', all of which stem from one of two starting points, and into which (almost) all of the actual histories of individual states will fall. I further argue that recent events, such as state collapse or democratic restructuring, can best be understood as further stages within these basic histories. This approach has implications for the application of comparative politics to Africa, in that common types of event (e.g. the military coup) or state form (e.g. authoritarian presidentialist regimes) cannot be understood as analytically distinct entities, but only within the appropriate historical sequence. To this I shall return, in the conclusion. I shall also return, a little earlier, to the question of variety in politics in Africa, for while it is not necessary to give up hope of systematic generalisation in the face if extensive variety, neither must one sidestep explanation of this extent; why is politics in Africa so varied?

A Model of African Political Development Decolonisation and Clientelist Politics By the mid-1940s, the great bulk of African territories (excluding and South Africa) had experienced colonial rule - broadly similar for those under British or French rule - and the impact of the Depression and World War II. While the different territories varied greatly in level of urbanisation, the extent of labour migration, the size of the educated elite or of wage employment, etc, the basic constituents of their social structures were similar, as were the political histories that began in the 1940s with the development of mass nationalism, especially in areas with relatively large towns and an organised workforce. Within many of the nationalist movements there developed a division between a conservative wing drawn from African elites, and a radical wing, led by members of the elite, but taking its support more from trade unionists, ex-servicemen, students, women, labour migrants, and other subordinate groups. The conservative wing (such as the leadership of the United Gold Coast Convention in what became ) was prepared to cooperate with the colonial authorities in return for a gradual and peaceful transfer of power, while the radicals (such as the supporters of Nkrumah within the UGCC (United Gold Coast Convention), later the Convention People's Party), were determined to see a far more rapid transfer, and were prepared to adopt a militant strategy employing strikes, demonstrations, riots, boycotts and agrarian conflicts - even, as in the case of the radical wing of the Africa Union (KAU) known as Mau Mau, armed struggle (albeit a struggle as much forced on them as chosen).

Britain, France (and less speedily Belgium) were initially committed to a prolonged gradualist strategy of decolonisation, based on notions of 'training in self- government' and of the creation of collaborative elites drawn as much from the educated and commercially successful as from chiefly families. Faced, however, with the activity of the radical nationalists in West Africa in the late 1940s (and later in most 304 Review of African Political Economy of East-), they responded by suppressing the radicals, though not always their leaders, and offering rapid decolonisation to the conservative wing. Decolonisation was now to occur in a matter of years not decades, and to be achieved through a series of elections with mass, but not at first universal, suffrage, allowing African governments to be formed with successively more extensive powers. The elections were introduced with little notice, sometimes only a few months, requiring nationalist organisations to mobilise huge new electorates in a very short time. Those that succeeded had combined two strategies for party building and creation of electoral support: a reliance on individuals who already had considerable local followings, and the use of clientelist ('patronage') politics to bind local notables to the party and local voters to the candidates. In essence, voters were offered collective material benefits (roads, schools, clinics, water etc) for their votes, while candidates and notables were offered individual benefits (cash, access to licenses, credit or land etc) as well as being portrayed as responsible for the arrival of the collective benefits. This combination produced a set of locally-based MPs and deputies, responsive to local demands, and loosely organised into parties whose leaders had access to private or public resources.

The loose coalitions (often, but not always, parties) that took power after the initial elections (in 1951 or soon after in the West, in the late 1950s or even later in the East, South and Centre) gained immense advantages from so doing. The ministries transferred into African hands at this point tended to be spending ministries, allowing ruling 'parties' to consolidate and extend their support, and recruit opposition MPs and areas, through the careful allocation of the ministries' funds. In for example, the coalition formed by the Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP) and chiefly representatives used their new control over rural credit to reward key rural supporters with loans that were never repaid (Kilson, 1966). Thus to have power was to have the means to reproduce it; to lose power, however, was to risk never having the means to regain it. This simple and readily appreciated fact was to have a profound effect on political behaviour and the political systems that emerged in or from the 1950s. Efficient though clientelism was in recruiting and maintaining support, it was also to prove highly destabilising.

Clientelist Crisis Those who failed to gain power at national or local level tried to avoid permanent exclusion by exploiting communal divisions. Ruling parties and successful MPs did (and would) not attempt to recruit the support of all their constituents or every area of the country, and opposition groupings thus turned to the excluded or disfavoured candidates, families, ethnic groups, churches or Islamic organisations, areas etc. Long-standing local (and subsequently national) divisions became politicised, while party conflicts became redrawn and reconstructed as communal conflicts. Political conflict became increasingly violent as well, as ruling parties attempted to prolong their hold on power first by harassing the opposition and then - after independence for the most part - by rigging, the use of police and local authorities, bannings and banishments, beatings, jailings and killings. In response and sometimes initially, opposition tactics became more violent, reflected in the explicit formation of groups of party thugs. Within the new governments and ruling parties clientelism bred corruption, a phenomenon that predated 1950, but expanded with great rapidity thereafter. For those within the clientelist networks, loyalty to the party or its leaders was rewarded by access to valued resources. These could be passed on to more minor supporters Understanding African Politics 305

and to voters to reinforce their loyalty - or they could be retained, for personal enrichment. The temptation so to retain for one's own use, and to regard party and state office as existing to provide opportunities for retention (as 'prebends' (Joseph, 1985)), grew as ruling parties came to rely more on force than on support to stay in power. Politics, politicians and their associates, and their entire political system became increasingly corrupt. Thus the introduction of clientelist politics in the early 1950s as a device for dealing effectively with the imposed decolonisation strategies of Britain, France and Belgium, lead over the next decade and half to the phenomenon known at the time as 'political decay': the rapid growth of politicised communalism, political conflict and violence, abuse of political and human rights, and corruption. More importantly it created its own political crisis, a 'crisis of clientelism'. This arose from opposition and popular reaction to the trends outlined above, from increasing factionalism within ruling parties as groups sought to monopolise control over state resources, and to the regimes' neglect of the need to reproduce mass support as they diverted clientelist resources from voters to the pockets of party activists. Associated changes occurred in the military, especially the officer corps, as it was manipulated and used for partisan ends, and deprived of resources for corrupt ends (Luckham, 1971; Cox,1976).

Crisis Resolved: Centralised-bureaucratic Politics Usually this crisis of clientelism led to, but was not resolved by, military intervention. In many cases, however, there was no intervention (despite evidence of crisis), or it occurred but failed, as in Senegal with Dia's attempted use of military units to establish himself as the dominant force within the ruling party and state. In these cases the regime's response to evidence of crisis was to reform the political system, as in Senegal, Cameroon, Cote d'lvoire, Zaire, Kenya, Tanzania, and , etc. The reforms were carried out piecemeal, and to differing extents, with differing emphases and timing, but in essence the packages were similar, aimed at producing stable, authoritarian systems to replace the unstable systems imposed by the former colonial powers. These experiments in stabilisation, in the creation of more appropriate political systems, involved four key (and overlapping) elements: • The retention of clientelism (which was essential for party cohesion and mass consent), but combined with its control (hitherto absent). • The centralisation of power in an executive presidency, the occupant of which would be able to stand above factional politics and to manipulate it, through control of constitutional, military and financial resources. One of many examples is provided by the reforms introduced in Zambia after 1970, the results of which are described (for the 1970s and early 1980s) very clearly in Gertzel et al. (1984:102):

The dominant institution in the one-party state was not the party but the presidency, in which resided enormous power. The Zambian constitution provided that supreme executive power was vested in the President, and in its exercise he must act in his own judgement. He enjoyed wide powers of appointment, including both the Secretary-General and the Prime Minister, both of whom were responsible to him. As Chairman of ZIMCO (Zambia Industrial and Mining Corporation) he selected a large number of senior management and board members of the parastatal sector, over which he ultimately exercised control. Under the Preservation of Public Security Act, he enjoyed extensive powers to meet an emergency, including the right to detain without trial. 306 Review of African Political Economy

Kaunda also derived great power from his position as president of the party. While ultimately dependent on the party for nomination and election, his position as the only leader with a national constituency meant that he occupied an essential unifying role which gave him powerful leverage over the National Council. His position as Chairman'of the Central Committee ensured him the dominant role in that body. As the appointment of Cabinet Ministers was his constitutional prerogative, so in practice the elected members of the Central Committee were essentially his choice ... The appointment of the District Governor, the key party office at district level, was also a presidential prerogative, assuring him of an important channel of communication with, if not always control over, the party hierarchy at district level.

• The displacement of the party and associated bodies as the main distributors of (and contestants for) clientelist resources, by a bureaucracy answerable to the presidency, usually, as in Kenya, a prefectoral system:

(In Kenya) the bureaucracy, and particularly the Provincial Administration, had played a crucial part in the centralisation of power that had enlarged the scope of the executive since Independence. One of the most marked developments in the period from 1963 had consequently been the gradual expansion in the authority of the Provincial Administration. This had begun when responsibility for the Administration was transferred to the Office of the President in December 1964. During 1965 many of the powers that the Administration had lost at independence were restored to it, so that by the end of the year Administrative Officers occupied a position very similar to that of their colonial predecessors. Their authority derived essentially from their position as the agent of the Executive and the personal representative of the President in the field. The Provincial Commissioner was restored to the position of head of the administration in his province and recognised as the overall coordinator of governmental activities at that level, responsible directly to the President.

By 1968 the scope of the Administration had been greatly enlarged by the progressive transfer to it of additional responsibilities. Its duties covered the key areas of the assessment and collection of graduated personal tax; chairmanship of the key Boards responsible for the selection of settlers for the settlement schemes; of the Land Control Boards which controlled land transfers; of the Provincial and District Agricultural Committees which had significant powers (especially at district level) on local agricultural matters; of the District Joint Trade Loans Board, ivhich was responsible for advising the Ministry of Commerce and Industry on loans for small traders. They had also assumed a greater role in self-help organisations, having in many districts become chairmen of the coordinating committees set up ... to control self-help projects and distribute central government funds. As a result the Government had retained in their control much of the resources available at district level. ...It was therefore the Administrative Officer rather than the party official who became the major link between the Government and the people in the country at large (Gertzel 1970:166-7).

In some cases, as in Tanzania, the party structure itself was transformed into a bureaucracy, and integrated with other bureaucracies such as the hierarchy of regional and district commissioners. • The downgrading of representative institutions - political parties, elections, parliament, local government, trade unions, cooperatives etc. - within the political system. At best, they remained, with much reduced powers and under central control; at worst, they disappeared or had only a symbolic existence. These were, of course, the institutions most implicated in clientelism; and with Understanding African Politics 307

their decline there was an associated loss of power of regional and local party bosses, union leaders etc. What made these reforms effective was that they provided a means for the regulation of clientelist competition. Hitherto, since each factional leader within the ruling party or coalition sought to obtain the maximum degree of control over resources (and thus secure and extend his faction's power), conflict over resource allocation tended to increase, and all manner of resources tended to be converted into clientelist rewards, notably appointments and investments. There existed no way of controlling this process, as all those who might have been responsible for control were competitors themselves. With the creation of a powerful presidency, itself controlling directly considerable resources and able to exercise indirect control over still more resources through prefectoral systems, competition could be regulated, and resource allocation overall less determined by the outcomes of clientelist competition.

The 'centralised-bureaucratic' regimes that resulted from the reforms proved stable until the late 1980s, a stability that can be seen not only in the ability of leaders to stay in power and manage challenges that elsewhere led to regime collapse, but also in the smooth transfers of power that became possible, even in cases in which the outgoing President had resigned (e.g. Senegal) rather than died (Kenya). There are, however, two exceptions: Zaire, in which the reform process was abandoned by Mobutu after 1974 (when the political system became dominated by 'spoils polities', discussed below), and , where the reforms were abused and neglected in the dying years of Sekou Toure's rule, leading to a military coup after his death. While the bulk of centralised-bureaucratic regimes were created in the early stages of clientelist crisis, a few were established after a series of coups, as in (by Eyadema) and . The case of Benin is particularly significant here, as until 1972 it was regarded as the most unstable African state, with regime changes on average every 18 months. In 1972, yet another coup brought Mathieu Kerekou into power, and over the next two to three years he introduced a typical reform package. From 1974 to 1990 it remained stable, though increasingly challenged in the late 1980s, until it became one of the first regimes transformed by the recent wave of democratic struggles (Allen: 1989,1992).

Crisis Unresolved: 'Spoils Politics' Where clientelist crisis was not resolved by implementing centralising-bureaucratic structural reforms, there occurred political breakdown, normally military interven- tion. Where - as in the cases of , Sierra Leone, , Somalia, , Ghana, Upper Volta and others - this persisted, we then encounter a different political dynamic and form of politics: spoils politics. As the product of continued unresolved clientelist crisis it results in an extreme version of the politics of clientelist crisis, going as far as the complete breakdown of the system. It is characterised by eight key features: Winner takes all: The dominant political faction tends to deny access to resources to all other factions. This could be seen in Nigeria in 1979-83 in federal, state and local governments (Joseph, 1987). Four major parties competed to control these bodies, with the predominantly northern-based National Party of Nigeria winning at federal level, but the rest represented at state and local levels. In order to increase the number of protected arenas within which a particular party (or faction) could control resources, the number of states and of local units was continually increased. Factional conflict occurred within all parties at state level, leading to splits and to major realignments in 1982-83. In areas controlled by a given party, that party made 308 Review of African Political Economy strenuous attempts to exclude other parties; and since the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) was the most powerful, it was the most active and repressive in its attempts, abusing federal powers in the process. Corruption/looting of the economy: In Nigeria again, wholesale corruption - the use of office for private (i.e. personal or sectional) gain - was visible in the gross abuse of federal construction contracts for building the new capital in Abuja, and was encapsulated in comments like 'our leaders fight only for their pockets'. In Sierra Leone after 1968 there occurred a rapid increase in the level of corruption, spreading throughout the administration, and headed by the President, Siaka Stevens, while in Ghana under President Limann (1979-81) all accounts stress the very public corruption of the parties, ministers and officials. Ghanaians invented the term kalabule to refer to an economy dominated by corruption and the black market (in Uganda, magendo).

Economic crises: Such crises arose only in part from external factors, such as the increase in oil prices or falls in agricultural export prices. In Ghana, cocoa revenues shrank as production fell, arising from neglect of cocoa trees but also from the impact of corruption and economic policy (e.g. lower prices to producers to create a greater surplus for political leadership). In the years from 1976 there was extreme inflation, at times over 100 per cent a year, and consequent sharp increases in urban and rural poverty, even for those with jobs. Even in Nigeria, where oil allowed a massive increase in revenue, the lack of productive investment in 1974-79 meant that when oil output and prices fell after 1979 there was inflation, large external borrowing, austerity budgets and mass sackings etc. Lack of-political mediation: Spoils politics is institutionless, in that the political system now possesses no effective means of preventing mass discontent, or of mediating between the state and discontented groups. These groups instead resort to force - strikes, withdrawal from production/sale of crops, riots etc. - even strikes by professional groups, like the Ghana Bar Association or the Professional Alliance in . The government meanwhile relies on bribes or force, increasingly the latter, as can be seen in the sequence of Nigerian regimes from 1983 onwards, and in Sudan in the same period. Repression and violence: These come to characterise relationships between citizen and state, and all political activity. Thus the 1972 and 1977 Sierra Leone elections involved elimination of opposition candidates, intimidation, the blowing up of an opposition newspaper office, vote rigging etc. Nigeria in 1979-83 was marked by an increased level of violent conflict and central repression, the abuse of human rights, etc. In more extreme cases like Uganda we find a state 'at war with its citizens', and violence extending down to village-level conflict between political factions. Communalism: This is used extensively as a basis for political mobilisation or support (e.g. 1979 Nigerian elections), or of factional activity. It is noticeable that analyses of Ghanaian politics point to the increasing salience of ethnic divisions in the 1970s, as do accounts of Sudanese politics under Numeiri. Endemic instability: There is growing or persisting instability in particular regimes, shown either in continual attempts to overthrow government (e.g. Sudan, Sierra Leone), or in the total breakdown of civil order (Uganda, ), or - more commonly - in the rapid sequence of regimes. Understanding African Politics 309

Erosion of authority: This affects not simply a particular regime alone, but the state and political' system in general, leading to wholesale popular alienation, and to 'withdrawal from the state', especially among rural inhabitants and women - or to 'populist revolt', discussed further below.

The Dynamics of Spoils Politics I have argued that spoils politics results and is shown especially in the creation and collapse of a series of essentially similar regimes. It is therefore easy to see spoils as no more than repetition, as a cycle modified only by a tendency for its features to intensify. This would ignore several aspects of relevant state histories, notably that not all regimes collapse at regular intervals, that some do attempt political reform, even structural reform, and that some undergo dramatic, perhaps fundamental political change. Regime survival is potentially embarrassing for my model, as it asserts that regimes marked by spoils politics are self-destructive. The government of Siaka Stevens in Sierra Leone survived from 1968 to 1986 and power was peacefully transferred by Stevens to the head of the army, Brigadier Momoh. It took almost as long for Numeiri to be overthrown in Sudan, while Mobutu still rules (after a manner of speaking) in Zaire. Both Sudan and Sierra Leone subsequently became unstable, violent, etc, being marked by intense civil war in both, and by the virtual collapse of the state in Sierra Leone, and Zaire has become ungovernable since 1989. Nonetheless, these instances of survival needs some explanation. Four factors may have allowed Stevens, Numeiri and Mobutu to survive repeated challenges for so long: • leadership skills, notably in preventing opponents from combining, by selective cultivation, purges etc; • windfall gains from oil or commodity price increases, which increase the amount available for distribution through what is left of clientelist networks, or more often for policy measures designed to placate key groups; • external support mainly in the form of cash (aid, investment) or military backing, either indirect or - notably with the French - direct intervention; and • technical sophistication in repression and the development of internal security. More generally, one should not assume that because a regime belongs to an inherently unstable type, that it will automatically and swiftly collapse: we need also to examine the development, nature, organisation and strength of social and political forces seeking to overthrow it. Survival in these cases may rest mainly in features specific to each state, rather than in general features specified in the model.

Post-spoils Reconstruction: Populist Revolt Several spoils-dominated states have shown periods of reformist activity directed at increasing stability. Three main varieties have occurred: centralised-bureaucratic reforms which worked, at least in the medium term (Dahomey/Benin, Togo); certain related reforms which did not, such as the Union Government strategy in Ghana in the mid-1970s (which attempted to create a legislature with sectional representation but without parties or national elections); and populist revolt. This last involved the overthrow of the regime by the junior military and/or groupings relying on (or being 310 Review of African Political Economy

forced to come to terms with) popular forces (the urban poor, organised labour, student radicals, even radicalised professional bodies -but only rarely peasants). This precluded, or at least made difficult, the continuation of spoils politics, as populist revolt is itself based on a different form of politics and expresses different political relationships and goals (notably the creation of democratic and accountable political systems). Such events occurred in Ghana (1979,1981), Upper Volta (1984), Liberia and perhaps Gambia (1981), and under somewhat different circumstances in Uganda in 1986. Incipient populist revolt may also have been part of the background of the 1985 Sudan coup.

These revolts are well described by Donald Rothchild as 'experiments with radical populism, searching for authentic African solutions to the problems of social incoherence and economic decline' that resulted from spoils politics (Rothchild in Widner 1994:218). They were, however, more effective as a judgement on spoils politics than as a counter to it. While revolts resulted in the formation of a number of populist regimes, mixing junior officers, radical students, trade unionists and dissident elites, none of these have survived unchanged. Those in Ghana and Uganda were transformed into versions of centralised-bureaucratic states (in part under the pressure of structural adjustment), that in Liberia reverted rapidly to spoils politics, and that in declined into factionalism and - finally - the assassination of its leader, Thomas Sankara. The occurrence of populist revolt also indicates that a cyclical view of spoils politics ignores its impact on political consciousness, both civilian and military. In the military case, we find that military regimes engaged in spoils politics frequently alienate not only the rank and file (for the same reasons as the rest of the poor) but also junior officers. This arises from the latters perception of the regime and/or their senior officers as destroying the army's integrity and status, grossly abusing their offices, failing to distribute spoils, etc. It can lead to attempts to create a reformist military regime (through what has sometimes been called a 'rectification coup'), as in Benin (1972) and Upper Volta (1982). The junior officers may in turn realise the futility of removing corrupt officers without changing the system that underpins corruption, and go on to attempt to transform the system itself (Ghana 1981-2, Upper Volta 1984). When the latter happens, it will normally be because the civilian population is also alienated, not merely from the particular regime but also from the political system it represents. Analyses of Ghana in the late 1970s frequently pointed out precisely this phenomenon among urban and rural populations. Part of the reason is that spoils politics necessarily excludes not only mass participation but also increasingly large sections of the elite, and some of the elite - notably the professions - may come to share in popular judgements of the need for political transformation.

Some Problems with the Model In addition to the occurrence of 'stable' spoils systems discussed above, problems arise in this model from its claims to generality, and from its reliance on factors internal to African political systems. Not all states would seem to be eligible for inclusion, while others do not fit with any ease. Certain territories were decolonised through armed liberation struggle, and require separate treatment (see below). Others, like Liberia and Ethiopia, were not decolonised at all. These can be incorporated by looking for points at which their individual histories begin to correspond to the sequences in the model. In the case of Liberia, the period (after 1944) in which the True Whig regime began fully to involve Understanding African Politics 311 the rural hinterland within the party and the political system that it dominated may be treated as corresponding to the decolonisation/early post-independence period of the model, and thus to be understood as a period of clientelist politics. Thereafter Liberia developed into an easily recognisable instance of spoils politics. Ethiopia is more problematic, since until 1975 it had no substantial parallel in Africa (other monarchies existed, of course, but the group they constituted is not analytically coherent). Even after 1975, when it tended to be associated with other socialist or 'Afromarxist' states, the parallels are less those of political structure and more of external relations, policy, and policy failure.

Two southern African states are also troublesome. Swaziland, another monarchy, shows echoes of the patterns of political development further North, notably in periods when the royal house was politically weak (e.g. around independence and in the 1980s). The influence of South Africa, the political strength of the royal house and associated institutions such as Tibiyo, and the weakness of civil society, make it however difficult to argue for systematic similarities to other African states. , by contrast, appears to 'lack' the period of development of clientelist politics followed by clientelist crisis, and has the reputation of being the only major African state to have remained a multiparty democracy since independence. I would argue that this reputation is based on wishful thinking. Botswana is unusual, but primarily in having already established a version of a centralised-bureaucratic system at independence, for a set of reasons unique to it at the time. Since then the system has been extended and formalised, and is responsible for Botswana's stability, though the ruling Botswana Democratic Party's capacity to reproduce its monopoly of power without banning opposition parties makes some contribution. Like other centralised- bureaucratic states, Botswana has recently been experiencing pressures for democra- tisation, muted by its unusual economic strength in the 1980s, and the weakness of civil society.

The problem of the existence of apparent exceptions among African political systems may be seen as an aspect of the broader problem of the extent to which any general model of African politics should attempt to 'explain' variation, a matter to which I return below. A potentially more serious limitation of the model as set out is that it has an apparently closed dynamic. Not only does it make African politics distinct from the contemporary politics of the bulk of the third world, but it does not obviously allow a direct role for external political and economic forces (something which both modernisation and dependency approaches did do). In dealing with apparent exceptions to the basic pattern and dynamic of spoils politics, for example, I used external political intervention or external support (as in Zaire) as a factor that might explain the persistence of individual regimes despite spoils, rather than as a constituent of spoils politics itself. Models are, however, inherently limited and simplified. They attempt to explain, or at least to link, a wide range of phenomena using the minimum number of concepts, variables and relationships, but cannot cope with every detail or the entire range of phenomena. They can be tested and assessed by establishing whether the process of explanation can be taken satisfactorily far enough before the model becomes inconsistent, tautologous, trivial or excessively reliant on ad hoc additional factors. I would argue that this model is economical, flexible, robust and capable of illuminating new examples and new periods of political development (such as that since 1989). It is confined to the nature and dynamics of African political systems, and notably to the historical sequencing of political systems. The model would thus form a critical element of a theory of African politics, without constituting that theory itself. 312 Review of African Political Economy

It is therefore essential that the model is not constructed in such a way as to be inconsistent with other major elements of such a theory, such as class, or external political and economic relationships. External forces are important in all periods in the model. Thus, for example, there was a marked increase in external inflows of revenue to African governments in the years around independence, in the form of aid and the repayment of earlier transfers to metropoles. These helped to fund the high costs of expanding support through clientelism. The later crisis of clientelism arose at least in part from the decline in these flows, when combined with increased diversion of resources into private enrichment and away from (re)building support among the electorate. Considerably more direct and directive influence can be seen in the 1980s, to which I now turn.

African Political Development in the 1980s: Debt, Devastation, and Democratic Struggle During the 1980s almost all African economies entered, though to differing degrees, a period of sharp economic decline, some like Ghana and Uganda having done so earlier. This decline was manifest in declines in output, export revenues and capital inflows, combined with massive and unserviceable debt burdens, the highest in relation to GNP in the third world. In an attempt to restore capital inflow, African governments have had to have recourse to the IMF, and to reaching agreement with it (and thus indirectly with all lenders) on conditions for debt management and future loans. These agreements, known as structural adjustment programmes (SAPs) amount to a rigid framework for economic policy, reducing the state's role in and means of control over the economy (for example, by setting exchange rates), severely reducing the social wage and provision of services to the poor, and stressing the primacy within policy of debt servicing (Bromley, 1995). Towards the end of the 1980s not only did it prove virtually impossible to obtain significant loans without such agreements (even from private lenders), but to the economic conditions were added a range of political conditions. Borrowers were left in no doubt that the development of formal democratic systems (notably the holding of competitive elections), and attempts to achieve accountability and the rule of law, administrative probity and good governance, would be regarded as essential for loan eligibility. The impact of economic decline, SAPs and conditionality on centralised-bureaucratic and on spoils systems was dramatically - and necessarily - different.

The Centralised-bureaucratic State Challenged: Democratic Renewal Economic decline and the debt crisis undermined the capacity of centralised- bureaucratic systems simultaneously to fund elite consumption, public sector salaries, and clientelist distribution to local networks and to their citizens. With structural adjustment came restrictions on spending (both levels and patterns), and a stress on debt servicing combined with only modest levels of loans (Ghana, often cited as a 'successful' case of structural adjustment was unusually generously treated in this respect). The impact was complex, weakening the state's capacity to combine authoritarian management with clientelist distribution, and thus undermining the stability of the centralised-bureaucratic system. Five elements were especially significant: the state became less able/less willing to provide services and employment, and might even (as in Benin) become unable to pay wages and salaries; this forced citizens to become more reliant on non-state institutions and networks, leading to a growth in the informal economy and in civil society, while further Understanding African Politics 313

weakening the state; it also undermined the legitimacy of the regime, while at the same time a variety of exclusive state institutions (the single party, official trade unions etc) began to decay and become subject to internal division, weakening the state's authority and power; those holding power and their associates tended to respond by becoming more corrupt and more visibly so (as in Kenya, Zambia and Benin), and again legitimacy and authority are undermined; and, last, the growth of civil society, the declining legitimacy of the regime, and its incapacity to deliver services, salaries etc, gave rise to popular (mainly urban) demands for accountability, openness, political participation and the right of association etc, i.e. for democratisa- tion (see here especially ROAPE 54, notably the editorial). These demands came especially from students, trade unionists and state employees, but were supported by those (former) members of the ruling party or its equivalent who had been demoted from past positions of power and influence, or who feared the disintegration of the regime.

The response of the regime to this growing challenge appeared to depend on three factors: the weakness of the economy (especially that part of it in the hands of the state); the residual strength of the regime and integrity of the centralised-bureaucratic system; and the willingness of lenders to exercise political conditionality. It remains difficult to fully to assess the role of this last factor, for while lenders gave public support to the need for democratic reform (as they saw it), they were far from uniform in their willingness to exert pressure to achieve it. Thus while weak and impoverished regimes were displaced in Benin and Zambia (and Malawi) with the support or connivance of lenders, others were able to resist democratic challenges without evoking lasting sanctions. In these cases, though by no means solely for that reason, we find limited or cosmetic reforms (Gabon, ), reversal of democratic gains (Togo), regime-managed reform (Tanzania), or the manipulation of processes leading to elections (Kenya). This pattern persists, as the most recent negotiations over loans to Kenya have shown; and rather than having experienced a 'wave of democratisation', as the events of 1989-91 were once portrayed, these states have begun a prolonged period of democratic struggles.

Terminal Spoils: State Collapse and Endemic Violence Economies in states dominated by spoils politics, and thus by extreme levels of corruption, mismanagement and waste, have tended to show more rapid decline than others (unless shored up by oil revenues, investment etc). The response of the regime to economic decline was to intensify spoils behaviour, making it less likely to be offered loans by bilateral or multilateral lenders, unless the states were seen - as for a while with Somalia and Zaire - as having geopolitical significance. There followed extensive defaulting on loan repayments and in some cases ineligibility for IMF loans. All this simply accelerated the process of disintegration of the state, without strengthening civil society, thus making a coherent populist response less feasible. The debt crisis and lender responses to it thus contributed to the series of state collapses in spoils systems that mark the early 1990s. In the earlier discussion of spoils politics I characterised it as a system of endemic instability. In the period up to 1980 this was revealed at the level of the individual states in frequent major challenges to sitting governments, often from the military, and usually successful in causing the government to fall. The new government then faced the same situation, for nothing fundamental had been resolved by the fall of the old one. In a few cases in the 1970s this process moved further, to one of state rather than regime collapse, as in Chad, Ghana and Uganda. These three are not wholly 314 Review of African Political Economy similar; for example the violence of the state towards its own people in Uganda, and the formation of regionally-based armed groups in Chad, were both absent in the case of Ghana. What is characteristic of these (and later) cases is that 'the state pulled into itself and imploded: became a black hole of power' (Zartman, 1995:7). The state ceased to perform (rather than was prevented from performing) its basic functions, and ceased to rule, especially in the peripheries (being replaced informally by neighbouring states, or by more localised authorities, or by none), while the regime put an end to not only its own legitimacy but the legitimacy of the entire political system. It is this implosion of the state that made it so hard (among several other factors) for populist revolt to result in stable populist regimes. Since 1986 there have been no populist revolts (despite a hint of one in the offing in 1985 in Sudan); rather we have witnessed the great majority of spoils systems moving towards state collapse accompanied by warfare, often highly destructive of society and the economy. Liberia, Somalia, Sierra Leone and Rwanda have already collapsed, while Burundi, Sudan and Zaire show clear and advanced symptoms. Nigeria under Abacha remains characterised more by the earlier picture of spoils, but even in this case it is noticeable how furiously critical and pessimistic Nigerians have become towards the regime, and the extent to which academic and journalistic commentaries stress the intensification of spoils behaviour. Thus in a recent article in the Guardian (8 July 1995), which begins 'Nigeria is a state being looted to death. Nothing much functions there ...', the subsequently detained Beko Ransome-Kuti of the Campaign for Democracy is quoted as describing the regime as 'a rule far more brutal, far more cynical and far more vicious than anything we have experienced before'. And, the article continues, 'he fears anarchy, violence and a terminal revulsion against the whole idea of Nigeria' in response.

The more recent cases of state collapse have attracted more attention than did Chad or Ghana, or even Uganda. As with Uganda, it has been the scale of political violence, the subsequent massive social dislocation, economic collapse, and the assault on social institutions and values, that command attention. Yet there is again no uniformity in the form of violence, for while in Rwanda (and Burundi) it stemmed from deliberate planning by those in power (and, in Burundi, their opponents), in the other three cases violence stems from the activities of warlords. We need a clearer typology of political violence, especially in terminal spoils systems, which would allow us to go beyond distinguishing different forms to establishing the links between them and the broader political process, as does Mark Duffield (1991) in his discussion of resource shortages, local warfare, state-sponsored violence and civil war in the Horn. Several collections of essays on political conflict and state collapse have been published recently. The most ambitious and stimulating is that edited by William Zartman under the title Collapsed States (Zartman, 1995), with eleven case studies and six general essays - but without any extended discussion of Rwanda or Sierra Leone. It attempts to theorise state collapse, seeing it as a 'long-term degenerative disease' rather than as a sudden calamity, and thus searching for characteristic predisposing factors, triggers, and - more originally - the means for reversing the process after collapse has ensued. Thus the three early instances of collapse are used as case studies in reconstruction, and other chapters examine the reconstructive potential of external intervention, centralised leadership ('strongmen'), and democratic renewal. Unfortunately, the study identifies 'collapsed states' not by a political process but through a set of empirical criteria amounting to loss or lack of statehood (p. 5). Thus Understanding African Politics 315 along with Somalia and Liberia we are offered studies of Mozambique, Angola and Ethiopia, and of Algeria and South Africa, the latter two as instances of 'states in danger' of collapse. Mengistu's Ethiopia - like the Smith regime in Zimbabwe and the French colonial regime in Algeria - is a case of a state vanquished in war, and must be sharply distinguished from cases in which warfare is a symptom of state implosion. Similarly, to draw parallels between cases in which civil war has been substantially (if not wholly) engineered by regional and great power intervention (as with Angola and Mozambique), and those in which warfare is substantially (if not entirely) the product of internal forces and processes, is to vitiate any chance of theoretical advance. It also undermines any prospect of reaching valid conclusions on means of reconstruction. Thus Marina Ottaway's essay on 'democratisation in collapsed states' largely avoids discussion of spoils-based collapse (except for Sudan), does not come to terms with populist revolt, and instead concentrates on the destabilising potential of democratic struggle and the growth of civil society.

Guerilla War and Socialist States A small group of states achieved decolonisation not through demonstrations and negotiations, but through prolonged warfare, predominantly guerilla warfare. Of these, three became single-party states ruled by parties which rapidly declared themselves to be marxist-leninist: Angola, Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau. Two others, the last two of such territories to be decolonised, combined initial armed struggle with negotiation and an electorally-mediated transfer of power under international supervision; Zimbabwe and Namibia. Algeria, finally, the first to achieve independence, created a single-party but non-marxist state, suffered a military coup, and then developed into a version of centralised-bureaucratic politics. Of this group only the first three can be claimed to represent a distinct historical path (among African states). Zimbabwe and Namibia, although influenced by their history of armed struggle, appear to be following similar paths to those of the peacefully decolonised majority. The three former Portuguese colonies underwent a form of decolonisation that did not rely on the mobilisation of clientelism, and did not therefore lead to its concomitant features. There is indeed some evidence that the party leaderships actively sought to counter such developments at local level in the early stages of the struggle, though the evidence is weaker for Angola, and its significance was overestimated in contemporary commentaries. For a variety of reasons - the leaders' links to marxist organisations such as the Portuguese Communist Party, aid from socialist countries and organisations, and the lessons for armed struggle themselves - these parties also developed socialist ideologies and strategies quite distinct from those of the leading parties in 'clientelist' states. The actual transfer of power to these parties in the mid-1970s took place under conditions that rapidly undermined any likelihood that the three states would continue to develop as socialist states or sustain the participatory forms of politics visible in the early to mid-1970s. Such factors as the shift from managing war to managing the state, the lack of trained cadres, the nature of class processes, the need and desire for rapid development combined with lack of external capital and massive wartime (and post-war) destruction, and external intervention, gave rise to divisions in the party leaderships between those favouring the 'lessons of the war' and those stressing the 'needs of reconstruction'. A centralised and authoritarian form of rule (with some similarities to centralised-bureaucratic rule) developed rapidly, peasants and the urban poor became alienated, corruption and state violence emerged and grew in scale, as did evidence of ethnic divisions influencing politics. 316 Review of African Political Economy

In 1980 ethnic divisions were one of the factors underlying the coup in Bissau which ended the Luis Cabral regime and lead to the separation of from mainland Guinea Bissau. In Angola and Mozambique, while party leaders were aware of, and to a degree critical of, the processes outlined above, any cautious attempts to confront and reverse them was undermined by the massive growth in external intervention in the form of sponsored civil war, economic and social destruction, and the mounting costs of military survival. By the late 1980s neither government was in control of its own territory or of the political process, and both had been forced to accept the abandonment of socialism in order to for loans (or, as John Donne put it in The curse, one of his most vivid poems, 'and at the last, be circumcised for bread'). Lack of control of the political process became even more apparent in the 1990s (see e.g. Hanlon, 1991). While being kept afloat by external recognition and funding, the two governments have been put through a largely artificial 'democratisation process', seen by some as part of the contemporary 'wave of democratisation' in Africa. Like the events at the same time in certain spoils states (e.g. Zaire, Sierra Leone, Nigeria), these are quite distinct from the democratic struggles in centralised-bureaucratic states, having different origins and outcomes. In this case, the major opposition organisations in each of Angola and Mozambique were unconvincingly converted from terrorist organisations to political parties for the purposes of competing in elections, and the eventual outcome of the electoral process was determined far more by military strength and negotiation between government, opposition and external forces than it was by democratic competition. The new political systems in these states cannot therefore be regarded as predominantly the product of internal forces and processes, and it is premature to attempt to characterise the overall political process since the mid-1970s, other than to see it as a distinct historic path.

Generalisation, Variation and Comparison in African Politics I have argued that beneath the variability of politics in Africa lie a few frequently repeated and causally entwined sequential patterns of political development. These exhaust the possible sequences, in so far as we are concerned with general patterns. In this sense, I can say that Cameroon and Tanzania are similar, as are Somalia and Liberia, while - pace Jackson and Rosberg - Sudan and Senegal are not. Those who argue there exists only one form of contemporary African political system (and by implication one process of political development) are thus either limiting their analysis to one of my categories, or are relying on what must be thought of as mistaken or superficial similarities between states or state histories. Bayart's seminal study (1993 [1989 French edition]) of the state in Africa, deliberately subtitled 'the politics of the belly', lays stress on politics being 'produced "from the bottom up"' (p. 208), whether we are talking of processes whereby leaders create and reproduce loyalty, consent or fear, or about transformative movements. Although he has much to say about clientelist politics (which in different forms is common to the bulk of the forms of politics I discuss), his study is concerned much more with what I call centralised-bureaucratic politics than it with clientelist crisis or spoils. A general study of African politics cannot, of course, be required to spend much time on any one state, but of the various states dominated by spoils politics, Bayart provides an extended discussion of only one (Nigeria, where he is concerned with the nature of the Northern elite and divisions within it, pp. 126-33), and a scattered discussion of one other, Zaire. Thus his study in the end tells us much more about states like Cameroon or Togo, and relatively little about Ghana before 1980 (or after), or Somalia, or indeed Understanding African Politics 317

Angola and Mozambique. It is not therefore properly to be considered a general study of African politics, but instead a study of one crucial political process within African politics. Jackson and Rosberg's earlier study (1982), informs the analysis of Sandbrook (1985) and, it would seem, much of the thinking about African politics of the International Financial Institutions (IFIs). They argue that all African political systems are instances of 'personal rule', stemming from a state of 'institutionlessness' created by colonial rule and its withdrawal. They, too, are much exercised by clientelism, providing a vivid account of clientelist politics as the politics of personal rule. There are a great many problems with this study - for example, the authors' tendency to pluck empirical detail from different states and different times to illustrate some general phenomenon or process, as if this ahistorical procedure were unproblematic, resulting in a curiously static picture of African politics. The key problem, however, is - inevitably - their concept of leadership and its analytical role. They see leadership as a skill, and as reflecting the intelligence, wisdom and acumen of the ruler, who deploys all these qualities to manage clientelism, remain in power, and rule effectively. What they study in the bulk of the book, however, is not leadership at all, but longevity in power. Their case studies are of those who have ruled for many years; they are able to do so because they are able leaders, and we know they are able leaders because they rule for many years. This empty circularity fits well with the absence of extended study of leadership 'failure' (in their terms) so that we have no analysis of Nigeria, or of any Ghanaian ruler after Nkrumah, or of newer political systems like those of Angola and Mozambique. What Jackson and Rosberg did was to recognise that instability was not endemic to African states, while at the same time failing to realise that stability could not be understood without studying instability (and that in any case it was only a symptom of the growing institutionalisation of centralised- bureaucratic systems).

Some, then, of the variability of African politics, whether seen syncronically or diachronically, can be accounted for in my model by the existence of several different 'histories' to which different clusters of African states belong. Further variation is intrinsic to the nature of these histories, arising from differences in timing, social structure and the pace and direction of class formation, in features of the economy, or of the precise manner and sequencing of the introduction of reforms. There are, finally, features of each individual state that are peculiar to it. These may affect the detailed form of politics that emerges in that state, as with Botswana's precocious development of centralised-bureaucratic politics, or the lack of labour radicalism in 1940s Sierra Leone (and thus of radical nationalism) that was due to the early co- optation of the trade union leadership at the urging of a colonial trade union adviser ahead of his time. It may result, on the other hand, in outcomes and features unique to that state, which are not part of the essence of its political development, and thus do not require explanation in terms of this model. Problems for the model arise only when such ad hoc features appear to be fundamental to an account of political development.

One simple implication of this approach is that some forms of comparative politics become less fruitful in African contexts. Since our understanding of (say) corruption, or ethnic politics, or military intervention, will depend on the form of political system within which it occurs and on its precise timing, quantitative analyses (so popular with military intervention) and comparative studies of event categories taken out of context will prove of very limited use. The most important aspect of the Nigerian 318 Review of African Political Economy coup 1966, the Rawlings coups of 1979 and 1981, and of the 1972 coup in Benin, is that they are they are different sorts of events, and not - except in a banal sense - examples of the same thing. And the 'problem about corruption' (Leys, 1965) is then simply that for too long scholars tried to interpret it as a distinct freestanding phenomenon, and not as a a feature of certain African political systems and as differing in nature, dynamic and meaning in each system.

Conclusion: Afropessimism vs. Democratic Innovation In a recent article in the Atlantic Monthly, the journalist Robert Kaplan (1994) portrays West Africa as epitomising 'the coming anarchy' (in which 'scarcity, crime, over- population, tribalism and disease are rapidly destroying the social fabric of our planet'). The piece pulls together a familiar set of right-wing bogies: crime (as practised by non-whites, of course), AIDS, high birth rates (non-whites again), reversion to subnational loyalties, and the collapse of the state's capacity to police its citizens. These it combines with a handful of ecological horrors - destruction of the rainforest, water and soil depletion, and rising sea levels. Together, these underpin growing scarcity and insecurity, especially in the ever-expanding cities, which give rise to local wars of great intensity, over control of scarce resources. He summarises Fouad Ajami's closely related scenario as a future of 'skinhead Cossacks and juju warriors, influenced by the worst refuse of western pop culture and ancient tribal hatreds, and battling over scraps of overused earth in guerilla wars' (p. 62).

For this Review what is important in Kaplan is not his inglorious wallow in prejudice and misinformation, but his reflection of a growing school of thought in the US, and his treatment of Africa as Sierra Leone writ large: 'Sierra Leone is a microcosm of what is occurring albeit in a more tempered and gradual manner throughout West Africa and much of the underdeveloped world' (p. 48). I have argued above that Sierra Leone epitomises not Africa - for no one African state can do that - but the terminal stage of spoils politics. Kaplan has neither visited not studied much of West Africa, let alone Africa as a whole, and relies on naive observation and gossip for the empirical basis for his generalisation. His piece thus bears comparison with scholarly writing on Africa in only one sense: his treatment of contemporary Africa as being marked by one political process, and as heading - but for external intervention - for political, economic and social collapse (see e.g. Jackson, 1992, which relies on 'personal rule' analyses. It is essential to distinguish between differing political processes, even when these appear to be characterised by similar phenomena (corruption, authoritarian rule, ethnic politics, political violence, state erosion etc). Only by doing so will we avoid the unjustified optimism shown in the 1960s and (to a lesser degree) in the early 1990s, and also the tendency to write off Africa as a basket case. The history of post-war political development in Africa shows a limited variety of basic paths, political processes and associated political systems. At the same time it shows the desire and the capacity to experiment and innovate, and the presence of a persistent pressure for democratisation in African politics. This last is visible in radical nationalism, in popular responses to clientelist crisis, in aspects of armed liberation struggle, in populist revolt and other responses (as in Nigeria) to spoils politics, and in recent attempts at democratic restructuring of centralised-bureaucratic states. Thus far this pressure has not given rise to a democratic political system able to survive for long the conditions of its birth and external pressures. But if we are to search for universal features of African politics, then they are to be found in this democratic energy and the Understanding African Politics 319 readiness to innovate and reform, and not in the gleeful pessimism of Kaplan, Jackson and others. The diversity of African politics does not preclude us from producing a systematic account of the process and nature of political development in Africa, seen as the product of interaction between externally imposed forms, the requirements and ambitions of successive dominant groups in African states, and pressures from below for - at the least - accountability, good government and political reform. In the account I have offered that interaction resulted in the appearance of a strictly limited number of forms of politics and associated political systems. At their first appearance some of these represented the capacity for innovation of African political elites, and others the recurring and irrepressible popular demand for democratic political systems. Almost all of these forms have now exhausted their potential, although some, like the centralised-bureaucratic form, are still in existence, and others - like the clientelist politics of the early 1960s - seem to have a made a brief reappearance in the early 1990s. If African states are to regain some of their autonomy, then there will have to be a second and more radical wave of innovation, this time directed at the production not of stable, authoritarian and centralised states, but towards stable, decentralised and democratic systems, at regional, national and subnational levels Western agencies and African leaders, who have been so thoroughly implicated in past failures, can provide neither guidance nor initiative in this process. Those are far more likely to come from within civil society, which already has experience of coping with the breakdown of centralised-bureaucratic systems, and of the far more difficult task of the reconstruction of civil and political life in the aftermath of terminal spoils politics.

Chris Allen is in the Department of Politics, University of Edinburgh.

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'Political Conditionality' and Democratisation

Carolyn Baylies

The use of aid to impose political conditions on recipient countries, to further democratic and government reforms or to punish non-compliance with earlier demands, is a relatively new feature of the international aid regime. This article evaluates the proliferating donor and academic literature emerging on the subject. At the heart of discussion of democracy/ governance policies are debates about transformation of the state, its relationship to economic development and the decreasing extent to which considerations of sovereignty limit donor interventions. The author argues that, while political conditionalities may assist the development of democratic movements in Africa, there is an irony in that structural adjustment risks undermining the state reforms seen to be essential to them while, equally, democratisation may challenge the processes of economic restructuring being imposed.

The explicit use of aid to promote political change is a relatively recent development. It has tended to take two forms: first the funding of governance and democratisation initiatives in countries undergoing political transition; and, second, the use of negative sanctions, either where progress is deemed to be unsatisfactory or in order to induce adoption of democratic procedures. To some extent it has involved the extension into the political realm of the conditionality which forms the basis of structural adjustment packages, representing thereby a substantial enlarging of the scope of donor involvement (and interference) in prescribing the agendas and institutional frameworks of recipient countries. The intrusion of political issues into the granting of aid is not without precedent, however. Politics has always 'mattered', with underlying political considerations having figured in attempts to instill or reinforce a recipient's political allegiance to a donor. In less calculated fashion, antecedents can also be seen in threats to withdraw aid in the context of human rights violations. Yet the tying of aid to political performance in so deliberate a fashion as at present does represent a significant change from previous practice and it is not misplaced to characterise it as registering the emergence of a new aid regime. While differences exist between donors in the extent of their adherence to 'political conditionality', a considerable consensus about the validity of the project has emerged. It is significant in that it reflects a reconsideration by donors (and many developmentalists) of what is achievable through aid negotiations and what is regarded as legitimate in terms of breaching the sanctity of national sovereignty.

Some of the earliest expositions of the new aid regime characterised by political conditionality have appeared in documents produced by the donor agencies. An academic literature focusing directly on the subject has also begun to emerge. But broader considerations of the politics of economic reform or the nature of political 322 Review of African Political Economy transitions (and, more explicitly, of processes of democratisation ) also bear on this issue. Recent work on the state and economic reform as well as on democratic transitions in Africa must also be considered in any account of recent work relating to political conditionality and democratisation. All will be drawn on in the present review. A number of questions have preoccupied commentators: 1) how and why did political conditionality arrive on donor agendas? 2) how far and in what way does this represent a departure from previous practice? 3) what is the extent of its current or potential effectiveness and what factors bear on its probable significance in influencing political change? 4) what response has been encountered from recipient populations and governments? and 5) how should the change it represents in the relationship between donor and recipient countries be conceptualised? As well as reviewing the treatment of some of these in the literature, particular attention will also be given here to the way in which adoption of political conditionality is associated with a changed understanding of the role of the state in processes of economic reform.

Origins and Meanings A number of accounts of political conditionality or the deliberate use of aid to improve governance include a section on 'origins' (Archer, 1994; Robinson, 1994; Leftwich, 1994). Indeed the importance of the new aid regime is precisely the acknowledgement, by both its architects and its analysts, that it represents something distinct from those which preceded it. While seeds of change have been discerned as early as the mid-eighties, the issuing of policy statements in this area dates from 1989 and 1990, with policy implementation following shortly thereafter. Reference has also been made to the way the donors' emphasis on the political coincides with broader concerns or issues emerging in the late eighties (Robinson, 1995b; Carothers, 1995; Uvin, 1993), most notably the demise of single party systems in various parts of the world and the ending of the cold war. The emergence of political conditionality thus reflects a generalised reconsideration of bilateral and multilateral relations. In order to explore the extent to which this is something 'new', the literature also reflects a concern to identify antecedents and to trace the emergence of new preoccupations. As already indicated, human rights has been on some donor agendas for a number of years, with abuses in this area having served as a basis for suspension or withdrawal of aid, even if in a somewhat inconsistent manner. Certain donors have also targeted civil society and have injected funds into local NGOs and intellectual fora over a considerable time. Both of these concerns have figured in the new donor agendas. But Gibbon (1993:52,53) suggests a two-pronged basis for governance and political conditionality, the primary constituents of these new agendas. He locates the origins of the concern with governance in the emergent sub-text of a broader discourse promoted by the World Bank from the mid-eighties which expressed the need for an enabling environment to facilitate prescribed economic reforms. Emphasis was placed by the bank on the need for decentralising institutional reforms as well as for encouraging non-governmental organisations. Political conditionality, he suggests, has a considerably longer tradition in the dealings of superpowers - and particularly the United States - with developing countries. But it has been reformulated around a concern to universalise pluralist politics and combined with an urgent call to improve governance capabilities.

Political conditionality as an 'aid regime principle' was formally adopted by the EC Council of Ministers in 1989 (Ibid:53) and subsequently elaborated in the policy 'Political Conditionality' and Democratisation 323 directives of a number of European bilateral donors. In the middle of 1990 President Mitterand issued a statement to the summit of African heads of state that France would reduce its aid to those countries that did not demonstrate progress toward democratisation (Robinson, 1993:93). A similar pronouncement was made by the German government. The intent to use British aid to promote 'good government' was also signalled by Douglas Hurd, as Foreign Secretary, in June 1990. The United States, whose embassies had been required to monitor human rights for a number of years, and whose Information Service had been involved in sending potentially prominent individuals to the US for a period of 'leadership training' for considerably longer, added a 'democracy initiative' under the auspices of USAID in the early nineties. The agency's document 'Democracy and Governance' (1991), made clear that the promotion and sustainability of democracy were among the central objectives of US foreign policy.

Different donors have adopted different emphases and in some cases use different terminology. While 'democracy' and 'governance' are terms preferred by the United States, for example, the UK tends to use the expression 'good government'. The notion of 'political conditionality', with its coercive edge and catchphrase quality, is one to which donors object, but it has frequently figured in the analytic literature because of its capacity to allude to elements both of continuity and of difference. But terminology remains an area of only loose consensus. Indeed accounts in the literature are often characterised by attempts to name and thereby capture the essence of this new orientation. A variety of terms has been put forward, some purporting to encompass the aid regime as a whole and others only certain of its dimensions. Among them have been: the new politics of aid (Gibbon, 1993), foreign political aid (Robinson, 1995), political conditionality (Sorensen, 1993b; Burnell, 1994; Uvin, 1993) governance and/ or good government or the good government approach (Leftwich, 1994; Burnell, 1994; Archer, 1994) democracy assistance (Carothers, 1995) or, simply, the new donor agenda (Robinson, 1994).

The variety of terms is suggestive of the difficulty of pinning down the subject matter, but also reflects the fact that accounts are not always concerned with precisely the same thing. While the term political conditionality sometimes stands in for the aid regime as a whole, its more specific application is to the threat to withhold aid, should certain conditions relating to political structure and process not be complied with within a timeframe set by donors. It is the aid package as a whole, or a designated portion of it, or that part intended to assist in balance of payments support, which is frequently the object of threats of withdrawal. But the new aid regime also has a positive side, providing inducements as well as penalties; funds are directed toward projects anticipated to further political reform - through strengthening civil society, political structures and procedures, promoting human rights, and the like. Various accounts consider either or both of these alternatively coercive or supportive dimensions. Concern in the literature is also directed at assessing the coherence of concepts, through probing meaning and exploring the degree to which usage reflects consensus (Leftwich, 1994; Archer, 1994; Robinson, 1994). This is a subject matter which is as much grounded in discourse and its analysis as in the examination of practice. Perhaps not surprisingly, inconsistency and lack of clarity are easily revealed. And yet what is at the same time interesting is the degree of consensus among both donors and observers confirming that a 'new aid regime' has indeed come into play. That there is also rough agreement on its substance is largely a function of the way this regime has emerged: as a consequence not just of independent donor traditions and 324 Review of African Political Economy preoccupations but also of 'collective structures' through which donors (with the insistent prodding of the World Bank) have sought to coordinate their aid efforts. If relatively quickly effected, the underlying rationale for the new aid regime has been laid down and elaborated over a number of years and is grounded in a broad rethinking of the reasons, not just for sustained poverty and poor economic performance, but also for the failure of previous attempts at adjustment and reform. It has been complemented and reinforced by political changes in Eastern Europe, which encouraged the universalising of a 'democracy agenda'. It has also been promoted by the independent development of new democratic movements across Africa, to whom it has often given succour. But it is the shift in perception of the role of the state underlying the new orientation which is of particular significance and which will be looked at more fully here.

Rethinking the Role of the State Political conditionality in its broadest sense - with its concerns for human rights, pluralist politics and efficient government - focuses directly on the state in its relationship to society and, more importantly, in its relationship to the economy. It rests on an assumption that state capacity and legitimacy are crucial for the enactment of economic reforms and represents a response to a paradox inherent in previous orthodoxy, whereby structural adjustment programmes both relied on the state to institute reforms and undermined its capacity to do so. The paradigm shift which this rethinking constitutes (Husain and Faruque, 1994) can be located within a broader sweep of theorising about the role of the state. Evans (1992), for example, has described a shifting orthodoxy in terms of three waves of conceptualising the state's relationship to the process of development. The first, which gained credence during the fifties and sixties, depicted the state as central to the development project. Serving as the model for many newly independent states, it affirmed the role of the state as fostering structural change, assisting in the transformation of agriculture, ensuring the provision of infrastructure and taking an active and often interventionist role in industrialisation. The manifest failures of this statist strategy led critics of this model subsequently to proclaim the state to be the focus of economic problems, rather than a generator of solutions. This notion of states as deficient or inadequate and responsible for economic difficulties is clearly evident in the second theoretical wave, which Evans defines as the neo-utilitarian view and which others (e.g. Archer, 1994) have labelled neo- liberalism. One variation on this theme is developed in a chapter on 'Rethinking the State' in the World Bank's World Development Report of 1991, which links what it refers to as a 'big state' to poor economic performance. A Trig state', characterised by the pervasiveness of state enterprise, high levels of state regulation and a civil service constituting a major source of employment, was identified as being a consequence of political instability. But this sort of state, together with the economic policy that supported and extended it, was also diagnosed as economically inefficient. Its pervasiveness across economic sectors was regarded as discouraging private investment. A large civil service which soaked up scarce resources and a tendency for the state to serve as a means of direct and indirect distribution through allocation of 'rents' were perceived to have been the cause of poor performance and increasing indebtedness. A new orthodoxy therefore emerged in theorising the state in respect of development (Evans, 1992). Neo-utilitarian theories depicted state action as essen- tially involving an exchange relationship between incumbents and constituents, 'Political Conditionality' and Democratisation 325 favouring thereby the payment of rents to supporters through the restriction of market forces. They also advocated the desirability of the state being rolled back from as many arenas as possible, through privatisation of state enterprise, retrenchment of the civil service and reducing the degree of state intervention and control. 'Governments', it was suggested, 'need to do less in those areas where markets work, or can be made to work, reasonably well' (World Development Report, 1991). They should also abandon their protectionist policies, their excessive spending and their interventions in the market via subsidies or price controls. Withdrawing from such forms of market regulation or ownership activity, they should rather concentrate on a more minimalist package of 'defining and protecting property rights, providing effective legal, judicial, and regulatory systems, improving the efficiency of the civil service, and protecting the environment.' (World Bank, 1991) Significantly, and in contrast to previous orthodoxy with its more limited focus, this did not constitute a prescription for developing countries alone, but was regarded as having global application. Even so, its enforcement was most pronounced in policies of economic liberalisation promoted by the IMF and imposed in packages of conditionality. In this regard Evans describes (second wave) neo-utilitarian theories of the state as accompanying real shifts in the development agenda and - importantly - as sitting comfortably with orthodox economic prescriptions for the management of structural adjustment (1992:140).

Yet this minimalist model, conceptualised as a lubricant to structural adjustment, posed a dilemma recognised and increasingly elaborated upon by the end of the eighties (Evans, 1992; Callaghy, 1990; Sandbrook, 1993; Wade, 1990; Kahler, 1990): while the state was perceived to be a problem, it was also considered as crucial to the successful implementation of reform programmes. As Evans says:

orthodox policy prescriptions, despite their disdain for the wisdom of politicians, contained the paradoxical expectation that the state (the root of the problem) would somehow be able to become the agent that initiated and implemented adjustment programs (became the solution) (141). In similar vein Sandbrook (1993:19) argues that while the World Bank prescribed a minimal liberal state, experience had shown economic development to be facilitated by a pro-active interventionist government. Thus the instrument charged with ensuring adoption of economic reform was subject to weakening by reform measures. Moreover, those components of reform packages requiring retrenchment of civil servants and freezing of their salaries were deemed capable of undermining the morale of that very group expected to champion technocratic solutions and to secure their application (Husain and Faruqee, 1994:427). An appreciation of this dilemma implied that the state could not be ignored, nor treated as a pariah; reform could not be delivered without local capable hands bolstered by an efficient bureaucracy. Thus a reconceptualisation of the state - representing the third wave in Evan's treatment - occurred, specifically characterised by a reassertion of the state's centrality. Not only was the ability of technocrats within the state seen as crucial; so too was an effective and durable structure (Evans, 1992:141) Attention then focused on how states could be made to function more effectively as facilitators of economic reform (Husain and Faruqee, 1994:427) with particular concern being directed toward African states. The World Bank's review of adjustment in Africa concludes with the 'striking finding' that 'the global wind of change that is redefining the role of the state 326 Review of African Political Economy has not yet swept these countries, at least by contemporary standards' (Ibid:427). Thus not only did it stand accused of being a significant part of the cause of crisis in its 'old' form; the contemporary African state has also been declared deficient in its 'new' guise. It was because of its presumed deficiency that explicit attention on the state - both in building its capacity and ensuring its legitimacy - was regarded as justified. The exposition contained in the publication, 'Governance: the World Bank's Experience' (The World Bank, 1993) thus moves from castigating 'big states' to listing a constellation of features of what it calls 'poor governance'. While continuing to see the state as an important factor in past unsatisfactory economic performance, the shift also marks an appreciation of the importance of the political realm to 'development'. The negative attributes identified include 'arbitrary policy making, unaccountable bureaucracies, unenforced or unjust legal systems, the abuse of executive power, a civil society unengaged in public life, and widespread corruption' (Ibid:1993). Hence it was not just size but capacity and quality of performance which came to be regarded as important. Features were identified as constituting poor governance, moreover, precisely by virtue of their negative impact on economic performance. The Bank has been explicit on this point. Its very definition of governance as 'the manner in which power is exercised in the management of a country's economic and social resources for development' (Ibid:l) affirms a necessary link between state and economy. Indeed, that the Bank is concerned with governance at all is precisely to ensure that the programmes and projects it helps to finance are sustained to positive effect.

The Rhetoric of Governance If elements of poor governance have had a negative impact on economic performance, then it is regarded as important to sweep them away and foster or support their opposites. For the Bank, good, as opposed to poor, governance necessarily involves effective management of resources, appropriate design of policy and efficient discharge of functions - all attuned to achieving positive economic performance. The Bank's understanding of good governance is thus 'epitomized by predictable, open and enlightened policy making, a bureaucracy imbued with a professional ethos acting in furtherance of the public good, the rule of law, transparent processes, and a strong civil society participating in public affairs' (Ibid). The good governance model implies states which are 'strong', but also 'sharply delimited' (Ibid). Thus some condemnation of the 'big' state is sustained in this affirmation of the state's essential and decisive role in development. The World Bank declares one of the three dimensions of governance which it identifies - the nature of political regime - to be outside its official mandate but asserts its legitimate involvement in the other two - the exercise of authority in management of social and economic resources and government's capacity to design and implement policy and to discharge its functions. Hence its own good governance project is confined to public sector management, transparency and information, accountability and establishing a legal framework for development (Ibid). This stance in advocating good government, and indeed contributing to the theorising of a new orthodoxy, while officially distancing itself from some elements of practice, has contributed to an ambiguous (even if officially delineated) division of labour with respect to the new aid regime. An important aspect of the move to political conditionality is therefore the relationship between bilaterals (individual donor countries) and the multilaterals (IFIs). On the one hand this has entailed the bilaterals taking responsibility for 'Political Conditionality' and Democratisation 327 enactment of political conditionality, while on the other the World Bank has retained a close coordinating role. There is an important trade off at work here underlying what is a higher level of consensus and monitoring than has occurred previously. As Gibbon notes, donor country consultation meetings, which emerged in the early eighties as vehicles by which bilaterals could coordinate pledges of new aid, subsequently evolved into a means for 'semi-formalised review of recipients progress with policy reforms' (1993:39). Whereas the World Bank's role was initially merely one of chairing these meetings, it gradually incorporated both dissemination of economic information (via its own country reports) and the proposing of future options. While this involved some subordination of the bilaterals to the World Bank's agenda, it also permitted their access to information which they previously lacked (Ibid). Political conditionality in this respect has involved important elements of organisational consolidation, increased donor consensus and routinisation of (collective) monitoring. But if increased coordination has occurred, the division of labour between multilateral and bilaterals - as well as differing bilateral traditions (inevitably related in part to their domestic politics) have led to differences in their working definitions of the components of political conditionality and different points of emphasis both of justificatory principles and of practice. In particular different stress has been placed on governance as opposed to human rights or the strengthening of civil society. The specific understanding (and, indeed, even inclusion) of democracy has also varied. And while the joining of political to economic reform - or, more specifically, the linked advocacy of a market economy and political pluralism - is frequently a common feature, the specific emphasis placed on either as well as the nature of their linkage also varies.

At least in comparison to the World Bank, however, the rhetoric of governance adopted by the bilaterals tends to be more explicit in its pronouncements on the nature of the political regime which aid is intended to encourage. In 1990 the British ODA listed a range of elements as constituting good government, among which was political pluralism. Ideas have been progressively refined and a more recent document from the ODA (1993), for example, defines components of a good government agenda as accountability, legitimacy and competence, with democracy, albeit with a degree of equivocation, included under the rubric of legitimacy. While acknowledging that 'most participants in international discussions have stopped short of prescribing a precise political system as a universal model of good practice/ it is also suggested that multi-party democracy in principle offers the best way of ensuring legitimacy (Ibid). The position of the US is rather more straightforward, explicitly combining democracy with governance and declaring the promotion and sustaining of democracy to be central objectives of US foreign policy. USAID has embraced a 'democracy initiative' intended to strength democratic representation and to encourage democratic values as well as to support respect for human rights and the rule of law (USAID, 1991). As Carothers notes, the strong emphasis placed on democracy by the Clinton administration, which has resulted in specific democracy/ governance initiatives in a number of African countries, emerges from a trend in the early eighties, when Reagan 'explicitly reintroduced the theme of democracy promotion in US foreign policy out of a desire to base his strenuous anti-communist policies on a positive vision' (1995:62). But the promotion of democracy is central to the activities of a number of other donors, as exemplified by the OECD's 328 Review of African Political Economy

Development Assistance Committee linking the World Bank's notion of governance to democratisation, human rights and the concept of participatory development (World Bank, 1993). This enthusiasm for democracy is, of course, related to the end of the cold war and specific political changes in eastern Europe. The US in particular perceives an important opportunity to 'strengthen and support the global trend toward more democratic societies' (USAID, 1993). To this extent some may view democracy positively and independently of any possible impact on economic factors. The fact that it is tied to the broader discourse on governance, however, implies that democracy is regarded by the donors as positively linked to economic performance.

Tying Rhetoric to Agency - Political Conditionality Not only has a dominant discourse emerged around governance (including democracy) and economic performance (particularly economic reform) but 'theory' has developed in close association with practice. As noted above, the World Bank's diagnosis of poor governance is central to its account of why developing countries have experienced poor economic performance (and why its own past assistance has had less effect than it would have wished). Its prescription of good governance is intended to ensure that its injected funds will not go to waste in the future. Similarly various bilateral donors have elected to sponsor good governance through supportive initiatives, with some adding assistance under the heading of democracy as well. Their application of general principles and their emphasis on particular aspects of a good government/democracy package varies. The UK tends often to concentrate on government-to-government assistance and to focus on the strengthen- ing of institutions. Direct assistance to the constituent elements of civil society - and particularly to indigenous NGOs - is often characteristic of Scandinavian donors, as well as of the United States. Several bilateral donors include good government and indeed democratic objectives among the general conditions under which their economic assistance is extended but are not involved in any specific governance or democracy projects. But then the definition of what constitutes governance or democracy project aid also varies considerably from one bilateral to another, making direct comparisons problematic.

Alongside positive support to democratising agents, public sector reform or the improvement of capacity or competence, a strong coercive element is particularly characteristic of the new aid regime, epitomised in the term 'political conditionality' itself. While some bilaterals set general conditions of a political nature in their individual agreements with recipient countries, the exercise of political conditionality is particularly dramatically enacted at consultative group meetings. The outcome of these meetings ostensibly represent collectively imposed conditions. In practice, however, complete consensus among bilaterals may be elusive. But, whether as an overarching condition in country-to-country agreements or set collectively through the consultative group meeting, the significance of such conditionality lies in its implications for national sovereignty. Though benchmarks may be negotiated, the extension of conditions to the very conduct of government and the organisation of the political process in so open a manner signals the open assertion by the donors of a considerable scope for intervention.

The leverage permitting such agency is the very economic disorder experienced by developing countries - more specifically the debt crisis and the need for foreign aid - which has been used to justify the imposition of economic restructuring. Thus, just as 'Political Conditionality' and Democratistaion 329

aid has been tied for many years to economic conditions (to guarantees to enact economic liberalisation) so it is now increasingly being tied to political conditions, ranging from an increase in government accountability - in openness and transparency - to the initiation and extension of democratic procedures, with a particular focus in some countries on the holding of multiparty elections. The boundaries between what counts as political and what as economic conditionality are sometimes blurred, as, for example, in cases where progress on privatisation comes under scrutiny; but it is evident that a range of issues now normally on the agendas of consultative group meetings - including drug trafficking and corruption - fall under this rubric.

The rationale for setting specific conditions at any particular time for any given recipient may exhibit only a loose fit with the staging of a democratisation process implied by packages of more positive or benign support. Indeed the reading off of any theory of democratisation at all from the issues thrown up in the setting of political conditions would be a risky business, yielding the suspicion that the approach is more ad hoc than one of deliberation. On this basis the possibility emerges that the political conditionality regime has the potential to undermine the very stability which it is presumably intended to promote, a point perhaps more acutely appreciated by recipient governments than by the donors.

Impact of Political Conditionality Evaluations of the 'success' of political conditionality or the broader programme of directing aid toward political reform necessarily depend on the way in which this aid regime is conceptualised and its goals defined. In this regard a specific focus on democratisation may be problematic, not least because of the lack of explicit consensus over the inclusion of democracy as a specific goal, but also because of disagreement over (or even lack of thinking through) the staging of democratic transitions and the measurement of 'progress' within the democratisation process. In addition, the specific impact of political conditionality alongside other factors may be difficult to disentangle. In practice, while there is general consensus among donors about the validity and nature of the good government initiative, specific goals are set with respect to the experience of specific countries. Whereas the holding of multi-party elections may be a primary focus in one case, constitutional reform to safeguard human rights (or to provide safeguards against ethnic rivalry) may be matters of concern in another. How far success is achieved in any case will require close scrutiny. Robinson (1993:94) notes that early predictions concerning the impact of political conditionality varied between cautious optimism and scepticism. His own view is that the truth will be found somewhere in between, but he emphasises that evaluation must be on a country by country basis and suggests that political conditionality is likely to have differential effects at different points in the transition process. His specific comparison of the experience of Kenya and Malawi suggests that variable impact has been related to the relative strength and cohesion of internal opposition forces. Uvin's (1993:76) examination of the limits of political conditionality focuses on a number of barriers to its impact which, first, work against the probability that 'a coherent and coordinated policy of political conditionality will be developed' and, second, promote the scope for resistance by would-be recipients. He concurs with Robinson that political conditionality is most likely to have an impact where internal pressures also point in the direction of political reform. 330 Review of African Political Economy

Burnell's (1994) 'sideways look at aid and political conditionality' focuses on the coherence of donors' intentions, while also emphasising the need for the complexities of the political situation in recipient countries to be fully recognised and taken into account. He argues that if political conditionality is to have any positive impact, it is essential that aims and objectives be clear, that donors' purposes be transparent and credible and that the process of policy implementation should reflect the same transparency as the intended outcome. In reference to the more benign end of the continuum describing the new aid regime, involving support for institutional and democratic reform rather than the imposing of conditions, Robinson (1995c:70-80) also focuses on donor practice. Rather than evaluating the specific impact of donor assistance to organisations within civil society, which he refers to as political foreign aid, he sets out a framework through which such evaluation might be conducted. In a brief review of the way in which assistance of this sort has been extended (and its pitfalls) Robinson calls for donors to adopt a cautious approach in order to avoid, first, overextending NGOs which may have a fragile base and lack internal means of evaluating their own activities and, second, forcing the pace of the democratisation agenda to jeopardise democratic consolidation.

Moore (1995) is critical of another component at the benign end of the conditionality continuum, namely support for 'institution building' and 'capacity building' which are important elements of the good government agenda. Expressing scepticism about both the coherence and substance of programmes, he suggests that poor results in past attempts at institution building make it doubtful that this time there will be positive gains. At the very least he calls for more clarity in defining aims. There is also a need to avoid embracing the increasingly fashionable concept of capacity building, since for Moore its and lack of analytical precision are even greater than that of the older institution building. As have other commentators, he stresses that an appreciation of the complexity of local political environments is essential. For all that, however, he considers that, for beneficial outcomes to be attained, donors may have to be as interventionist (though perhaps in less emphatic ways) as in the more strident practice of setting political conditions (Ibid:95,6). As is evident, evaluation of programmes of political conditionality or donor assistance toward political reform remain few and partial. In part this is a function of the short time in which such programmes have been in existence. But it may also be an indicator of both lack of clarity of intentions and lack of satisfactory evaluatory tools. In practice, the development of 'impact evaluation' criteria is well underway on the ground; but it is an ad hoc process which has not yet become the subject of much official or analytic discourse.

Points of Contention The advent of political conditionality has elicited and in some cases reinvigorated debate on a number of issues, including the very assumptions upon which this aid regime appears to be grounded. One central area of contention relates to the relationship between political and economic reform. Debate on this issue long predates the new aid regime, but has a new relevance now, not least because some accounts of good government conflate political and economic reform within an overarching account which presumes (without precisely specifying or theorising) their necessary association. When the British Foreign Secretary, Douglas Hurd, officially confirmed the importance to be attached henceforth to good government when extending aid, he listed free markets and property rights as well as an 'Political Conditionality' and Democratisation 331 independent judiciary, the rule of law, a neutral military, political pluralism, freedom of speech and association and a free press among its constituent elements. This inclusion of economic elements and indeed of defining characteristics of capitalist economics is not unique. A number of academic overviews also incorporate an elision of economic and political objectives in their definition of governance or good government. Robinson (1993:90) for example lists four components of aid regimes linked to administrative and political reform: sound economic policies - which he further defines as 'adherence to market principles and economic openness'; competent public administration; open and accountable government; and human rights and respect for the rule of law. Archer (1994:7) links 'good political management' more explicitly to vgood economic management' and suggests that, approached from politics via the rhetoric of good governance, they revolve around three axes: 'the role of competitive markets (the economy); government responsibility to manage (the state); and the importance of private rights and individual initiative (civil society).

The Relationship between Economic and Political Reform Yet there continues to be doubt in the literature about the nature of the relationship between political and economic reform and more specifically about whether political reform facilitates economic reform or, alternatively, is capable of frustrating reform efforts. Or, put otherwise, the question remains as to how far certain levels of economic development may serve as preconditions for stable democratic systems. Early modernisation theorists hypothesised a relationship between the introduction of 'modern' economic forms and 'modern' political structures and practices, and often included economic factors among preconditions for particular political systems, suggesting that a certain threshold of economic development might be required before democracy could take hold. Contemporary literature on democratisation frequently incorporates assumptions about the conditioning role of economic factors. Lancaster (1991:157), for example, lists a high level of per capita income and a sizeable middle class as preconditions often associated with effectively functioning democra- cies. In turn, the trend toward authoritarianism has been partly (sometimes largely) attributed to the weakness of developing economies, lack of a strong indigenous owning class, high levels of economic dependency, etc. Bangura (1992:39,40,52) counters this with the argument that underdevelopment of itself does not constitute a fundamental obstacle to democratisation. But he concedes that democratic rule is possible in such circumstances only in the context of appropriate social systems, capable of providing welfare and economic support for the deprived majority to exercise their democratic rights. Moreover, for such social systems to be sustainable, changes in the form of accumulation must be put in train. If not an inevitable deterrent, therefore, persistent and widespread poverty can make the practice of democracy problematic.

As well as debate over how economic factors favour political developments, there has also been longstanding concern with the conditioning effect of political systems on economic growth and with identifying political structures which are conducive to development. Analysis of those countries which have been economically 'successful' suggests that there is no particular correlation between open, democratic systems and development, nor for that matter between authoritarian regimes and development. As Decalo comments: 332 Review of African Political Economy

While globally absence of democracy has not necessarily resulted in economic decline (e.g. Japan, South Korea, Taiwan) 'benevolent' authoritarian rule has also not been that frequently the recipe for economic development and nation building (for instance the Middle East and Latin America) - the bottom line of justification for the single party state (1992:12).

The World Bank's World Development Report for 1991 concurred that no specific link between a democracy/authoritarianism dichotomy and rates of growth can be demonstrated. But it also commented that 'dictatorships have proven disastrous for development in many economies' (1991:133). Indeed, and in contrast to Decalo's more moderate assessment, the absence of democracy has been specifically cited as a primary cause of chronic crisis in Africa (Ake, 1991).

What Evans has referred to as the third (and currently dominant) wave of orthodoxy in conceptualising the state has encouraged the resurgence of ideas about the developmental state (Evans, 1992; Leftwich, 1994; Sorensen, 1993; White, 1995) and renewed consideration about characteristics which foster economic growth. Evans (1992:164) for example, regards an 'embedded autonomy' to be an essential feature of those such states enjoying developmental 'success', and of greater significance than whether a regime is democratic or authoritarian. By this he means the situation where the state enjoys sufficient autonomy from underlying social forces to pursue its own goals, but is not so autonomous that its goals bear no relation to collective requirements and its incumbents become mere predators on society.

Leftwich (1994:378-9) argues that, whether or not democratic, developmental states in the last three decades have been de facto or de jure single party states and have been characterised by a weak civil society and relative autonomy of developmental elites. They are collectively distinguished by their institutional structures and political objectives being developmentally driven and their developmental purposes being politically driven (Ibid). Indeed he goes so far as to assert that 'at almost every point ... the models of good governance and the developmental state are in conflict' (Ibid:381). Sorensen (1993:30) rejects any universal applicability of the East Asian model of developmental state as well as any notion that authoritarianism is linked to developmental success, but concedes that merely instituting a 'thin layer of democracy' through multiparty systems will not provide states with developmental strength.

Barya (1993:16,17) on the other hand, turns the question around and argues that economic and political conditionalities are in contradiction, not least because conditions set under the typical structural adjustment programme are incompatible with the development of a democratic system and a strong civil society. The reason is simply that the SAP undermines national sovereignty and indeed strengthens or creates authoritarian regimes.

Participants in a seminar on 'Economic Reform in Africa's New Era of Political Liberalization', sponsored by the USAID in the spring of 1993 rehearsed some of these views, with the proceedings revealing the degree to which the debate remains both cogent and unresolved. One stance was well represented by Callaghy (USAID, 1993:10,11), who argued that the requisites of successful economic reform, which he designated as including technocratic decision making, sustained government commitment and substantial capability, were difficult to achieve under democratic conditions. Thus rather than requiring a democratic regime, donors should support any regime so long as it continued to engage in economic reform (Ibidrll). In contrast, 'Political Conditionality' and Democratisation 333

Moyo (Ibid:18) asserted that economic reform cannot precede democratisation in Africa. Others contended that the question was not which of the two should come first or be primarily supported, but that both should proceed simultaneously, or that the reinstatement or emergence of democratic regimes offered a window of opportunity for pressing forward with economic reform, not least because democratically elected governments enjoyed the legitimacy upon which difficult decisions leading to economic reform could be taken (Ibid:12). This latter view points to a more cynical interpretation of donor advocacy of pluralist political systems. To the extent that economic conditions are adopted by a popularly elected government, the image of external imposition of directives and strategies may appear softened.

Yet if in this manner facilitating economic reform, there are other respects in which democratic regimes might frustrate adjustment and liberalisation programmes. The argument has been put by Callaghy (1990:264) among others, that transition to democracy - and particularly the holding of elections - may undermine the insulation of the state and hinder the carrying out of economic reforms. Similarly Lancaster (1991:160) has noted that in the short run political liberalization may lead to a worsening of economic problems and a decline in performance. The widening of debate and expansion of the institutions of civil society may make 'internal negotiations on economic reform lengthy, complex and difficult'. The question of both the staging of economic and political reform, as well as the more specific issue of how far a democratic system facilitates or impedes what donors judge to be essential economic reforms, thus remain unresolved. To this degree there is a clear irony in their figuring so centrally within the new aid regime, with both market economies and democratic procedures frequently conjoined as pillars among donor objectives.

Imposition of External Agendas That democracy can be effectively promoted through regimes of aid conditionality is also a matter of contention. Schmitz and Gillies (1992:15) remain sceptical, arguing that democracy cannot be 'retailed, or given, much less imposed, on populations which remain in conditions of economic and political dependency'. Yet at the same time they regard the (frequently) accompanying emphasis on human rights and some of the components of good government as having positive benefit. Sorensen (1993a) argues that political conditionality may be used as a smokescreen covering vested donor interests and notes the contrary (and contradictory) international pressures exerted on developing countries - with an increasing ideological consensus on the virtues of good government/democracy on the one hand and projections of continuing economic crisis on the other. Throughout, the emphasis on the quality of governance places focus in respect of performance - both economic and political - squarely on internal structures and procedures, rather than on the intricacies of the global economy and the historical construction of highly skewed economies, or the lack of development of local skills or its external seepage. To this degree Sandbrook (1993) suggests that the governance discourse has served as an efficient means of focusing responsibility on governments of developing countries, not just for past ills but also for implementation of reform packages. In a related argument, Schmitz and Gillies (1992:15) emphasise the extent to which the governance models (or rather the political conditionalities associated with them) are tied to dominant relationships, ideologies and orthodox economistic development models. But this is simply to reassert that they are part of the prevailing 334 Review of African Political Economy dominant discourse on the relationship of state and economy. The point is put forcefully by Barya (1993:16,17) who outlines five propositions on the new political conditionalities. Among them is that conditionalities are unrelated to any desire by western donors to promote democracy in Africa, but rather should be viewed as part of a broader scheme to promote a new world order in the aftermath of the cold war. But Bayra also questions the underlying assumption that any people can be forced to be or accept democracy and remarks on the contradiction between the intended outcome and the utilisation of coercive means.

Manipulation of Conditionalities? - a Questionable Impact In spite of scepticism about meaning and intentions, some observers, of whom Sorensen (1993a:29) is an example, regard the good government phenomenon in a generally positive light, because it constitutes a more useful and honest approach to aid than applied during the cold war era. Bayart (1993) is less generous, partly because he is suspicious of the motives behind the good government rhetoric, but also because he sees it as subject to manipulation and in consequence potentially empty of content. Multipartyism, says Bayart, is merely a fig-leaf, covering up the continuation of clientelist processes associated with what he has termed 'the politics of the belly', now accorded a degree of international legitimacy under the approving eye of the donors. Moreover, he argues, political conditionality, in the form of aid to encourage political reform, is a new form of economic rent: 'aid to help pay for democratisation is always good to have - witness the recent spectacle of Mobutu putting in a bid for it! - and the idiom of multiparty politics is like a pidgin language, which indigenous kings use to parley with the agents of the new world economy trade, that of structural adjustment' (Ibid:xiii). Bayart is particularly concerned to distinguish multipartyism from democracy and to question the extent to which competitive elections constitute a qualitative change. While not insignificant, they can and have been incorporated into an existing 'politics' in such a way as to the advantage of those in power. As Bayart notes:

... the most able African heads of state have for a long time understood the use they could make of competitive elections to maintain themselves in power. Today they are able to embrace multiparty politics as a way of weakening their opponents and reducing political pressure where formerly they would have consented to contested elections within the single party in order to undermine the position of the party 'barons'... (Ibid:xii). Questioning both motives and outcome, Bayart calls for an interpretation of the state in Africa and of political process which is grounded in the 'historicity' of the societies concerned. A focus on the agency of recipients of political conditionality by which cosmetic changes are enacted by incumbent political elites in order to satisfy external monitors, also features in the account of Gills and his colleagues (1993). While not drawing specifically on African cases, they offer a broad critique of the democratic claims of new civilian regimes across the third world. If trappings of western liberal democracies have been adopted, ossified political and economic structures from an authoritarian past have also characteristically been preserved (Ibid:3). Contrasted with participatory progressive democratic forms, such regimes are referred to as 'low intensity democracies', involving low intensity conflict and permitting changes acceptable to international capitalism to be put in place with greater ease and less resistance than in a more overtly authoritarian regime. Low intensity democracy, or elite democracy, is treated as essentially a sham, though at the same time little more 'Political Conditionality' and Democratisation 335 than can be expected in societies which have extreme levels of inequality and where formal participation is effectively limited to the privileged minority. Multiparty elections are introduced and perhaps other reforms written in, but little more occurs.

Utilisation of the Governance Discourse to Support Indigenous Democratic Struggles Yet accepting these various possibilities - that the good government discourse merely marks a new phase of surveillance and control on the part of international capital (even if the relationship between democratic forms and political liberalisation may be shaky), that political conditionality has been complied with in only a superficial sense, that aid for political reform has become a new form of economic rent or that multipartyism has been manipulated to the continuing advantage of entrenched political elites - the emphasis on democracy may still have positive ramifications. Bayart (1993) reminds us that democratic initiatives are not new and indeed that the changes in the late eighties should be understood less as a consequence of external than internal pressures. Demands for democracy, he says, are not exceptional: 'the democratic fire has been smouldering for a long time' albeit contained and suppressed. And in any case, if external factors are taken into account, they should include such events as the disturbances in Algeria in 1988, which led to the introduction of a competitive party system there, and the freeing of Nelson Mandela in South Africa (Ibid:xi). External factors, of whatever magnitude, merely gave impetus to internal initiatives.

To this extent the discourse on governance and indeed the setting of political conditions for the dispersal of aid may support ongoing struggles permitting movement along a democratic path and thereby creating greater space for manoeuvre. Bangura (1992) points to a contradiction between pressures for democratisation in civil society and a conformist tendency on the part of political actors. While this may lead back to centralisation of power, a regime's democratic claims may alternatively permit articulation of conflicting interests and pressure for continued movement.

Conclusion The new aid regime, whereby donor assistance is directed toward political reform or where targets associated with good government or democracy become conditions for the release of monies, has been treated here as a multi-layered phenomenon. The increased scope for donor intervention which this new orientation permits has been borne of attempts to achieve coordinated monitoring of aid programmes. But it has also been based on a rethinking of the state which acknowledges the need for its being strengthened - and indeed playing a central role - if economic reform is to be achieved. It rests, moreover, on the assumption that African states in particular need shoring up, in respect of competence and efficiency as well as in respect of their claims on the loyalty of the population. Democracy figures more centrally in some bilateral variants of the new aid regime than others. While in practice decisions to hold multiparty elections have seldom been a direct consequence of political conditionality, donor rhetoric and action in support of democratisation may well be of some significance in setting a favourable context within which such reforms occur. In particular, where there has been strong local initiative toward effecting political change, a concerted donor emphasis on political conditionality may well assist its aims being realised. Bilateral assistance to bolster 336 Review of African Political Economy organisations within civil society, or to strengthen government institutions and competence may well be of benefit, though as Moore (1995) warns, the task is a difficult one, and in some respects no less interventionist than the more dramatic and draconian setting of political conditions on the release of general aid funds. The irony remains, moreover, that promotion of democracy may undermine rapid and successful enactment of economic reforms. Stringent political criteria, indeed, may be no less difficult for a government to meet than economic criteria. To this degree, in the enthusiasm to ensure compliance with political conditions, the legitimacy of a state may be undermined and its government weakened, especially where the successful enactment of economic reforms results in increased and widespread poverty and is thus a far from popular measure. In such circumstances political conditions may have the potential to undermine democracy, should their pace and content be misconceived.

Carolyn Baylies is in the School of Sociology and Social Policy, University of Leeds, UK.

Bibliograpy Ake, Claude (1991), 'Rethinking African Buijtenhuijs, Rob & Elly Rijnierse (1993), Democracy,' Journal of Democracy, 2(l):32-44. Democratization in Sub-Saharan Africa,1989-1992, Leiden, African Studies Centre, The Archer, Robert (1994), 'Markets and Good Netherlands. Government,' in A Clayton (ed), Governance, Democracy and Conditionality: what role for Callaghy, Thomas M (1990), 'Lost Between State NGOs?, Oxford: INTRAC: 7-34. and Market: the Politics of Economic Adjustment in Ghana, Zambia and Nigeria', in Joan Nelson Bangura, Yusuf (1992), 'Authoritarian Rule and (ed), Economic Crisis and Policy Choice, the Politics Democracy in Africa', in P Gibbon et al. (eds), of Adjustment in the Third World, Princeton: Authoritarianism, Democracy and Adjustment, the Princeton University Press. 257-319. Politics of Economic Reform in Africa, Uppsala: The Scandinavian Institute of African Studies. Carothers, Thomas (1995), 'Recent US Experience with Democracy Promotion', IDS Bulletin, 26(2): Barya, John-Jean (1993), "The New Political 62-69. Conditionalities of Aid: an Independent View from Africa', IDS Bulletin, 24(1): 16-23. Clayton, Andrew (ed) (1994), Governance, Democracy and Conditionality: What Role for Bayart, Jean-Francois (1993), The State in Africa, NGOs?' Oxford: INTRAC. the Politics of the Belly, London: Longman. Decalo, Samuel (1992), 'The Process, Prospects Berg-Schlosser, Dirk (1993), 'Democratization and Constraints of Democratization in Africa', in Africa - Conditions and Prospects, first draft, African Affairs, 91: 7-35. paper presented at ECPR Joint Sessions of Workshops, Workshop on Democratization in Edwards, Michael (1994), 'International Non- the Third World, University of Leiden, the Governmental Organizations, "Good Govern- Netherlands. ment" and the "New Policy Agenda": Lessons of Experience at the Programme Level', Bratton, Michael & Nicolas van de Walle (1993), Democratization, 1(3): 504-515. 'Neopatrimonial Regimes and Political Transi- tions in Africa', Working Paper No. 1, Evans, Peter (1992), 'The State as Problem and Department of Political Science, Michigan State Solution: Predation, Embedded Autonomy, and University, May 1993. Structural Change,' in Stephan Haggard and Robert R Kaufman, eds., The Politics of Economic Burnell, Peter Burnell (1994), 'Good Government Adjustment, International Constraints, Distributive and Democratization: a sideways look at aid Conflicts and the State, Princeton: Princeton and political conditionality,' Democratization, University Press, 139-181. 1(3): 485-503. 'Political Conditionality' and Democratisation 337

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Sub-saharan Africa's Debt Profile

1980 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994*

Debt Stock Total Debt 84,319 173,392 192,202 196,277 195,360 200,388 210,651 of which: long-term 58,739 142,724 156,972 160,651 156,774 155,890 165,179 of which: multiltateral 7,531 31,477 37,120 40,610 42,416 45,455 49,864 of which: bilateral 17,038 59,901 68,865 72,073 71,850 71,291 75,964

Debt Ratios Debt/Exports (%) 91.5 235.3 230.2 242.3 239.2 253.6 254.5 Debt/GNP(%) 30.7 72.2 73.4 72.9 71.8 73.2 82.8

Debt Relief Total Amount Rescheduled n/a 15,018 6,555 4,189 5,769 1,216 n/a Debt Stock Rescheduled n/a 6,411 391 40 2,059 1 n/a Principled Rescheduled n/a 5,243 3,984 2,653 2,056 735 n/a Interest Rescheduled n/a 2,350 1,841 1,284 1,180 383 n/a Principled Cancelled n/a 3,269 1,531 584 496 510 n/a Interest Cancelled n/a 126 81 163 67 73 n/a

Debt Service Total Paid 9,024 13,104 15,149 13,910 12,926 12,007 9,748 Total Due n/a 21,104 25,187 22,087 21,827 22,004 21,000 Total Arrears" 1,364 21,802 27,386 32,704 39,379 49,280 53,157 of which: official creditors 570 14,248 17,214 21,370 26,811 33,840 n/a

Net Foreign Direct Investment 33 2,504 854 1,881 1,882 1,782 2,241

"Protected "Combines Arrears on principal and interest; Source: World Bank, World Debt Tables, 1994-95

Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Developing Regions: Africa's Share

1982-86

1987-91

1992-94 Review of African Political Economy No.65:339-348 © ROAPE Publications Ltd., 1995 ISSN 0305-6244; RIX#6504

Making Sense of Structural Adjustment

Simon Bromley

This article looks at the liberal justification for structural adjustment and suggests that it is based on an inadequate understanding of the role of the state in the development process. The liberal focus on 'policy' mistakes is questioned by looking to deeper processes of state formation as the key to different development trajectories. In the light of these general considerations, the article looks at the findings of some recent assessments of adjustment in sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East and concludes that the prospects are not encouraging.

Liberal Myths In the 1970s and 1980s, the difficulties of third world development became readily apparent. The stalling of growth rates and problems of internal and external economic stability coincided with turmoil and recession in the international economy. While radical analysts tended to argue that many of the problems of the third world could be traced to the altered international constraints, liberal theorists argued that:

many problems of developing countries could be traced not to international systemic factors or to structural rigidities [as proposed by dependency and structuralist theories] but to misguided government intervention. The argument had three strands. The first stressed the benefits of participation in the international division of labour, the second the costs and distortions of ISI, and the third the performance of countries pursuing market-conforming policies (Haggard, 1990:10).

Among the influential international policy community there was thus a pronounced ideological shift towards more or less neo-liberal, anti-statist models of development. Instead of seeking a 'balanced' pattern of development through state-led, import- substituting industrialisation, the new policy agenda focused on the exploitation of 'comparative advantage' in the world market (see, for example, Krueger, 1993; World Bank, 1987,1991 and 1993). Dubbed the 'Washington consensus' by John Williamson (1990), the new orthodoxy called for a combination of monetarist approaches to fiscal and monetary stabilisation and neo-liberal prescriptions for freeing markets, establishing private property rights and limiting the role of the state. And notwithstanding the emergence in the 1990s of a less one-sided and negative view of the role of the state as well as a greater sensitivity to the connections between economic and political reform, the basic orientations of the Washington consensus remain intact at the international level.

These shifts in thinking and policy among international policy-makers, the Bretton Woods institutions, government agencies and the private credit markets were legitimated by the argument that the central determinant of success or failure in third world development had been the policy regime adopted. While the international circumstances for all developing countries deteriorated in the 1970s and 1980s, it was 340 Review of African Political Economy argued that the differences in comparative performance were more significant than the general slackening of growth rates and that these differences could best be accounted for in terms of the alternative policy frameworks adopted. Moreover, it was suggested that if correct policies were pursued, then due to the advantages of backwardness - deriving from the opportunities for catch-up growth based on imported technology and from the economies of scope and scale available in the world market - third world growth rates could consistently exceed those of the developed world for the foreseeable future. At a theoretical level, there are at least three overlapping problems with this line of analysis. In the first place, the strictly economic arguments about the efficiency of 'market-friendly', 'export-oriented' growth can be questioned (see Singh 1995 for a detailed critique of World Bank orthodoxy and Rapley 1994 for a brief survey of the relevant development literature). Whether the liberal prescriptions reasonably apply to developing countries at all levels of development, whether the liberal reading of the East Asian successes is accurate, and whether the experiences of successful models of development are both repeatable and generalisable are all very large and controver- sial questions. The historical record, at least, suggests otherwise: for, in fact, all the successful examples of late and late-late industrialisation have gone through an early phase of state-led ISI prior to moving to more export-oriented stances (Senghaas, 1985); the preconditions of the East Asian 'miracles' were highly specific, both domestically and internationally (Haggard, 1990; Krugman, 1994; Wade, 1990); and the international circumstances of the 1980s and 1990s are far removed from those of the 1950s and 1960s (Cardoso, 1993; Harris, 1987). Second, whatever conclusions are drawn in relation to these questions, the focus on policy is far from innocent. Since the neo-liberal discourse assumes away any specific problems of development, it naturally argues for a position wherein all the policy adjustment lies on the side of developing countries, in their conforming to the 'realities' of the world market. (Adjustment by the North is not on the agenda, notwithstanding the World Bank's plea for open markets and more relief for the most indebted.) While it is true that the opportunities for growth and the possibilities of exploiting comparative advantage are larger for later developing countries (Syrquin, 1995), there is no guarantee that the pursuit of liberalisation and 'getting prices right' will a country to enjoy these benefits. As Lall has pointed out: 'The international trading environment offers a variety of benefits for those that can access and exploit it; for others it offers little' (1995:267). That is to say, opportunities in the world market are now greater, but the ability to adapt to them is not given. There are two separate points to be made in this context. On the one hand, the relevant markets may not exist and, as Polanyi (1944) noted, the creation of markets presupposes the exercise of state power: reducing the role of the state need not by itself result in the growth of the market. On the other hand, once markets exist, it does not follow that a market orientation will guarantee market co- ordination (Bresser Pereira et al. 1993). Indeed, when the realities of externalities, absent markets and imperfect information are incorporated into liberal (neo-classical) economic theory, it can be shown that the market cannot guarantee the efficient allocation of resources and that selective state intervention has the potential to improve on market outcomes (see, especially, Dasgupta, 1993; Stiglitz, 1994). Thus the need for flexible state intervention to regulate national markets and hence to mediate relations between the national economy and the world market remains; indeed it may even be greater now than in the past, Making Sense of Structural Adjustment 341

and that because of three reasons. First, the rate of population growth has been much higher in the current developing countries than in the past; second, growth and structural change have accelerated considerably in the postwar period; and finally, today a country in the early stages of modern economic growth faces a large number of more-developed countries and a growing number of newly industrialising countries. The necessity to respond quickly to changing circumstances seems therefore to have become more pressing, at a time when the consequences of failing to do so were also increasing (Syrquin, 1995).

Finally, and most importantly, the focus on policy systematically obscures the basic nature of the problem of development. Typical liberal analysis and prescription sees development policy as driven by sets of ideas derived from theory and practice. Thus the origins of the statist, ISI model are generally understood in terms of the influence of nationalist sentiment on government planners, the supposed 'lessons' of the interwar depression for economies heavily dependent on basic commodity exports and the perceived 'success' of Soviet industrialisation under . It is now argued that these models have failed the test of practice and are known to be based on bad theory. A better understanding of the strengths of markets, and the correspond- ing limitations of state intervention, is now available and can be operationalised by committed governments. Failure to adjust is held to be essentially a problem of political will. But it is becoming increasingly clear that many of the characteristic features of postwar development derive from far deeper sources than the misunder- stood lessons of history, coming in large part from patterns of state formation and insertion into the international system over which policy had little control.

In combination, these objections to the neo-liberal agenda suggest that its prescrip- tions are ahistorical, based on a one-sided notion of adjustment in the world economy, and falsely specify the fundamental difficulties of growth and development in the third world. Taken more or less on its own terms, then, the new orthodoxy is vulnerable to a number of fundamental and far-reaching objections. But the real extent of the problem can only be grasped once we recognise that the whole practice and discourse of 'development' has always operated, and continues to operate, within a wider framework given by the global management and regulation of the international system as a whole. Development policy and ideology must also be read as codifying a specific practice towards the third world. If we separate debates about development from this determinate context, such that the discourse of development is understood simply as a policy debate about the most efficacious manner of promoting growth or welfare within 'well-ordered' states, then we will both misread the character of postwar development and fail to locate and specify the real efficacy of development policy.

Structural Adjustment and the State Once we begin to consider this wider context, it becomes increasingly clear that the central problem in the political economy of structural adjustment concerns the role of the state. The anti-statist and one-sided nature of the new packages of stabilisation and adjustment, and the theory behind them, have been well documented and assessed elsewhere (see especially, Colclough and Manor, 1991; Killick et al. 1992; Killick and Malik, 1992; Mosley et al. 1991; Tarp, 1993). Yet as a growing number of critics have pointed out the crucial issue in the political economy of successful adjustment is not to reduce the role of the state in the naive hope that markets will develop to take its place, but to restructure its activities so that it becomes a facilitator of, rather than an obstacle to, development (see, in general, Bresser Pereira et al. 1993; Evans, 1992; Killick, 1995). 342 Review of African Political Economy

Drawing on comparative and historical analyses, and considering the role of the state in the process of industrialisation in the spirit of Gerschenkron and Hirschman, Evans (1992) and others have attempted to specify the institutional preconditions that distinguish predatory from developmental states (see also, Amsden, 1990; Haggard, 1990; Wade, 1990; White, 1988). There is not the space to review these findings here, but what is clear is that whether third world states form in predatory, developmental, or other ways is not essentially a question of policy choice. Of course, decisions are made and these are often consequential for the ability of the state to promote development, whether ISI or a more 'market-friendly', export-oriented approach. And some of these decisions do involve real issues of choice. But the overriding sense of the specialist comparative and historical literature is that the decisions that ultimately matter are more fundamental and relate primarily to the need to consolidate state power and foster regime stability from the social forces and economic bases that new states encounter, often in international circumstances which are not and cannot be of the state's own volition.

In particular, postwar nationalist development in the third world was generally also and necessarily a process of state formation and nation building. It was this coincidence of the need to form new states and consolidate state power through opposition to local and international powers, to establish the authority and legitimacy of new regimes by the construction of new bases of support and to inaugurate industrial development from a subordinate position in the international division of labour which placed the state at the core of nearly all third world development projects. The result was that a great deal of class formation, of struggles over the appropriation and direction of the surplus, focused directly on the institutions of the state, on the formation of the regime. This formation of state-classes was further strengthened by the reinforcement of third world statehood by the new recognition of sovereignty by the major powers, together with the pressures to assist economic development and military security driven by the bipolar competition of the cold war rivalry. In these circumstances, there can be no presumption, let alone guarantee, that the ways in which social forces cope with these dilemmas will be conducive to promoting balanced economic development. This is especially the case in those many cases where class formation takes place predominantly around the state, for as Elsenhans has rightly pointed out:

State-classes constitute both an opportunity and a danger for overcoming underdevelop- ment. They provide an opportunity in that they can utilise investment funds for long-term reorientation of the productive apparatus to mass consumption. They pose a danger because they can neither be economically controlled by the market, nor politically restrained, since they have access to coercive measures and the mass of the surplus product, with the result that all other social classes are ... bound to them (1991:79). Finding the right balance of institutional autonomy necessary for the promotion of long-term, balanced growth and the requisite anchorage to significant domestic social forces that constitute a coalition for national development, what Evans calls 'embedded autonomy', is at least as much a fortuitous by-product of a favourable colonial legacy and the subsequent particular patterns of state formation and integration into the international system as it is a result of well chosen policies. If this is so, then the appropriate restructuring for states whose developmental record is poor cannot consist in simply choosing to reduce the role of the state and let markets spread. This is never enough; and, more importantly, the kinds of changes that are Making Sense of Structural Adjustment 343 required to improve the prospects for development must also involve new patterns of domestic class formation and reproduction as well as alterations in both the position of the national economy within the world market and the access of the state to development assistance. Attacking the encroachment of third world development upon liberal forms may uproot significant obstacles to new growth - if the project is not first destroyed by social protest or the disintegration of the state - but it will not put in place the new kinds of state capacity and international assistance that are equally necessary if that part of the developing world's population, which is falling behind the OECD bloc, is to begin to catch up. Specifically, it is precisely the intersection of considerations of where adjustment should take place and of how it can relate to questions of class and state that are at the centre of the continuing problems of third world development. For what is almost totally absent from the liberal perspective is an understanding that the transforma- tions which have contributed to third world state formation, regime consolidation and a degree of independent manoeuvre in the international system may not necessarily be those which, especially in the altered circumstances of the 1980s and 1990s, provide the best framework for promoting the optimal conditions for socio- economic development and growth, for responding flexibly to the opportunities given by the growth of the world market. It is arguably this dilemma which has been and remains at the centre of the problem of third world development in the postwar era; and the neo-liberal orthodoxy has little, if anything, to say about it. In this context, the postwar development policy orthodoxy was not so much driven by naive assumptions about the benign role of the state in pursuing social welfare objectives and a misplaced faith in the ability of planners to have more foresight than market signals (as is suggested by the current neo-liberal consensus (see, for example, Krueger 1993)), but rather reflected certain basic social and political realities of the third world and its place in the international system (see Bromley, 1995; Jackson, 1990; Krasner, 1985). To be sure, more or less 'structuralist' analyses - stressing low price responsiveness and mobility, non-existent or imperfect markets and rigid social structures - did offer an alternative perspective to the neoclassical world of perfect flexibility and rational resource allocation in response to prices and tastes. The policy consensus around such initiatives embraced a scepticism about the ability of markets and prices adequately to mobilise resources (especially in agriculture); a correspond- ing belief in the need for state agencies to play an active role in promoting development (especially in industry); a focus on the need to augment low levels of domestic savings and investment with access to foreign exchange (either through import-substitution, or export-promotion, or both); and a recognition of the uncertainties of the world market (especially for economies lacking a diversified pattern of exports). But one cannot conclude from the evident problems of third world development in the 1970s and 1980s that these analyses have been uniformly falsified. On the contrary, in the absence of well-ordered polities, where legitimate public authority and a uniform infrastructure and legal space for market activity is absent, structuralist perspectives continue to offer a far more realistic account of third world economies than the abstract formulations of the neoclassical world.

State and Adjustment: Africa and the Middle East These general considerations about the difficulties of adjustment in those cases where the formation of states and regimes generated significant state-classes are particularly pertinent in the cases of sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East. As a number of recent reviews have established, in marked contrast to the successful adjustment of 344 Review of African Political Economy the East Asian economies and even by comparison with the more ambivalent experience of Latin America, the fortunes of adjustment in sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East have been neither smooth nor encouraging (on Africa, see Callaghy and Ravenhill, 1993; Gibbon et al. 1993; van der Hoeven and van der Kraaij, 1994; van der Geest, 1994; and on the Middle East, Barkey, 1992; Harik and Sullivan, 1992; Niblock and Murphy, 1993). There are, of course, many differences both between sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East and among the countries within each region. However, at least in comparison with the East Asian 'successes' and much of Latin America, certain common features do stand out. To begin with, in sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East colonialism and imperialism failed to do much more than disrupt or destroy the existing pre-capitalist forms of production, leading to a very limited and uneven development of capitalist relations of production. Together with the low carrying capacity of much of the land, this colonial history meant that the post-colonial states inherited weak economic bases. In turn, the economic weakness of the post-colonial state, and especially the poor export performance (except for oil), meant that regimes were heavily reliant on external aid and a limited range of commodity exports for foreign exchange and state revenues. This state of affairs contributed directly to the 'bias against agriculture'. Also corresponding to this inherited economic weakness was the limited character of the state-led ISI pursued, especially its failure to deepen the process of industrialisation through the development of significant backward linkages and to widen it through the externalities that come from the creation of a skilled labour force and other technological capabilities. Economic weakness also contributed to the development of weak and clientelist political systems, and the consequent political dynamics of support, especially in relation to the urban population, further compromised rural and agrarian interests and resulted in extensive subsidies for the urban sector. Finally, these generally weak states derived considerable external support from the postwar international order: the recognition of formal sovereignty and superpower assistance played a not inconsiderable role in bolstering state power, contributing to the role of the military in the state and their dominance of the political scene.

It is against this complex background that the project of structural adjustment must be assessed. For the impact of adjustment was felt at a time when cold war pressures to sustain client states were ending and when the key trends in the international division of labour were leading to a relative exclusion of both regions from the world market (save for oil in the case of the Middle East and some mineral enclaves in Africa). At the same time, rising external deficits were strengthening the role of the creditors in the formulation of strategies for adjustment, much more so in Africa than in the Middle East. Thus what Harbeson has noted for Africa is also true, though to a lesser extent, for the Middle East:

With the beginning of the post-Cold War era of the 1990s, Africa became, if anything, even more peripheral to the international political and economic order. ... But the demands of the major world powers that Africa conform its ways to their post-Cold War liberal ideological consensus are, if anything, more insistent and uncompromising than were those of the Cold War blocs (1995:14).

Meanwhile, the relative failure of postwar nationalist development models across much of sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East left a series of economies, in Callaghy's telling phrase for Africa, 'lost between state and market'; or, as Springborg noted of Egypt, with a capitalism without capitalists (Callaghy, 1995; Springborg, Making Sense of Structural Adjustment 345

1993). This absence of a strong domestic constituency for a pro-private sector adjustment posed a considerable obstacle, for what Niblock noted of the Middle East is also true of much of sub-Saharan Africa:

Rather than reflecting the rise of a bourgeoisie which is strong enough to control the state apparatus, forcing the state apparatus to withdraw from large areas of economic activity and hand these over to private investment and enterprise, the economic liberalisation process has been constrained by the dependence of the commercial bourgeoisie on the state (1993:57).

Nevertheless, notwithstanding this external pressure for reform and the weak domestic support for it, it is somewhat misleading to describe the pressure for reform as 'external'; for as Harik has pointed out in relation to the Middle East:

It is the market economy of the international economic system, not the actors [IMF/World Bank, etc.] ... which has the real influence on the economies of the Third World countries. ... A multiplicity of domestic factors contributed to the turn toward liberalisation: increasing production costs of [state owned enterprises], financial drain on state treasuries, increasing deficits, the failure of import substitution strategy, and shortages of foreign exchange, investment capital, and modern technology. ... the state moved toward economic liberalisation both in order to partition the blame and responsibility and in the hope that an injection of fresh economic actors and capital would help a declining economy to regain its fortunes (1992:14-16).

Once again, much the same could be said of sub-Saharan Africa, though - unlike Africa - the existence of oil rents has protected much of the Middle East from the conditionality of the IFIs.

Oil rents apart, then, there is much that is similar in the problems facing these two regions. And in this context, we can observe at least five themes that are common to the literatures on adjustment in sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East. To begin with, there is a wide measure of agreement that 'getting prices right' is not sufficient to bring about renewed and sustainable growth. In agriculture a competitive real exchange rate and better prices for producers are certainly helpful, but without complementary investments in infrastructure and marketing there will be little long- run improvement (Mosley, 1994). For industry a rapid freeing of prices and removal of controls may simply lead to de-industrialisation, while privatisation is very difficult given the absence of local capitalists and the lack of adequate capital markets (Lall, 1995; Stevens, 1993). Not only is orthodox adjustment thus one-sided, it is also in danger of undermining the very capabilities necessary to complement a more appropriate price regime. For the cuts in state expenditure associated with stabilisation and adjustment fall heavily on public investment and leave precious little resources to improve the already inadequate human capital formation (Killick, 1995). This one-sided and counter-productive character of adjustment amounts, in effect if not intention, to a 'back to the future' strategy (Callaghy and Ravenhill, 1993), in which adjusting economies are driven back to their static comparative advantage. Not only does this risk de-industrialisation and takeover by foreign capital (both of which weaken the overall technological capabilities of the economy and hence its future flexibility), but it also suffers from the fallacy of composition on world markets for primary products. Adjustment is also one-sided in the sense that it has not involved sufficient external finance to provide for the medium- to long-term building of those institutions and capabilities necessary for participation in the international economy (Ravenhill, 1993). And finally, while there is general agreement that some 346 Review of African Political Economy kind of adjustment was a necessary response to the inherited domestic difficulties, the initiation of much that has occurred in sub-Saharan Africa, and to a somewhat lesser extent in the Middle East, has come from external creditors and there are as yet limited domestic constituencies for sustained and far-reaching reform (Callaghy, 1993; Niblock, 1993). Indeed, this is the taproot of the apparently intractable paradox facing these regions. On the one hand, the objective need for constructive reform is certainly greater and more urgent in sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East than in any other region of the developing world. On the other hand, the patterns of postwar development have produced socio-economic structures and state-class formations that provide probably the weakest base for private sector development. The end of the cold war and the relative economic and political marginalisation of these regions further compounds the difficulty, since the tolerance for non-liberal models of development has declined, as have the interests and resources the major powers are prepared to commit to long- term strategies of renewal.

Conclusion Because of particular patterns of state formation and integration into the international system in sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East large parts of these regions have been unable to join in the postwar growth of the international division of labour in anything other than a subordinate role. While the energies unleashed by decolonisation and the cold war for a while protected these regions from the full force of the world market, and allowed some states to construct arrangements to take advantage of it, the dissipation of these counteracting forces now leaves the unsuccessful developers with limited resources and precious few allies to combat the circular, and perhaps now exclusionary, logic of the world market (on Africa, see Leys, 1994). (Oil rents continue to insulate the Middle East to some extent, though even these are diminishing assets.) Policies of stabilisation and structural adjustment are attempts to cope with these fundamental problems (Bromley, 1995). In undertaking this task, they face both an opportunity and a challenge. The opportunity is given by the demobilisation of, or lack of organisation among, forces for supporting statist models within many third world countries, the disintegration of the third world coalition in global politics and the collapse of the Soviet model and bloc. Unlike the postwar era of state formation and development, the current crises are taking place on a global terrain where both national unity against imperial powers and the existence of an alternative model of socio-economic transformation are no longer available. Capitalist hegemony has little alternative but to take a liberal form, at least in its economic dimensions. The challenge is that if reform is to save the state-regime, then the West needs a class partner with which to do business. Yet these class partners are often organised around the state apparatus and constitute the central obstacle to constructive reform. As a result, the practice of adjustment in the more intractable cases often amounts to little more than an attempt to privatise the power and resources of the state class (thereby generally widening socio-economic inequalities), while leaving the subordinate position of the economy in the international division of labour largely intact.

Many have observed the apparently novel treatment of 'debt' in the tightening of the aid regime and the imposition of tough conditionality during the 1980s. Despite the severity of the problem, there has been precious little debt forgiveness and virtually no repudiation of obligations. This is in striking contrast to the situation before the Making Sense of Structural Adjustment 347

First World War and in the interwar years. What has been less often remarked is the connection between the close tying of conditionality to debt service and the enforcement of liberal norms of sovereignty. The strict requirement to meet debt obligations as a condition of participation in the world economy is not simply a result of the dominant interests of northern banks and TNCs, nor even of the power of northern states and their institutions, but represents the imposition of a particular form of statehood in the international system: just as the domestic content of the capitalist state form involves, inter alia, a subordination of the state to the rule of money functioning as capital, so third world states are increasingly constrained to subordinate their domestic activities to the global rule of money (Elson, 1994). This is the real meaning of adjustment.

Simon Bromley is in the Department of Politics, University of Leeds. Research for this paper was funded by the ESRC as part of its EEC programme.

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Development and Diaspora: Separate Concerns?

Alfred Zack-Williams

The article considers recent work on the nature of the black diaspora in the West and its relationship with Africa and African development. It condemns the disciplinary gulf between development studies, which has almost completely ignored questions of race and cultural identity, on the one hand, and diaspora studies which tend to focus on cultural and racial links with Africa to the exclusion of questions of political economy. The review is critical of perspectives which ignore the heterogeneity and variety of African cultures and experience, whether for purposes of creating a caricatured colonial subject or for asserting an undifferentiated unity between Africans on the continent and in the diaspora. It argues for an understanding of both the uniqueness and the commonality of African experiences on both sides of the Atlantic.

The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness by P. Gilroy, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993; In My Father's House by K. A. Appiah, New York, 1992; Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and The Politics of Empowerment by P. Hill Collins, Unwin Hyman, 1990. The purpose of this review article is to encourage further engagement between scholars concerned with African development and those exploring diasporic or 'Black Atlantic' concerns. As the discussion below will show, a serious engagement between the two scholarly traditions can yield important insights into the history and future of the African continent as well as of descendants world wide. We begin with a discussion of the two traditions showing the ways in which their concerns overlap and the ways these concerns depart from each other. We then explore the resurgence of scholarly interests in diasporic Africa looking at the work of Gilroy, Appiah and Hill Collins. Our concern is to pose the question: What lessons can development studies learn from scholars of the African diaspora? To pose this question is to argue a priori that both development studies and studies of the African diaspora could gain by paying more attention to each others focus and concerns. This assumption is a departure from conventional thinking, and both traditions have been the poorer for this divide. Thus diasporic studies which is situated within the tradition of cultural studies, tends to be de-linked from political economy, thus running the risk of a descent into its cultural relativism. Similarly, development studies, with its emphasis on political economy divorced from cultural studies, run the risk of economic reductionism. These perceived benefits from linkage not withstanding, African studies in Britain (with few exceptions like the journal Race and Class and the work of Robin Cohen) 350 Review of African Political Economy continues to be insulated from diasporan concerns. This reflects the contrasting histories of both disciplines. The roots of development studies could be traced to both colonial anthropology and imperial desires to understand the 'natives' in order to control them; and to the emergence of newly independent states as a result of the decolonisation process, and the concern for a path to capitalist development that was hoped would replicate the Western experience (Barratt Brown, 1974). Development studies, under the hegemony of neo-classical assumptions has tended to be economistic and mainly concerned with the way structures determine and condition human agency. Some of the best debates link micro level concerns of the household and village with macro level concerns over the distribution of power and global economy. However, like post-modernist theorists (with their jihad against meta- narratives) all too many development theorists emphasise globalisation and international development to the point where they are unable to see the deteriorating position of Africa within the current process of internationalisation of monopoly capital.

By the late 1960s, influenced by marxism and the failure of the developmentalist project (Frank, 1971) many scholars of development studies undertook a paradigm shift. That introduced underdevelopment as a key theoretical tool for a generation of students concerned with contrasting the continued enrichment and influence of groups and agencies in the West, and their relationship to the deepening immiseration and loss of power of people in the third world. Over the past two decades, with a growing critique of the dependency model, attention has turned to internal social analysis of third world social formations. Thus issues of class, gender, and regional inequality have informed debates and policies on development reflecting in part a new consciousness brought by the gains of the women's movement (in the metropolis) and the conceded importance of feminist theory as a valid scholarly perspective. Yet, as a general rule development studies has carefully avoided a direct focus on 'race' and racism (the exception being the work of H. Wolpe, P. Gibbon and P. McFadden). Instead it has focused spatially in an unproblematic way on nation-states thought to be 'developing' or 'undeveloping'. The former it is claimed is the result of functional value structures: yesterday, 'the Protestant ethic', today 'the Confucian ethic' of the 'five tigers'. As if to reinvent colonial racism, sections of the literature now see underdevelopment as the product of incompetence on the part of the local governing class; once again imperialism is let off the hook. The paradox is that whilst maintaining the Manichaean divide, there has also been a long-standing trespass of discipline boundaries between scholars who received their initial training about the racialised 'Other' in a colonial context and who moved successfully into 'race' scholarship in the West. This is true of stalwarts such as Kenneth Little, who moved from studying the Mende people of Sierra Leone (1955) to looking at 'Negroes' in Cardiff dock land (1948); and of Michael Banton, a student of Little, who also moved with his mentor from studying social relations in colonial Freetown (1957) to studying colonial migrants in the British capital (1955). As Bourne and Sivanandan have noted:

... as the colonies achieved 'independence' and the colonial administrators came home, the focus of interest in the former colonial subjects shifted to the dock areas of Great Britain, where the first black settlements had become established ... (Bourne, 1980). This link between the historical legacy of colonialism and the condition of the black diaspora was soon abandoned by those 'who inherited the mantle of the discipline of the sociology of race relations' (Ibid) - a potential locus for the study of diasporan Development and Diaspora: Separate Concerns? 351 concerns. Nonetheless, there was a common thread running through these two disciplines: the universalist quest. In the case of the new sociology of race relations it was premised on 'assimilation' and adjustment within black communities (Bourne, 1980); in the case of development studies it was premised on a unilinear path to modernisation (Westernisation). Central to the analysis of both disciplines is the role of migration: internal rural-urban migration in one, and international migration in the other. It is the new sociology of race relations which borrowed from development studies its key theoretical tools for explaining migration, namely the push-pull, and 'bright light' theories. These were soon incorporated within the explanatory paradigm of black migration to the metropolis. However, as a heuristic tool, Sivananadan has warned that concepts such as push-pull factors tells us very little since it does not take a holistic view of the world economy. Thus as he points out, 'we (black people) are here because you (colonialists) were over there first' (1991).

Despite this seemingly common project, development studies has maintained its ostrich-like detachment from issues of race and diasporan concerns. In the context of African studies, apart from the study of the aberration of apartheid South Africa, African studies is silent on African migration to Europe and the condition of the African diaspora in Europe (in particular the rise of institutional Powellism and neo- fascism). The problem can be posed as: how can these issues be divorced from the study and prescription of African development? Similarly, is the problem of the development of an African bourgeoisie unrelated to the difficulties black businesses encounter in the West? To what extent is the creation of a fortress Europe and a protectionist Europe genuinely so analytically different from exploring structural adjustment? Unlike development studies, scholarship concerned with the African diaspora has a much longer history (see for example the work of A. Crummell, E. Blyden and W. E. B. DuBois) and is born out of social movements to resist racist imperial control. A key aspect of that project was the preservation of knowledge about Africa that would otherwise be lost under the weight of Western attempts to deny African in the past and self-determination for the future. In the US, civil rights and black power struggles saw the institutionalisation and proliferation of African-American studies and black studies departments and programmes, in which issues relating to continental Africa are addressed. The situation in the UK is quite nebulous. Whilst there are Centres of African Studies, West African, and Southern African Studies, work on the diaspora is not located within these centres. These are to be found within Cultural and Media Studies; or Centres of Race and Ethnic Studies instead.

From Ethnic Absolutism to Black Atlantic In seeking to relate these disciplines, Gilroy's book represents an argument for understanding what is common and what is diverse about Africa and the black diaspora. In his attempt to construct an African diasporan identity, Gilroy launched an attack on the cultural nationalism of the diaspora, in particular the epistemology of Afrocentricism, and ends up distancing the diaspora from Africa (Umbalatu-Adams, 1995). Afrocentricity as a reaction to western colonialism, imperialism and Eurocentricity has as its raison d'etre the wish to reclaim Africa's contribution to world history and human knowledge. It argues that only a philosophy that seeks to put Africa as the centre of its analysis can provide the unique world view of African people, and provide an intellectual tool for examining the intellectual history of African nationalism (Oyebade, 1990). This is how one leading Afrocentrist sees their task: 352 Review of African Political Economy

All knowledge results from an occasion of encounter in place. But the place remains a rightly shaped perspective that allows the Afrocentrist to put African ideals and values at the centre of inquiry (Ibid). Also Clement T. Keto notes:

The African-centred perspective of history rests on the premise that it is valid to posit Africa as a geographical and cultural starting base in the study of peoples of African descent. The reason for an African-centred perspective, it is argued, stems from the need to challenge the dominant paradigm, Eurocentricism, which it is claimed has been the basis for constructing African Studies. In addition, Afrocentricity argues that the hegemonic universal character of the Eurocentric paradigm has rendered European culture as supreme, and superior vis-a-vis other cultures. European culture and history is the yardstick by which other cultures are judged. By contrast Afrocentricism recognises a plurality of perspectives, what Keto has called 'a pluriversal perspec- tive'. In direct opposition to traditional Egyptology, Afrocentrics argue that the harbingers of Kemetic civilisation in the Nile Valley were Africans, of darker hue. For this reason, the Afrocentric project tends to have an over-concern with events in that part of the continent. However, as Appiah has noted,'... whatever African-Americans and Africans, from Asante to Zulu, share, it is not a single civilisation' (p. 40). The diverse nature of African pre-colonial and post-colonial social and economic structure is one that has eluded not only nationalist writers, but also planners and donor agencies such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. As a result policy prescription for overcoming economic backwardness tends to be uniform and tailor-made for all nations regardless of the time and space.

Ironic as it may sound, colonialists, cultural nationalists and the neo-colonial funding agencies all operate from the same basis of 'homogeneous Africa'. Colonial power such as the Portuguese in Guinea Bissau imposed Fullah chiefs on the acephalous Ballantes (Cabral); cultural nationalists, lured by the arrogance of Eurocentric hegemony posing as universalism end up over-theorising Kemetic civilisation, at the expense of other worthy historical projects. Neo-colonial agencies such as the Fund and the Bank, in their quest to tame the perceived African Leviathan, design and impose an 'off-the-peg' economic policy for all African states. These various orientations are all premised on what Appiah has called 'the invention of Africa'. As he observes:

... the very invention of Africa ... must be understood, ultimately as an outgrowth of European radicalism; the notion of Pan-Africanism was founded on the notion of the African, which was, in turn, founded not on any genuine cultural commonality but, ...on the very European concept of the Negro. ... But the reality is that the very category 'the Negroes' is at root a European product: for the 'whites' invented the Negroes in order to dominate them. Simply put, the course of cultural nationalism in Africa has been to make real the imaginary identities to which Europe has subjected us (p. 62). Gilroy's concern is that Afro-centricism's appeal to racial solidarity is premised on 'an absolute perverse reliance on a model of thinking ... which is a long way away from the double consciousness' (p. 188) which he claimed fascinated other diasporan modernists, such as Du Bois, Delany, Douglass and Wright. Du Bois' notion of 'double consciousness' (1981) is the theoretical tool with which he seeks to explore 'some of the special political problems that arise from the fatal conjunction of the concept of nationality with the concept of culture and the affinities and affiliations which link the blacks of the West to one of their adoptive, parental cultures ... (p. 2). Development and Diaspora: Separate Concerns? 353

He was interested to locate the imperative which forces African American writing elite 'to claim this diasporic cultural form in such an assertive nationalist way?'(p. 34). His task is 'to repudiate the dangerous obsessions with racial purity' which he claims now afflicts black political discourse. Furthermore, he asserts that much of what passes as Afrocentricism is in reality Americocentricism. This is particularly true of the way the trope of the African American family is constructed. Thus he warns:

... what is known as Afrocentricity might be more properly called Americocentricity. Its proponents frequently struggle to place their history onto a bigger diasporan web but have no inhibitions about claiming a special status for their particular version of African culture. ... the trope of family which is such a recurrent feature of their discourse is itself a characteristically American means for comprehending the dynamics of racial community. It needs to be pointed out that if one claims the African-American family trope as American, it is also useful to note that the concern with ethnic particularity is also a product of American social, political and economic reality. In order to transcend these dangerous obsessions, Gilroy seeks to repudiate the assertions of racial purity and cultural particularity. In repudiating ethnic absolutism, he points to a syncretic perspective of intermixture of ideas which typifies notions of African American particularity. Much of what is claimed to be the property of African America, he argues, is the result of hybridity, a mixture of European Enlightenment as well as the pre-modern and anti-modern African traditions. A move away from the straight jacket of racial and ethnic essentialism, impels Gilroy to locate 'the black Atlantic'. For Gilroy, the Atlantic remains 'one single, complex unit of analysis ... of the modern world and (it is used) to produce an explicitly transcultural and inter-cultural perspective' (p. 15). He points out that plantation slavery which he calls 'capitalism with its clothes off, was a special moment in the history of the black Atlantic. Far from being dissociated from the West (as suggested by Afrocentricism) racial slavery was, despite its horrific impact, Gilroy argues, intrinsically modern.

The Continental Emphasis in Appiah's Work Appiah's work shares a number of common features with that of Gilroy. First, both writers are concerned with issues of identity and the nation state; in the case of the latter, diasporan identity, and the former African identity. As such the analysis of culture is central to both texts. Second, both condemn biological determinism; thirdly, both premise their work on the writings of the black elite like Du Bois, Douglass, Blyden and Delany although in the case of Appiah continental writing, like that of Soyinka and Achebe, was central to his analysis. Finally, there is a clarion call for a move beyond tradition. Appiah points out that a return to tradition would neither be a return to the contemporary nation state, nor would it mean a return to continental unity, since this did not exist in the past. The theme of a hybrid intermixture, so central to Gilroy's analysis, is also emphasised by Appiah in his quest for an answer to the problem of African identity. Whilst Gilroy theorises diasporan identity (in particular African American identity) as 'inside and outside the West' (the locus of the double consciousness) Appiah identifies three cultural influences which shape the African identity: the cultural history of Europe; what he calls an Afro-New World conception of Africa; and those of endogenous cultural traditions. An analysis of the work of a number of Africans and African Americans point to both the diversity of African cultures and the profound entanglement of African intellectuals with the intellectual life of Europe and the Americas. 354 Review of African Political Economy

In examining the works of writers on Pan-Africanism (such as Alexander Crummell and Du Bois), and Negritude (such as Aime Cesaire and Leopold Senghor), Appiah points to the centripetal appeal of racial solidarity. Whilst noting that racism was embedded in European modernism, which many post-colonial African leaders had experienced, race did not on the whole mean the same for them as it meant to educated blacks in the new world (p. 6). Here Appiah's argument resembles Fanon's subtle distinction between colonial subjugation in the new world, which he argued was premised on racial inferiorisation via the implantation of Negrophobia into the collective unconscious; and colonial subjugation in Africa which took the form of brute force. Appiah warns that this factor is crucial in understanding the psychology of post-colonial Africa. In particular, drawing from the works of Europhones (Appiah's term for African intellectuals) such as Soyinka, Chinua Achebe, and Camara Laye, he observes that European colonial penetration was essentially shallow, as they lived in an environment 'comfortably rooted in the traditions of ... ethnos', and as such did '... not entail the failures of self-confidence that lead to alienation' (p. 7).

In locating the way Pan-Africanists utilise race as a basis for moral solidarity, Appiah points out that that resulted from the way others perceived them as belonging to a common race (as opposed to shared racial characteristics). This was used as the basis for discriminating against them. Using Crummell and Du Bois as the centre of his analysis in diasporan ethnic identity, Appiah observes that whilst both writers could be seen as 'extrinsic racial theorists' (one who makes 'moral distinctions between members of different races because they believed that the racial essence entails certain moral relevant qualities' p. 13), they 'never contemplated using race for inflicting harm' (p. 17). Indeed, Crummell showed guarded respect for white people, and like Edward Blyden was quite contemptuous of traditional African cultures. This Appiah argues, is symptomatic of the fact that he had inherited a European conception of race. Appiah noted that whilst these 'exiles' from the New World (via Pan-Africanism) could show their for Africa by seeking to eliminate its indigenous cultures, the heirs to Africa's civilisation could not easily dispose of their ancestors (p. 24). These new Africans, whilst sharing Europe's perception of themselves, sought to celebrate and not to condemn its values and beliefs. This was true of the advocates of Negritude, as well as writers and activists such as Kwame Nkrumah who talked of the 'African personality'. Appiah, an Asante man, attacks cultural 'unanimism', 'the belief that there is some central body of folk philosophy that is shared by black Africans ...' (p. 24), and calls for a perspective that recognises diversity. He notes:

... nothing should be more striking for someone without preconceptions than the extraordinary diversity of Africa's people and its cultures ... the semi-arid countryside of Botswana ... the tropical vegetation of Asante ... The material culture of Botswana, too, struck me as quite radically different from that of Asante ... The idioms of carving, of weaving, of pottery, and of dance were all unfamiliar ... Now I am confident in rejecting any homogenisation portrait of African intellectual life, because the ethnographies and the travel life literature and the novels of parts of Africa other than my home are all replete with examples of ways of life and of thought that strike me as thoroughly pre-theoretically different from life in Asante ... whatever Africans share, we do not have a common traditional culture, common language, common religious or conceptual vocabulary (pp. 24-6). The notion that the African identity is the product of European gaze is central to Appiah's attempt to construct an African identity. Like Du Bois he points to the common experience of European racism and European exploitation, which meant Development and Diaspora: Separate Concerns? 355 that Africans were not taken seriously. But this identity would have to go beyond a recognition of these various encounters. It would be syncretic and diverse and include modernist, pre-modernist, and anti-modernist aspects of African lived experiences. These will include membership of social organisations from the pre-colonial period, such as ethnic groups (involved in rite de passage); the colonial period, such as Masons (cults and guilds) and the post-colonial period involving regional and continental consciousness. Appiah draws attention to the fact that many of these organisations which fall under the developmental rubric of civil society now assume the functions once reserved for the state (p. 171). In short, 'the African identity is, for its bearers, only one among many ... being African is, for its bearers one among other salient modes of being all of which has to be constantly thought and rethought' (p. 177). In short, an African identity consists of a series of concentric circles of consciousness which reflect the multifarious communities to which African people belong, starting with the parochial and moving to the cosmopolitan such as regional, national, religious, continental - including gender and race. This consciousness may have different class compositions and implications, depending on the degree of urbanisa- tion and Westernisation.

Gender and Black Identity: Americocentricity or Afrocentricity? The theme of the diversity of the African diaspora is developed by Hill Collins. This is done with her call for black women's experiences to be taken seriously. The importance of this book to our theme of what development studies could learn from diasporan studies is both general and specific. It is general in the sense that feminist theory continues to point to women as the politically marginalised, and economically over-exploited group. Thus Diane Elson, in the context of the ongoing adjustment policies in Africa, has argued that there is the belief that women would continue to provide their services of human reproduction free of charge. She warns:

Women's unpaid labour is not infinitely elastic ...a breaking point may be reached, and women's capacity to produce and maintain human resources may collapse (Elson, 1989). Hill Collins' specific contribution relates to the challenge which 'black feminism' now poses to 'white feminism'. In this respect, she has continued the tradition of nineteenth century black feminists as 'Sojourner Truth', who when exposing the concept of a woman as culturally constructed posed the question: 'and ain't I a woman?' This is done by pointing to the all-inclusive utilisation of the term woman without the dimensions of race and class. Nonetheless, in trying to construct a 'black feminist perspective' the question is raised: is it possible to construct such a zveltanschuung (world view) that encompasses the lived experiences of both black women in the diaspora and Africa? In other words, are there no specific socio- economic contradictions that divide women of the black Atlantic from their sisters on the continent? Hill Collins' methodology is a direct challenge to the positivistic methodology within development studies. Apart from a reflection on diverse theoretical traditions which include, feminist theory, marxism, Afrocentricism, and post-modernism, she was concerned to locate black women's experiences and ideas at the centre of her analysis. She continues,

... instead of viewing the everyday life as a negative influence on my theorising, I tried to see how the everyday actions and ideas of the Black women in my life reflected the theoretical issues I claimed were so important to them (p. xiii). 356 Review of African Political Economy

The relevant question is, what is Black feminism? And who can be identified as a black feminist? As Hill Collins notes, the latter question is quite a contentious one. Are all black female writers black feminists? She points to writers such as Beverley Guy-Sheftall (1986) who argue that some black men such as Du Bois and Frederick Douglass are prominent examples of black male feminists. Problems arise beyond ethnic nomenclature when it is asserted that: Black feminist thought is exclusively the province of African-America women. Or as Hill Collins put it:

I suggest that Black feminist thought consists ofspecialised knowledge created by African-American women which clarifies a standpoint of and for Black women. In other words, Black feminist thought encompasses theoretical interpretations of women's reality by those who live it. Yet this definition tends to ignore the specificity of other black women's experiences. Are the social, economic and political experiences of Afro-Brazilians, African- Caribbean women in Britain and African women on the continent the same as African American women? Clearly this cannot be the case. The struggle for survival in Africa, in the midst of the destructive effects of IFIs sponsored adjustment programmes, cannot be equated with those of 'North Atlantic' African women. In the case of the former, not only do they have to 'survive' in an environment of no social security but, they themselves are sources of social security for others (Zack-Williams, 1985a). The 'obscuring of Black women's intellectual tradition' for Hill Collins was not fortuitous since 'suppressing the knowledge produced by any oppressed group makes it easier for dominant groups to rule them.'. She identified three interdependent dimensions which have structured black women's oppression in the United States: political disempowerment, even that which is conceded to white women; controlling images of black women; and the exploitation of black female labour. She is at pains to point out that this experience was both race and gender specific. She notes:

Women's studies has offered one major challenge to the allegedly hegemonic ideas of elite white men. Ironically, feminist theory has also suppressed Black women's ideas. Even though Black women intellectuals have long expressed a unique feminist consciousness about the intersection of race and class in structuring gender ... Theories advanced as being universally applicable to women as a group on closer examination appear greatly limited by the white, middle-class origins of their proponents ... Unlike the history of excluding Black women from both dominant discourse and white feminist arenas, African-American women have long been included in Black social and political organisations (p. 708). But how do these three dimensions of economy, politics and ideology impinge upon the positions of women in Africa? We know that women do not constitute a homogeneous group. They are stratified along class, region and ethnic lines. Like diasporan women, African women suffer from public and private patriarchy, racism (as witnessed by the improper testing of the contraceptive Depo-provera on black women) and class oppression (depending on their class position). However, African women suffer additional burden or over-exploitation (Meillassoux, 1981; Zack- Williams, 1985a). The over-exploitation of female labour in Africa is part and parcel of the generalised over-exploitation of African labour. African women under peripheral capitalism do not have the protection of a bourgeois state to ensure equal pay, or other social engineering legislation to ensure their control over resources that they helped create. In addition to their role in biological reproduction, there is considerable social pressure on all women to engage in social and economic reproduction (Ibid). In her work in Katsina, Northern Nigeria, Polly Hill noted that 'virtually all women have some economic activity other than farming' (1968). Women all over Africa are now involved in the informal sector, producing goods such as soap, food, and handicrafts. Development and Diaspora: Separate Concerns? 357

In some cases women market these goods; in others, is sometimes utilised. Peripheral capitalism has imposed an additional imperative for women in Africa to enter the cash economy as producer or trader. Even where they are not proletarianised, African women are forced into production not only to supplement the family income, but to act as a supplement to the wage bill of the capitalist class, in the absence of state welfare. Women, particularly in the rural areas take on these added responsibilities such as looking after the old, infirm, and the sick.

Conclusion Issues of social identity have continued to be of major concern to students of the African diaspora. Essentialists, many of whom are Afrocentrists, argue for an unproblematic African identity for Africans on the continent and within the diaspora. Social constructionists are interested in the hybrid, fluid, multi-layered nature of social identity. Those scholars arguing against essentialist identities invoke the multiple and rapidly changing faces of social identities. The difficulty with Gilroy and Appiah is that recognising the hybrid nature of African diasporic and African continental culture does little to promote African self-determination in the face of policies which are racist, such as in the case of 'fortress Europe' or the backlash against affirmative action in the US and positive action in the UK. It is not yet apparent how this view could promote African self-determination in the face of policies imposed on the African nation state which promote increased poverty and dependency. In order to understand Afrocentricity, it is necessary to contextualise it within black liberation in the US, especially the civil rights and black power movements of the 1960s and 1970s. Among the principal gains made by these movements was increased access into higher education for black people coupled with radical curicula changes to reflect the multi-racial character of US society. This was expressed for example in the growth of Black Studies and a variety of Ethnic Studies Departments. During the 1970s there were activists such as Angela Davis and Kwame Ture who emphasised black solidarity with the third world, based upon recognition of parallel experiences of racism, colonialism and exploitation.

Increasingly there are volumes being produced in the US and UK which attempt to straddle concerns of Africa and the diaspora. The Journal of Black Studies, for example, is moving more into concerns with development in Africa as well as maintaining its diasporic focus. Similarly, Race and Class continues to direct its critical gaze on development issues. This trend of deconstructing disciplinary boundaries is growing. It is due to a stronger relationship between concerns of development issues and race which is now the central focus of Afrocentrists and black marxists. Both perspectives are now prepared to enter into a dialogue with other disciplines. The fact that African scholars submit development work to alternative journals and publishers may also be because development studies as a general rule still fails to recognise much of the work done by African scholars. In the West, African scholars concerned with development studies find that they must concern themselves with 'race' as well. 'Race' is seen as a 'suitable' and 'acceptable' discipline for black people to teach and research and therefore shapes and constrains their career possibilities. Diasporic works encourage cross-fertilisation of ideas and disciplines, and this may be a comment on the continued failure of conventional development studies to hear the concerns of African writers on development.

Alfred Zack-Williams is in the Department of Social Studies, University of Central Lancashire, UK. 358 Review of African Political Economy

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Historical Dispossession and the Crisis of the Nation-State in Africa

Shubi Ishemo

Two recent books by Basil Davidson constitute 'a summary and perspective' on his work on Africa, the whole being arguably unrivalled as a contribution to the cause of liberation and the reclamation of an African voice in history. This review assesses Davidson's liberation history and his evaluation of the central problems of nationalism and the nation-state in contemporary development. The Black Man's Burden: Africa and the Curse of the Nation-State by Basil Davidson, London: James Currey; New York: Times Books, 1992, pp. 355, £9.95 pb (ISBN 0-85255-700-0). The Search for Africa: A History in the Making by Basil Davidson, London: James Currey, 1994, pp. 373, £11.95 pb (ISBN 0-85255-714-0). Basil Davidson is undoubtedly an unrivalled Western historian of Africa. He has, since 1952, produced 30 book titles on Africa (see Race and Class, vol. 36, No. 2,1994, pp. 105-6) not to mention the many articles in academic journals and wider circulation periodicals. Those, plus the two latest books (published around his eightieth birthday) testify to his contribution not only to scholarship on Africa, but also to his commitment and solidarity with its liberation. In this way, he has carried out the role of a scholar-activist, a role which few in the West can claim. The two latest books are reflective of his close association and solidarity with African liberation. The two volumes closely complement each other. They are best read as one work because in them there are constant autobiographical references to his interest in and experience of Africa and as a fighter on the side of the partisans during the anti- fascist war in Yugoslavia during the Second World War. His untiring struggle against Eurocentric and racist approaches to the study of Africa and his penetrating but honest questioning about the causation and possible solutions to the contemporary crisis in Africa are also evident throughout. He approaches these issues critically with an inner passion and much erudition. His style is one of an elder telling a story by the fireside, constantly invoking the ancestors and critically drawing lessons for application to the concrete realities of the present. He reflects on how, by chance, in 1941, on seeing the walls of Kano, he came to be entranced with Africa (1992:7) and how those visions were still with him when on a study visit to South Africa in 1951. 'Africa', he recalls, 'took me firmly by the hand and so far (I am happy to report) has not let me go again' (1994:97). 360 Review of African Political Economy

The Black Man's Burden constitutes a recollection, a tapestry of his ideas, 'a summary and perspective', he writes, of 'whatever wisdom I have gathered in these forty-odd years of African study; and in this sense, a vital one to me, these pages offer the conclusions of a lifetime' (1992:8). The Search for Africa is a compilation of essays previously scattered in diverse journals and now happily brought together under one roof. He provides bridging essays which draw on history and debates on the contemporary crisis. What went wrong in postcolonial Africa and how do we explain it? What has caused economic and social degradation? It is very humbling indeed to attempt to extrapolate this from the two closely packed volumes without avoiding the dangers of misrepresentation and faulty interpretation. Basil Davidson is quick to recognise that it is simplistic to blame human blunders/failures - after all there is no human society which is immune from that. He is aware of the difficulties of analysing the crisis in Africa, but his argument, which is firmly anchored in historical explanation, is passionately presented and very consistent. He argues that the crisis in Africa is a crisis of institutions (social and political). These are a consequence of nationalism which gave rise to nation-statism. Nation-statism, he writes,

looked like liberation, and really began as one. But it did not continue as a liberation. In practice, it was not a restoration of Africa to Africa's own history, but the onset of a new period of indirect subjection to the history of Europe. The fifty or so states of the colonial partition, each formed and governed as though their peoples possessed no history of their own, became fifty or so nation-states formed and governed on European models, chiefly the models of Britain and France. Liberation thus produced its own denial. Liberation led to alienation (1992:10). Davidson is not dismissive of liberation. It was a just struggle. But nation-statism was a colonial imposition with shallow roots in Africa's own history. Historical enquiry becomes imperative if we are to understand the present realities. In his address to the first Tricontinental Conference of the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America, held in Havana in 1966, Amilcar Cabral assessed the wrong direction which some liberation movements took:

The ideological deficiency, not to say the total lack of ideology, within the national liberation movements - which is basically due to ignorance of the historical reality which these movements claim to transform - constitutes one of the greatest weaknesses of our struggle against imperialism, if not the greatest weakness of all (my emphasis) (1973:75). It is instructive to draw on Cabral's analysis because he provides us with an bench- mark for understanding Davidson's ideas. For Cabral, it was important to understand the 'internal contradictions in the economic, social, cultural (and therefore historical) reality of our countries'. 'Any national or social revolution which is not based on knowledge of this fundamental reality', he continued, 'runs the risk of being condemned to failure' (1973:74). He strongly argued against an uncritical adoption of models 'however fine and attractive' without a thorough knowledge of their internal characteristics. Although external factors, 'be they favourable or unfavourable', could not be discounted, liberation was the,

outcome of local and national elaboration, essentially determined and formed by the historical reality of each people, and carried to success by the overcoming or correct solution of the internal contradictions between the various categories characterising this reality (1973:74-5). Historical Dispossession and the Crisis of the Nation-State in Africa 361

Reclaiming African History For Cabral, colonialists claimed Africa had no history. They had taken the African people from their own history, 'to follow them, right at the back, to follow the progress of their history'. National liberation, therefore, constituted a 'return to our history, on our own feet, by our own means and through our own sacrifices' (1973:63). Davidson's approach to the study of African history is one that is focused on the liberation of that history from Eurocentric and racist approaches. African people, like other people elsewhere, made their own history and must be studied within the framework of its inner characteristics. He therefore rejects the Eurocentric periodisation, while acknowledging the complexity of such a task. He suggests starting from the local and regional contexts in order to construct a continental framework. He ditches the arbitrary demarcations between history and 'prehistory', social anthropology and history so as to arrive at a meaningful understanding of African societies' own relationship between the past, the present and the future, that is, 'the true community and continuity of [humanity] within [its] threefold condition of ancestor, [humanity] alive, and babe as yet unborne' (1994:66; for his attempt at periodising African history, see pp. 69-78 and 1992:77).

Davidson forcefully emphasises the historic achievements of African societies in solving their own problems and creating civilisations from within which were to contribute to human civilisations. The civilisations of Nubia, Kush, and the Nile Delta were not on the periphery of Africa but were of inner Africa (1994:20-21). In a review of Martin Bernal's Black Athena, he details the contributions (in the fields of mathematics, architecture, religion, and philosophy) of the ancient civilisations of the Nile to the civilisation of ancient Greece - which the European purveyors of the Aryan model like to call the ancestor of European civilisation (1994:318-333). Africa's achievements and its technological components, such as the manufacture of iron ( Africa's Iron Age predating that of Europe by a millennium), agricultural techniques, etc., were outstanding - given the hostile ecological conditions (1994:53- 54). For Davidson, the Iron Age in Africa, stretching from about 500 before the Christian era through to the nineteenth century, was the central period of African development. It was not only a 'period in which African peoples completed the mastery of their own continent at a preindustrial age' (1992:77-78), but also one that was characterised by social struggles with its 'frictions and servitudes that came with the demand for exploitable labour [and warfare] when the Iron Age, no doubt early in its life, duly slammed shut the gates of Eden'(1992:79). It was within these broad material foundations that political and social institutions emerged and manifested themselves in kingdoms. The kingdoms of Ghana, , Songhai, Benin, Hausa in West Africa and the East African coastal states of Kilwa and Mombasa and the successive kingdoms of Zimbabwe, among others, were 'children of [Africa's] own history but their origins and nature shared many characteristics with kingdoms elsewhere' in the world. Davidson situates the development of these kingdoms within expanded material production, regional exchange, and interconti- nental trade. He notes that during the late Middle Ages, West African trade in gold with southern Europe contributed to the development of capitalism in the city states of Genoa, Venice and Florence. It was, he writes, 'another consequence, however indirect, of the achievements of Africa, and of Africa's miners, and entrepreneurs'. Those on the eastern African coast were linked to trade with Asia - as far east as China (1994:34). 362 Review of African Political Economy

It is in his study of the kingdom of Asante that Davidson seeks to elaborate on the development and expansion of a precolonial empire-state, its material foundations and its political, social and spiritual institutions that provided checks and balances against tyranny and facilitated broader 'recognition of ties of mutual obligation and respect'. The institutions ensured the devolution of power and a 'system of participation'(1992:54-62). Davidson detects some democratic content in African spiritual institutions. He correctly sees them as integral to the rule of law, and performing the function of establishing codes of acceptable social behaviour. These, he maintains, were shared because they were,

derived from experience and experiment in a given ecological and social situation, but turned into myth and thereby given mandatory force by attribution to ancestral and therefore spiritual powers whose authority derived in turn from God (1992:86). Power, and the mechanisms for its accountability, he notes, rested on these spiritual foundations which were, themselves, an embodiment of the social, economic and political relations. Although these precolonial states were expansionary, the core ruling elements eschewed nationalism. They ruled over other ethnic groups through tax and tribute exactions and simply 'left it at that'. Ethnic, identities survived this apparently in contrast to the nation-statism of the postcolonial period. The precolonial societies had contradictions but they had developed systems capable of 'self-adjusting even in moments of catastrophe' (1992:62) within the framework of African culture(s). Some precolonial states, Davidson stresses, had, on the eve of imperialist occupation, developed the potential for African capitalist development. Some, like Benin for centuries earlier, demonstrated this possibility. He sees in the Asante empire-state, and the kingdom of Jaja of Opobo, the development of a social formation and the instituting of reforms which carried with them possibilities of capitalist development along the lines of Meiji Japan (1992:68) and even possibilities of a 'liberal-capitalist' order spearheaded by a merchant class (1992:76). In contrast, Colin Leys has made a sweeping and unsubstantiated dismissal of this as 'implausible': that Japan, unlike Asante, was too strong to suffer Western encroachment. 'The ultimate cause of the weakness of the precolonial African states vis-a-vis external capital and imperialism', he argues, 'was the extreme backwardness of their economies' (1994:37-38). Davidson's suggestion has strong merit however because it is concretely based on African historical realities. What can be extrapolated from Davidson's suggestion is that Asante, like Meiji Japan, had developed an institutional and cultural framework capable of adapting foreign technology and ideas to local circumstances and stimulating as well as sustaining accumulation and innovation. Not to understand that is to slide into the trap of Eurocentrism that Davidson warns against.

Davidson presents a well documented analysis showing societies which, despite the ravages of the slave trade, had developed and were developing socio-economic and political institutions on their own terms. Imperialism ruptured those internal processes and robbed African societies of the freedom for self development. Indeed Davidson correctly argues that the imperialist project carried with it a racist ideological apparatus that was dismissive of African institutions, history and culture. He locates the origins of racism in the beginning of the transatlantic slave trade (1994:57,319-342). Historical Dispossession and the Crisis of the Nation-State in Africa 363

Nationalism and the Nation-State African nationalism in the colonial period, Davidson emphasises, was modelled on European nationalism. He moves from one side of the Mediterranean to another, from Italy, Eastern Europe and Britain to Africa in an impressive analysis of nationalism and nation-statism. He sees nationalism as a Janus-like creature that 'demands freedom with one face and denies it with the other'. Consequently, many components in these nation-states 'ceased to live within their own history ... and suffered acute alienation' (1992:14). Nation-statism betrayed the labouring poor and advanced the interests of the 'middle strata'. The national frontier, defended by the 'middle strata', functioned as a containment to safeguard those sectoral interests. Nation states have not led to international peace but to strife and tragedy. The ideology of nation-statism, Davidson observes, began in West Africa, especially among the resettled freed slaves and their descendants in Freetown during the 1860s, at Cape Coast in Ghana, and was transmitted by the Saro and Aku to Nigeria. These were an alienated petty bourgeoisie - cultural misfits to the local population - who constituted themselves as 'modernisers' seeing in Europe a model for 'progress' in Africa. They rejected and despised the African past, its institutions, and sought to liberate Africa 'by alienating Africa from itself. Some, like the Americo-Liberians, built a 'non-African nation' based on 'imported scenarios and solutions' which, in the 1980s, 'would duly produce scenes of unprecedented barbarism'. The consequences of this alienation were unforseen in the nineteenth century (1992:28-44). Davidson identifies two contending types of nationalists: 'old nationalists' who campaigned for the restoration of precolonial institutions, and 'new nationalists' who saw precolonial institutions as a negation of 'progress'. The latter adopted the European nation-state model and institutions and artificial colonial frontiers in order to escape from colonial rule but in so doing they succeeded in 'disarming hostile ancestral powers'. The nation-state was 'Europe's last gift to Africa'. But like the nationalist struggles of Europe, success depended on the support of the labouring poor (peasants and workers). Davidson is correct to emphasise the dual character of the struggle representing the interests of its two social components. For the 'middle strata', it was a national struggle whereas, for the labouring poor it was social. It is the social question - that is the state's capacity to effect economic and social development and the people's material standards - which has been central to the crisis of the nation-state in Africa. This crisis, as Nzongola-Ntalaja has noted, 'is a function of the social or class character of the state itself. The social character of a state reflects the nature of its leadership group, its objective interests and its values'. This leadership m aintains its privilege 'rather than transforming the state and society around it' (1987:73). The ideology of nation-statism so vigorously defended by the postcolonial leadership has had the effect of subverting the democratic process which, in itself, is an important element of the social question. Davidson is emphatic about the point raised above and argues that the uncritical embracing of the Western institutional model, and in some cases the 'socialist' model, with their subsequent social, economic and political implications, demonstrates a lack of sufficient analysis of reality. He notes the role of the Western powers and the international financial institutions in imposing unworkable prescriptions dressed as economic and political 'reforms'. Whether there was a single party rule or multiparty 364 Review of African Political Economy rule, the utilisation of the state apparatus for accumulation increasingly marginalised the working people and from the 1970s their material standards worsened. The parallel (illegal) economy, in itself a manifestation of the contradictions between the rich and the poor, emerged and in many cases defied national frontiers. Economic immiseration triggered a widespread ecological degradation which was exacerbated by civil wars (1992:199-215). In all this, Africa's own historic experience and innovations to resolve problems of material production - especially in agriculture - were contemptuously dismissed by those who pushed for rapid 'modernisation' in both the colonial and postcolonial periods. In the eyes of the working people, the state has lost its legitimacy. This explains the repression, the ascendancy of 'pirates' to power, and social fragmentation and the reversion to 'kinship corporations'. In some countries like Zaire and Liberia, the state has ceased to exist. Postcolonial capitalism and its reformist paradigm as well as the 'socialist' models borrowed or adapted from elsewhere, he stresses, have failed Africa.

So what is the alternative? 'Why', he asks, 'adopt models from those very countries or systems that have oppressed and despised you? Why not modernise from models of your own history, or invent new models?' He appreciates that there is no clear route of escape. But he argues for the solution of contemporary problems 'within a historical framework, an indigenous historical framework, no matter what contribu- tions an external world may have made' (1994:282). This does not mean a return to the . past, but drawing on the positive elements of the model of the ancestors and adapting them to the concrete reality of today with popular participation as the central element of the new order which must include invented models. Davidson challenges those who consider this implausible to look at the liberation struggle in the former Portuguese colonies of Angola, Guine-Bissau and Mozam- bique. His essays, 'African Peasants and Revolution', 'Voices from the Front', and "The Legacy of Amilcar Cabral' (1994:184-243), which are an extension of his critique of the reformist model, are clearly influenced by what he experienced in his travels with the PAIGC combatants in Guine-Bissau and the MPLA in Angola and his close friendship with many in those movements and above all, with Amilacr Cabral. It is probably correct to suggest that Cabrai's thought greatly influenced Davidson's ideas (as indeed Cabral has influenced many including me). Davidson assesses Cabrai's leadership as the 'most unusual in the societies of late-colonial Africa, and probably in any of the societies of our time'. Like Cabral, Davidson sees the liberation struggle in the Portuguese colonies as a process to recover African history, as a product and determinant of culture. This would involve, as Cabral put it, the

scraplping] of colonial culture and the negative aspects of our own culture, whether in our character or in our environment, we have to create a new culture, also based on our traditions but respecting everything that the world has conquered for the service of mankind (1994:233).

Central to this process, would be the development of partipatory democracy based on respect and understanding of local customs, social formations, languages, etc. In Cabrai's case this is clearly demonstrated, among other works, in his 'Brief Analysis of the Social Structure in Guinea' (1973).

Davidson elaborates on this in his pieces on the positive interaction between the 'modernising and traditional' elements in the role of the Mbunda peasants in eastern Angola and that of the peasants in Guinea-Bissau. In these struggles, he argues, there was a clear realisation of the problems of the Western model of the nation-state and Historical Dispossession and the Crisis of the Nation-State in Africa 365 the inadequacies of the reformist nationalism to solve postcolonial problems. That was why these liberation movements differed significantly from those in other African countries. Theirs was a revolutionary nationalism which actively pursued the strategic objectives of national and social revolution based on a continuous but close study (as in the work of Amilcar Cabral) of the African reality. Returning to the crisis of the 1990s, Davidson casts a challenge against the increasing army of pessimists:

It must be useful to look at what was seldom or never discussed before: at the possibly permanent and surviving value of the experience that came before dispossession not as colourful folklore, nor as banal assertion of Africa's possessing a history of its own, but as a value that may be relevant to the concerns and crises of today (1992:76-7). The study of history, therefore, must be placed at the forefront of the struggle to solve current problems. Unlike those who today have embraced nebulous notions of 'fragmentation' Basil Davidson sees history as a unifying force. History must continue to be a weapon of the weak. In the two volumes, Basil Davidson has greatly contributed to the debate on what is to be done. He has done so with refreshing honesty, passion and renewed commitment to solidarity with the African people. The two volumes are essential companions for those involved in that struggle.

Shubi L Ishemo, is at Trinity and All Saints, University of Leeds, UK.

Bibliography Cabral, Amilcar (1973), Revolution in Guinea, Nzongola-Ntalaja (1987), Revolution and London: Stage 1; (1980), Unity and Struggle, Counter-Revolution in Africa, London: Zed Books. London: Heinemann. Race and Class, Vol. 36, No. 2, 1994. A Special Leys, Colin (1994), 'Confronting the African Issue on Basil Davidson, London. Tragedy', New Left Review, No. 204. Review of African Political Economy No. 65:367-371 © ROAPE Publications Ltd., 1995 ISSN 0305-6244; RIX#6507

Ethnocide - Discourse and Perceptions

Michael Stephen

These are two books which, on the surface, deal with very similar subjects. They focus on a form of inter-communal violence, sometimes terms 'tribalism' when referring to the African variety (but not when examined elsewhere in the world). The violence in Rwanda and Burundi is practised by population groups which bear the same name in two comparably developed neighbouring states. It might even be wrongly surmised that the two states were a one-time country now divided - yet another manifestation of the geo-political vagaries of the colonial legacy. Both books seek to rid us of some of our myths and preconceptions and to cause us to interrogate our information more closely. Yet they have very different methodologies and represent very different approaches to the subject.

Burundi: Ethnocide as Discourse and Practice (1994), Rene Lemarchand, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press and Woodrow Wilson Center . Rwanda: Death, Despair and Defiance (1994), Africa Rights Publications, London. Lemarchand's elegantly analytical book is about how ethnicity is 'transformed, mobilized, and ultimately incorporated into the horrors and irrationality of genocidal violence' (pp. xii) in a Burundi that was previously believed to have given us the most example of such excess in African history but which has now eclipsed its own past tragedies. As we watch the pattern seemingly repeat itself our own perceptions are shaped by the media images of genocide in Rwanda in 1994. There would seem to be a pattern of repetition going back to the assassination of Rwagasore in 1961. But, while there are patterns to be discerned, there is no historical inevitability to these spirals of violence. It is this aura of fated tragedy, so often embedded in accounts of sub-Saharan conflicts, that Lemarchand is at great pains to dismiss. He has little sympathy for the inevitability thesis found in the work of writers like Gatwa. This volume is very much the culmination of Lemarchand's thirty year analysis of ethnocide. As such it represents a profound contribution to our understanding of the nature and theory of ethnic conflict and of the impact of ethnocide on Burundi's institutions and people. It also provides us with a starting point from which to assess other situations of extreme ethnic competition.

By contrast, the Africa Rights volume is concerned to record the 1994 Rwandan slaughter almost wholly in the words of the victims, survivors and witnesses, with minimal linkage of quotes or comment from the compilers. It represents a first gathering together and presentation of the oral account of what happened and how it was interpreted by those who experienced it. The very title of the book conveys its message. Although the title includes the word 'defiance' and tales of defiance are recounted, they do little to assuage the overwhelming impression of unending human suffering and loss. People died of 'sorrow and sadness' (p.369). And even as the words 368 Review of African Political Economy were being collected so soon after the events they describe, the mourning had gone on to embrace vengeance. The grieving also made their first calls to the rest of us for justice; one year on they still find indifference and inadequate response. In the west, including Britain, arms are still sold for profit to named killers and with no loss of standing in international politics. (See evidence referred to in 'Urgent Action Mailing', 15 June 1995, Oxfam Campaigning Network, Oxford.) In fact, of course, the two countries are not the same, despite their shared characteristics: a common pre- colonial 'tradition' with origins in migration; a common imperial experience; and an enduring and infamous post-colonial history of strife between Tutsi and Hutu populations. This perception of a common heritage leads us to Lemarchand's central paradox:

By what extraordinary combination of circumstances could centuries of relatively peaceful commingling between Hutu and Tutsi, cemented by their shared loyalty to a common set of institutions, suddenly dissolve into fratricide? (p.2). The same question has yet to be posed for Rwanda but is nevertheless entirely applicable. It might take us some way towards a better understanding of what has just happened and why it is not at an end in spite of all the murder. Lemarchand convincingly dismisses the historically naive for whom 'tribalism, in short, is the age old monster that suddenly rears its head from the mists of time to spread violence and bloodshed' (p. 3). If he is more impressed by marxist explanations, he finds nevertheless 'scarcely more convincing ... the notion of caste or class' whilst Roger Botte produces a 'brilliant but to my mind misleading analysis' (p. 3). Lemarchand's volume is, in a sense, an attempt to explain and indicate solutions to ethnic violence by analysis of the detail of political process. The Africa Watch volume, by contrast, snares such objectives but seeks to achieve them by detailing the grisly method and motives of the perpetrators of ethnocide as perceived by its victims in Rwanda. Lemarchand's volume goes beyond providing a condensed ethno-history for Burundi such as the significant contributions made by many scholars concerning Rwanda (D. Newbury, 1980; M. Newbury, 1978). It seeks also to examine how that history was constructed and to what purpose - towards an understanding of the construction of ethnicity and ethnocide. His position is developed from a comparative discussion of political clientelism edited with Eisenstadt (1981). Thus he claims that strife in Burundi stems from the excesses of political clientage within the dominant Tutsi group in the political-military arena coupled with paranoia that the more numerous Hutu are permanently preparing for insurrection. Fear of insurrection promotes both the shrinking of the clientelist net to exclude Hutu and the weakening of the net through purges and assassinations among the factions of the dominant elite. The very shrinking and moments of weakening of the net are seen by members of the Hutu group as opportunities to strike against the government. By contrast, Africa Watch, in an emotively entitled introductory chapter - 'The Pathology of Genocide' - argue that 'to speak of "reasons" for genocide is to give a spurious logic, and even respectability, to the motives of the criminals who commit the crime' (p. 1). Nevertheless, they suggest that ideology and a concerted drive for power depended on a collective, directed act of genocide by Rwandans against specified groups of other Rwandans, the latter predominantly Tutsi. Chapter by chapter we are taken through a trajectory of genocide with its own coherent logic. We are offered the evidence of reliable eye witness accounts of the preparations for mass slaughter publicised prior to events (pp. 54-55); the targeting of political opponents (in this case proponents of power-sharing and non-sectarian government) and, more Ethnocide - Discourse and Perceptions 369

generally, opponents of policies of violence; a clearly delineated policy for the conduct of violence; and, in a number of chapters, its application against specific sections of the population such as women (as the bearers of future generations), children, clergy and medical personnel. The volume clearly constructs a form of logical order from the actions, premises, objectives and motives of the actors. Both books take us through a precolonial history that establishes the dominance of the Tutsi as the authors search for ancestral traces of 'tribalism'. And both sketch the changing nature of somewhat idealised precolonial relationships of reciprocity as a result of colonial administrative interventions. The result is unsurprisingly skeletal and even spectral. Even so, both show how a long and fragmented oral tradition has been distorted by the ideologues of competing factions for purposes of group mobilisation. Neither account questions seriously the evidence for the standard picture of a settled and violence-free precolonial era.

The Africa Watch volume presents a standard critique (owing more to Seligman's Races of Africa than to historical research) of the mythology and racism on which master-race traditions have been applied to Africa (pp. 8,9). The oral tradition which has appeared in the literature (e.g. in Webster, 1979) is very much the self- presentation of dominant lineages, structured to perpetuate that dominance and legitimise its attendant relations of power and resource control. There is little indication of a precolonial and colonial tradition of resistance from below although there exists considerable evidence of 'palace coups' and intra-elite struggle. The Hutu are viewed for the most part in all accounts, including their own, as acquiescent helots. This helot-like subjection is then emphasised in the rhetoric of Hutu ideologues as part of the conditions determining their need to reassert independence and ethnic pride. Lemarchand, too, presents the Burundi society of recent history as politically unified around a universally venerated King - except for the odd palace plot by a prince or the military. This contrasts sharply with his much more probing account of the recent period from the 1980s where he indicates the absence of Hutu- peasant opinion, or indeed the lack of means for that opinion to be expressed or recorded (Chapter Six: "The restructuring of state-society relations').

The question deficient account of precolonial relations has now travelled into the more popular and timely literature on the region (Waller, 1993; Vassall-Adams, 1994). It has travelled also into the further literature, being used for instance to support Bayart's theorising of 'conservative modernisation' (1993). There are, of course, comparably unsatisfactory accounts existing in the history of African kingdoms and the history of Swaziland is an example. One irony in this context is that while Bayart has accepted the Burundi elite's account of themselves, he has dismissed the stronger Swazi reconstruction of their polity in favour of a recent populist account based on South-African determinism. As a result of this easy acceptance of an elite-sponsored precolonial history as being almost idyllic, the search for the origins of the post-colonial strife is concentrated, to a very significant extent, on the colonial period where, of course, good 'initial causes' for severe competition for power and resources are to be found (see M. Newbury). Both books refer to colonial interference in the system and role of chieftaincy, land tenure arrangements and changing balance of power between Hutu and Tutsi at local and national levels as major factors in the creation of new elites, engendering distrust, jealousies and eventual hatred. The Belgian administration's issuing of identity cards, which allocated the holder to either the Hutu or the Tutsi group on the basis of cattle holdings, is universally accepted as a key element in the creation of a 'false' ethnicity 370 Review of African Political Economy in Rwanda and as a prime factor in facilitating the initial slaughters in 1994. From June 1995 ethnic group will no longer be inserted on identity cards but it comes too late to affect the development of ethnic identity itself. The final chapter of the Africa Watch volume narrates the failure of genocide and the flight of the would-be practitioners into exile and the inadequacies of the international response to the multi-layered needs of both the remaining and the exiled Rwandan people. It ends with a call for justice, premised on the declaration, distilled from the evidence of many informants, that 'it is vitally important that the truth be told about the crime of genocide committed in Rwanda' (p. 719). Africa Watch goes on to assert that only by publicly examining the truth will false propaganda be exposed and the conditions created for beginning the reconstruction of a new national identity. It must necessarily be a long-term project which, at an early stage, needs to reach out to those Hutu who continue to see their suffering in refugee camps abroad as being the fault of the Tutsi they believe wish to dominate, and even kill, them. Not surprisingly, there is as yet little evidence to suggest that the mass of Hutu refugees either accept the enormity of the crime committed or accept their responsibility for that crime.

There appear to be more people in exile than people that died though the figures are all contentious. The weapons of mass destruction are of low technology although the victims they accounted for may number over one million. The murder and maiming was done at a very personal level with hand-held firearms, domestic and agricultural tools. Not all refugees are butchers. Nor are all refugees Hutu; there are still Tutsi refugees abroad. Not all Hutu are killers and not all victims were Tutsi, although they clearly form the great majority of them. Not all Tutsi cry out for revenge or even justice just as not all Hutu demanded the extermination of all Tutsi. All this might appear evident from a distance but such assumptions inform commonly held perceptions in the region. There is a perception of binary opposition which needs to be broken down: good and bad, Tutsi and Hutu, RPF and Interahamwe, farmer and refugee, landed and landless, oppressor and oppressed. While these multiple associations of opposed characteristics form the basis of dominant ideologies and everyday discourse among Rwandans and Burundians there is little neutral space in which to begin constructing reconciliation. The 'Epilogue' chapter of Lemarchand's book offers a solemn and salutary message concerning legislated conciliation, equalisation and integration. The Buyoya govern- ment (1987-93) of Burundi created the constitutional conditions to see their Tutsi dominated government voted out of office by the electorate in the first modern exercise of fairly free multi-party democratic elections in June 1993. The first elected, Hutu-dominated government was constructed to represent both ethnic population groups as well as all the regions, and various powers were reserved by government to suppress extremism and implement a form of power-sharing rarely seen anywhere else. The fragile experiment has not succeeded. Army extremists assassinated President Ndadaye in October of the same year as his election and since then we have witnessed a creeping coup and armed counter rebellion, both driven by fear and hatred. While the Rwandan RPF-dominated government, certain NGO spokespersons and outside observers, including the authors of both these books, may cry out for positive intervention in support of proponents of reconciliation with justice, a lasting solution to the ongoing violence is not evident. Clearly there is a need to persuade the international community to cut off the supply of arms now being imported through Zaire in anticipation of a much heralded new invasion of Rwanda. But cutting off Ethnocide - Discourse and Perceptions 371

arms supplies to the exiled former army is not enough in itself stop men (and sometimes women) from remaining susceptible to the mythologies, half-truths (and even truths!) of ethnic appeals to political mobilisation for murder. There will always be a stone to take up and always a dealer ready to supply arms. Before nation-building can be contemplated there needs to be a deconstruction of fictitious boundaries and opposites rather than the continuation of the substitution of opposites. These two valuable books, with their wealth of detail reconstructing the central events, take their readers some way in the direction of such deconstruction but few in Rwanda, Burundi or the refugee camps will be able to read them. And it is only they who can begin to deconstruct and rebuild the ties that can allow them to find a path to begin again development with equality and security.

Michael Stephen is in the Division of International Relations and Politics at Staffordshire University, UK.

Bibliography Bayart, J-F (1993), The State in Africa: the Politics Newbury, M C (1978), 'Ethnicity in Rwanda', of the Belly, London: Longmans. Africa 48, 17-29. Eisenstadt, S R & R Lemarchand (eds) (1981), Vassall-Adams, D (1994), Rwanda: an Agenda for Political Clientelism, Patronage and Development,International Action, Oxford: Oxfam. London: Sage. Waller, D (1993), Rwanda: Which Way Now?, Gatwa,Tharcisse(1992),'Refugies:unprobleme Oxford: Oxfam. incontournable', Dialogue 151. Webster, J B (ed) (1979), Chronology, Migration Newbuiy, D S (1980),'The Clans of Rwanda', and Drought in Interlacustrine Africa, London: Africa 50, 389-404. Longmans and Dalhousie University Press, Canada. Review of African Political Economy No.65:373-378 © ROAPE Publications Ltd., 1995 ISSN 0305-6244; RIX #6508

Book Notes

This section gives brief notes of books recently Mafeje, Ali Mazrui, Issa Shivji amongst received which may be of interest to our others, including the editors themselves readers. Some may be reviewed in depth at a (a full review is planned for a later issue later date. If you would like to review books of ROAPE). for ROAPE, please get in touch with the book reviews editors, Ray Bush, Roy Love or Morris Szeftel. Senegal: Essays in Statecraft by Momar Academic Freedom in Africa by Mamadou Coumba Diop (ed), Codesria, 1993. Diouf & Mahmood Mamdani, Codesria, 1994. Thirteen chapters on various aspects of change in Senegal since independence, This important and interesting book is ranging from an introductory overview extremely difficult to summarise in a and economic emphasis in the early paragraph. It consists of eighteen chap- chapters, including the pivotal role of the ters from papers delivered to the sympo- groundnut economy, through discussion sium on academic freedom held in of population, urbanisation and the envi- Kampala in November 1990. The issues ronment to a final section on education, are perennially topical, covering ideo- student unions and trade unionism. logical and methodological perspectives, global influences, intelligentsia and activ- Of greater interest to the sociologist and ism, and organisational issues. Country political scientist, perhaps, is a large coverage is predominantly Ghana, Ni- central section concerning the historical geria, Senegal and Algeria, though an roots of patronage and 'technology', tra- interesting case study of the ILO in Sudan dition, intellectuals, and the press. is included, and the specific contexts are less important than the common factors Contributions vary from fairly orthodox relating to the state/academic interface critical reviews of environmental policy that recur. and educational reform to more stimulat- ing debates on the interaction between The debates on the development and role technocracy and neo-patrimonialism, 'de- of intellectuals, including their incorpo- mocracy and the literati', and the emer- ration by the colonial state, in Senegal gence of an independent press. The and Algeria, are of continuing relevance connecting theme is a recurrent historical to the contemporary scene in most coun- review of each sector's relationships with tries elsewhere on the continent, though the state and with the nature of the state as Ake points out in Chapter 1 ('Aca- itself over the periods dominated princi- demic Freedom and Material Base') limi- pally by Senghor and Abdou Diouf. This tations on academic freedom is not a recent historical detail does not detract peculiarly African problem. This volume from the interest which this volume is about the specificity of the problem in contains for the general reader and for Africa. specialists on other countries, both in giving insights into Senegalese polity and Almost every chapter is of interest, with in exploring issues that are of great contributions from Claude Ake, Archie relevance elsewhere. 374 Review of African Political Economy

Social Construction of the Past: Repre- including the question of local involve- sentation as Power by George C Bond ment in the mediating team - recognising and Angela Gilliam (eds), Routledge, a gap in their appreciation of internal 1994. politics. This would be an interesting debate to extend. Although very wide ranging in its coun- try coverage, from Haiti, Colombia and ancient Greece to the southern United States and South Africa this collection, Trade and Industrial Policies in the New derived from the Second World Arch- South Africa by Lena Moritz, Nordiska aelogical Congress in 1990, carries a Afrikainstitutet, Research Report No. 97, useful introduction by the editors on 1994. 'post-colonial discourse', subjugated knowledge and the role of intellectuals, This short report (64 pp) provides an which belies its somewhat specialised excellent summary and critical review origins. The book finishes with three both of the orthodox arguments regard- chapters on South Africa: archaelogy and ing trade and industrial development representation of class in 18th century and of the nature of the problems in this Cape Town by Martin Hall; the represen- area inherited by the GNU in South tation of tradition in contemporary im- Africa. The opening section demonstrates ages (such as tourism promotion in a few pages that the relationship literature) by Andrew Spiegel; and the between manufactured exports, import relationship of intellectuals to the pro- substitutes, a country's trade regime and duction of knowledge and sources of the role played by the state is nowhere as power by Mala Singh. Most of the chap- simple or as replicable as the IMF/World ters of the book aim to 'explore power Bank axis have tried to make out. On relationships between peoples framed South Africa, the author discusses prob- and phrased in the idiom of race'. lems of over valued exchange rates, highly capital intensive investment, and low international levels of factor produc- tivity inherited from the previous period. Conflict Transformation by Kumar Discussion of the role played, in fact and Rupesinghe (ed), St. Martin's Press, 1995. potentially, by small and medium sized enterprises, and of the 'importance' of A series of chapters on the theme of setting a favourable investment climate is conflict transformation rather than reso- tempered by recognition of the ANC's lution, emphasising the practical steps in agenda regarding employment, housing the mediation process within a general and social services. This is a useful taxonomic approach to the development review from the orthodox position. An and emergence of conflict. While largely extensive bibliography is provided. a methodological book, of particular in- terest to African(ist) readers will be the chapter by Dayle E. Spencer and William J. Spencer (of the Carter Center of Emory The Press in Nigeria by Adewale Maja- University's Conflict Resolution Program) Pearce with Dulue Mbachu; Who Rules on mediation in the Ethiopian-Eritrean the Airwaves? Broadcasting in Africa. conflict, and in Sudan and Liberia. Em- phasis is on mediation skills and proc- Both published by Article 19 & Index on esses rather than on detailed analysis of Censorship (London, 1995). The short the underlying causes of conflict in these pamphlet (32pp) on the press in Nigeria cases, but interesting insights into the (one of a series on the press in Africa by views of the mediators are obtained, the author for Index on Censorship) Book Notes 375 concentrates largely on the post-1983 Inducing Food Insecurity: Perspectives period of military rule, and especially on on Food Policies in Eastern and Southern state-media relations under Abacha. It Africa by M A Mohamed Salih (ed), tells a depressing and familiar story of Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, 1994. successive regimes from the colonial period onwards engaged in harassing the This is rather a mixed bag of papers, press for embarassing them, usually with covering countries as diverse as Sudan, true exposes of abuses or corruption, and Eritrea, Uganda, Tanzania, Zimbabwe, provides many short case studies. It is and Botswana, arising from a conference weakened however by a crude political held in Uganda in August 1993. The commentary in which the islamic, igno- transmutation of the conference title of rant and reactionary Northern elite use 'Alternative Food Policies in Eastern and control or harassment of the press as one Southern Africa' to the book title of weapon against the Christian, educated 'Inducing Food Insecurity' underlines a and progressive South. Thus while useful basic pessimism in the outcome. The as a descriptive account of assaults on principal theme of the collection is that press freedom, it has little value as an food insecurity is both chronic through- analysis of why they occur. out most of the region and has largely been induced by 'misconceived food poli- Maja-Pearce appears again in the book on cies'. The latter does not refer, as so often, broadcasting, as the author of five of the to a failure 'to get the prices right' but to nine short country case studies that com- constraints imposed by the international prise the bulk of the book. None of these economic order, often related to struc- are on West or North Africa, but there are tural adjustment and its direct effects on accounts of such rarely discussed states consumers. Internally also there have as Malawi, Namibia and Mozambique. been failures of political will, whether in The reports focus on the 1990s, are the manipulations of a prolonged war, as descriptive, and have as their central in Eritrea and northern Ethiopia, in the theme the extent of official control of maldistribution of cattle in Botswana, or radio and TV, which are for most Afri- in the neglect of the views of pastoralists cans the only source of news other than in the Horn. Other chapters discuss 'sus- gossip and foreign broadcasts. Enough tainable agro-ecosystems', population information is provided, however, to dynamics and soil erosion (in Uganda) follow up other themes raised in the and the often neglected topic of urban introductory essay by Richard Carver, farming. notably the implications of journalistic inexperience, the importance of finance, and the extent and impact of journalists' own abuse of press freedom and journal- The Migration Experience in Africa by istic ethics. Jonathan Baker, and Tade Akin (eds), Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, 1995. Given the interest now shown by western 'donors', foundations and other agencies This is a collection of invited papers for a (as well as media companies) in funding Scandinavian Institute of African Studies African radio and TV stations, and in conference held in 1991 and they portray training journalists, it would have been a useful survey of the field at that time. helpful to have had some discussion of The opening section, consisting of four this theme: the rulers of the airwaves may chapters on 'Conceptual and Methodo- become neither journalists nor govern- logical Frameworks' begins with a cri- ments, but external bodies. tique by Samir Amin of the conventional individualised focus of the causes of migration, while others (Tade Akin Aina, 376 Review of African Political Economy

Krokfors) seek a way through the 'struc- labour relations by Lloyd Sachikonye, on ture, agency and consciousness' prob- women and informal sector trade by lematic. Veronica Brand, Rodreck Mupedziswa and Perpetua Gumbo, and on health by The second section covers 'National, Re- Leon Bijlmakers, Mary Bassett and David gional and Sub-Regional Themes' with Sanders. A wealth of detailed survey and overviews by Aderanti Adepoju and case study material is therefore pre- W.T.S. Gould and an interesting contri- sented. The overall impression is predict- bution by Christian Rogerson on non- ably depressing, with 'significant levels metropolitan migration in South Africa, a of job enlargement, work intensification largely under-researched area, particu- and retrenchment' creating a 'working larly in its gender aspects. Section three, class ... generally on the verge of destitu- entitled "The Range of Migration Experi- tion'. ence' includes two chapters on the rela- tively neglected area of migration to The Zimbabwean government's Social small towns (by the elderly and by Dimensions of Adjustment programme pastoralists), and others on school leavers and Social Development Fund have had in Kenya, the role of the state in Ethiopia, only marginal impact, though the 1991-2 social differentiation in Tanzania, and drought extended the scale of the prob- involuntary migration across the conti- lem. The studies in this volume are nent. important in that they take the reader into the lives and struggles of ordinary work- The final section, on 'Gender Issues' ing (and non-working) people as they reflects the problems for editors of collec- attempted to maintain living standards in tions such as this where the importance of the early 1990s environment of ESAP. For gender is recognised but where there is a many of those involved in trading on threat of marginalisation by sectioning it their own account, liberalisation has of- off, usually, as in this case, to a final fered new opportunities, but for the section. This said, however, there are five poorest and least empowered, the evi- interesting chapters challenging the con- dence in this volume is that they have ventional view that women migrate, if at regressed. all, as dependents of migrant men. Though fewer in numbers, women are shown to be independent migrants, often driven by rural impoverishment, in papers on Ni- World Trade Reform: Do Developing geria, Burkina Faso and Botswana. The Countries Gain or Lose? by Sheila Page country coverage, apart from two chap- and Michael Davenport, ODI Special ters on Nigeria and one on Burkina Faso, Report, London, 1994. is focused on Eastern and Southern Af- rica. This international survey highlights how little African countries are expected to gain from the completion of the Gatt Uruguay Round in December 1993, pri- Structural Adjustment and the Working marily because of the erosion of conces- Poor in Zimbabwe by Peter Gibbon (ed), sions to the ACP group of countries and Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, 1995. from reductions in MFN tariffs. Basically a research report, it consists of 120 pages After an extended introduction and re- of empirical analysis and summary, fol- view of informal economies and social lowing a conventional neo-classical meth- dimensions of adjustment by Peter Gib- odology. The implications for Africa are bon, there follow three substantial re- worrying. Although the share of all de- ports of field research in Zimbabawe; on veloping countries in total world trade Book Notes 377 had increased from 21% in 1973 to 27% by increasing number of volumes such as 1993 the bulk of this increase accrued to this by African scholars, which are not so Asian countries and manufactured ex- much filling gaps as providing seminal ports. Between 1970 and 1992, for in- analysis and original accounts of main- stance, the African share of world stream issues. manufactured exports rose only from 0.4% to 0.5% (with most of this in the The period 1941-74 has been largely 1970s) while that of Asian developing neglected in Ethiopian studies, domi- coiuntries rose from 3.7% to 17.1%. Tak- nated for so long either by the short- ing Tropical Products (Table 3.6), Indus- termism of contemporary problems or trial Products (excluding textiles and the long-pastism of studies of 19th cen- clothing) (Table 4.2), and total exports tury state formation. As a number of (Table 6.1) virtually all African countries authors of this book point out, the thirty were estimated to experience a drop in odd years prior to the revolution of 1974 the value of exports compared to a were ones of positive, though limited, minority in this capacity in Asia and economic growth and development. In Latin America. In the case of textiles and seeking to understand why this fairly clothing, the impact is more universally stable period still left Ethiopia as one of positive but of a considerably lower the least developed nations and failed to magnitude for African countries. prevent the disruption of 1974 one comes up against fundamental developmental For some countries, particularly Ethio- issues connected with sources of capital , Malawi and Mozambique the fall is investment, land reform, and the precise between 4.6% and' 5.9% for total export nature of state involvement, including earnings while others are below this the definition, character and role of the range. This is not to say that developing state itself under Haile Selassie. countries elsewhere in the world are expected to gain considerably from trade Most of these issues are addressed in this liberalisation. The average gain for Latin volume, though at varying length and, America is only 0.2% and for South Asia for the most part, in orthodox fashion. 0.1%. For the rest of Asian developing The book begins with a somewhat dry countries there is neither gain nor loss. and largely economistic overview of the There is, consequently, substantive evi- economy between 1941 and 1974 by dence from this report, argued in ortho- Shiferaw Jammo, followed by a lengthy dox terms, that global trade linkages and interesting chapter by the editor on which are dependent upon the outcome "The evolution of land tenure in the of debates between major industrialised imperial era'. Dessalegn Rahmato then trading blocs, do not tend to operate in contributes on peasant agriculture under favour of the less developed nations. This the 'old regime', while Eshetu Chole is a useful study to have in libraries as a discusses the often neglected area of resource for student projects. industrialisation and its slow growth, particularly during the late 1960s and early 1970s.

An Economic History of Ethiopia: The The book concludes with two chapters, Imperial Era 1941-74 by Bekele Shiferaw by Befekadu Degefe, on money and mon- (ed), Codesria Book Series, 1995. Distrib- etary institutions and by Alula Abate, on uted by African Books Collective, Ox- migration and urbanisation. For this re- ford. viewer the key contributions are those on agriculture, land and industry, perhaps Codesria, and its funders, are to be because the analytical framework is more commended for their support for an one of political economy, in contrast to 378 Review of African Political Econom the more conventional economic histori- letarianisation Process, Historical Dis- cal account of the other chapters. Taken cussion of Migrant Labour, Development together, however, one hopes that this of the Swazi Working Class during 1947- book marks a revival of sustained interest 62 (mainly in the timber and pulp indus- in this crucial period of Ethiopian history. tries), Cotton Cultivation 1955-85, It is to be followed by a second volume, Contract Farming and Small Scale Irriga- on the post-1974 period. tion. Through analysis of archive mate- rial and other historical references the various authors leave a clear picture of the way in which the colonial state, Kenyan Capitalists, the State, and De- international capital and the post-colo- velopment by David Himbara, East Afri- nial monarchic state have combined in can Educational Publishers, Nairobi, 1994. both creating a rural proletariat and ISBN 9966 46 751 3. controlling patterns of production and exploitation on the land. The authors Three interrelated themes are taken up in wisely do not spend too much time on the this study of capital accumulation in history of concessionaries to land as this Kenya. One is the lack of recognition complex story is well researched else- given to the importance of 'Asian' capital, where, but move on to show how its both pre- and post-independence, an- effects permeate rural social control to- other is the comparatively slow emer- day. gence of a substantive 'African' entre- preneurial class, and the third refers to the failure of the state, again pre- and post-colonial, to encourage each of these Labour in the Explanation of an African effectively, particularly in the way in Crisis by Jimi Adesina, Codesria Book which this has been done in the NTCs of Series, 1994. Distributed by African Books East Asia. The consequence, in recent Collective, Oxford. years, is that the potential of the Kenyan Indian bourgeoisie is constrained by po- Jimi Adesina sets out to challenge the litical insecurity while that of the African World Bank orthodoxy that urbanised informal sector, the 'jua kali' is neglected formal sector labour contributed signifi- in favour of vested interests in the formal cantly to Nigeria's economic problems of public sector. the 1970s and 1980s through strikes, low productivity and high wages, using its organisational powers to pre-empt mar- ket forces. Social Transformation: The Swaziland Caseby Simelane Nomtheto (ed), Codesria Although a fairly short book (131 pages) Book Series, Dakar, 1995, (146pp). ISBN 1 Adesina follows a closely argued line, 870784-OX-X. Distributed by the African interweaving detailed empirical evidence Books Collective, Oxford. effectively with a discussion con- textualised in the political economy of Arising from a Codesria sponsored work- Nigerian industrial development since ing group this collection of papers has as independence. This is a useful contribu- its principal theme the proletarisation tion, with much relevance outside Ni- process in Swaziland, covering the pe- geria, to the labour process aspects of riod from approximately the 1890s up to adjustment, a field of analysis that is the mid 1980s. There is an emphasis on badly neglected in studies of African agriculture, land and migrant labour, political economy. • with the chapters broken down into Historical Perspectives on the Pro- Review of African Political Economy No.65:379-460 © ROAPE Publications Ltd., 1995 ISSN 0305-6244; RIX #6509

Current Africana 1993/4

Current Africana, in its new form, covers Edinburgh University Press. I welcome much the same material as before, though it comments on the arrangement, and does not include dissertations. The bulk of notification of missing items. Send these to the items listed are from 1993-4, though me, Chris Allen, Department of Politics, 31 some are from 1991-2; the next listing will be Buccleuch Place, Edinburgh EH8 9JT (e-mail in June 1996 (ROAPE no. 68) and include the address: [email protected]). remainder of the material from this issue which will include: West Africa: Nigeria (continued), West Africa: Other; Central Index Africa; South Africa; Other Southern Africa; Africa General 379 Islands. From then on, Current Africana North Africa 408 should cover a year's publications. North-East Africa 414 East Africa 423 The material is organised by region (except West Africa: General & Francophone . 440 for Nigeria and South Africa, which have West Africa: Nigeria 455 distinct sections), and within each region by five broad subject areas:

• Politics (which also includes current af- fairs, international relations, and some Africa General aspects of law); (A) Politics • Economics and development; • Society and social welfare (which also 1 Aboyade, O, Governance, structural adjust- includes gender, some anthropological ment and transformation, IDS bulletin, 25, 3 material, health, urban studies, and de- (1994) 9-15 2 Adamife, E N, Warhola, J W, Africa's political mographic studies); boundaries: colonial cartography, the OAU and • Rural economy (which also includes agri- the advisability of ethno-national adjustment, culture, food and famine studies); International journal of politics, culture and society, • General and other material (which also 6,4 (1993) 533-54 includes environmental and media stud- 3 Adedeji, A, An alternative for Africa, Journal of democracy, 5,4 (1994) ies). 4 Adedeji, A, Stable foundations, Africa forum, 1, 3 (1991) 52-55 Within these subject areas - which are 5 Adeniji, O, Regionalism in Africa, Security admittedly crude - items are arranged dialogue, 24, 2 (1993) 211-20 alphabetically. Many of the items are chap- 6 Adesina, J O, Critique and anti-critique in the 'governance in Africa' discourse, Codesria bulle- ters from books, and in many cases the tin, 2 (1993) 24-27 books concerned are also listed. In these 7 Afigbo, A E, Colonial historiography, in Falola cases an abbreviated reference is given T (ed), African historiography (London: Longman, (editors and short title only), plus the 1993), 39-51 number of the book itself. 8 Agbi, S O, Japanese relations with Africa 1868- 1978. Ibadan: Ibadan University Press, 1992, 153PP For a detailed subject index, and for a listing 9 Ahanotu, A M, (ed), Religion, society and state in covering a much wider range of material, contemporary Africa: Nigeria, Sudan, South Africa, see the International African Institute's Zaire and Mozambique. New York: Lang, 1992, annual Africa Bibliography, published by 208pp 10 Aidoo, A, Africa: democracy without human 380 Review of African Political Economy

rights, Human rights quarterly, 15,4 (1993) 703- (1991) 27-35 15 32 Baloro, J, International humanitarian law and 11 Ailola, D A, Remedies for human rights viola- situations of internal armed conflicts in Africa, tions in the African Charter on Human and African journal of international and comparative Peoples' Rights, Journal of research, 2 (1992) 49- law, 4,2 (1992) 449-471 82 33 Bangoura, D, A la recherche d'une strategie- 12 Ake, C, As Africa democratises, Africa forum, 1, espace, facteur de la paix en Afrique, Afrique 2 (1991) 13-16 2000, 15 (1993) 102-32 13 Ake, C, Democratisation and disempowerment in 34Bangoura, D, Le role juridique, politique et Africa. Lagos: Malthouse, 1994,23pp militaire de l'OUA en matiere de defence, 14 Ake, C, The feasibility of democracy in Africa. Cahiers de I'IPAG, 10 (1990) 26-73 Ibadan: Ibadan University, 1992, lOpp 35 Bangura, Y, Economic restructuring, coping 15 Ake, C, The new world order: a view from the strategies and social change: implications for South. Lagos: Malthouse, 1992,62pp institutional development in Africa, Develop- 16 Ake, C, The unique case of African democracy, ment and change, 25,4 (1994) 785-827 International affairs, 69,2 (1993) 239-44 36 Bates, R H, The impulse to reform in Africa, in 17 Akele Adua, P, Prison, democratic et sous- Widner J A (ed), Economic change and political developpement, Zaire-Afrique, 33, 277 (1993) liberalisation (item 295), 11-28 433-40 37 Baynham, S, The subordination of African 18 Akioye, A A, The rhetorical construction of armies to civilian control: theory and praxis, radical Africanism at the United Nations: meta- Africa insight, 22,4 (1992) 259-63 phoric cluster as strategy, Discourse and society, 38 Bennett, T W, Human rights and the African 5,1 (1994) 7-31 cultural tradition, in Schmale W (ed), Human 19 Amate, C O C, The OAU and the conflicts in rights and cultural diversity (Goldbach: Kiep, Africa, Africa quarterly, 33, (1993) 59-75 1993), 269-80 20 Amin, S, The issue of democracy in the contem- 39 Biad, A, La resolution des conflits en Afrique: porary Third World, in Himmelstrand U et al bilan et perspectives, Annual conference (African (eds), African perspectives on development (item Society of International and Comparative Law), 4, 1026), 320-35 (1992) 255-264 21 Amoah, P, The African Charter on Human and 40 Blaney, D L, Pasha, M K, Civil society and Peoples' Rights - an effective weapon for democracy in the Third World: ambiguities and human rights?, African journal of international historical possibilities, Studies in comparative and comparative law, 4,1 (1992) 226-240 international development, 28,1 (1993) 3-24 22 Antunes,JF, Ofactor africanol 890-1990. Venda 41 Boillot, F, L'eglise catholique face aux processus Nova: Bertrand, 1990,149pp de changement politique du debut des annees 23 Anyang' Nyong'o, P A, The African awakening, quatre-vingt-dix, Annie africaine 1992/93, 115- Southern Africa political and economic monthly, 4, 44 9 (1991) 5-8 42 Borhaug, K, Local government and decentralisa- 24 Arnold, G, Political and economic encyclopaedia of tion in Subsaharan Africa: an annotated bibliogra- Africa. Harlow: Longman, 1993,342pp phy. Bergen: Chr. Michelson Institute, 1994, 25 Arnold, G, Wars of Africa, Africa forum, 2, 1 58pp (1992) 30-33 43 Bouvier, P, L'Afrique politique face a son 26 Asibuo, S K, Inertia in African public adminis- devenir, Civilisations, 40,2 (1992) 232-252 tration: an examination of some causes in 44 Breum, M, Menneskeret i Afrika. Copenhagen: remedies, Africa development, 17,4 (1992) 67-80 Dansk Center for Menneskerettigheder, 1993, 27 Ate, B E, Before perestroika: African and Ameri- 144pp can perceptions of regional security in Africa, 45 Buijtenhuis, R, Rijnierse, E, Democratisation in Nigerian journal of international affairs, 18, 1 Subsaharan Africa: an overview of the literature. (1992) 120-30 Leiden: Afrikastudiecentrum, 1993,97pp 28 Austin, D, reflections on African politics: 46 Busia, N K A, The right to self-determination, Prospero, Ariel and Caliban, International af- the state and the quest for democracy in Africa: fairs, 69,2 (1993) 203-22 an exploratory analysis, Annual conference (Afri- 29 Bach, D, Kirk-Greene, A H M, (eds), Etats et can Society of International and Comparative Law), societes en Afrique francophone. Paris: Economica, 4, (1992) 29-48 1993,303pp 47 Callaghy, T M, Africa: falling off the map, 30 Bakary, T D, Des militaires aux avocats: une Current history, 93, 579 (1994) 31-36 autre forme de coup d'etat, Geopolitique africaine, 48 Callaghy, T, Africa: back to the future?, Journal 15,2 (1992) 7pp of democracy, 5,4 (1994) 133-45 31 Balogun, M J, The African civil service within 49 Campbell, H, The Gulf War, Africans, and the the context of structural adjustment and struc- new world disorder, Southern Africa political and tural transformation: a review and a synthesis economic monthly, 4,9 (1991) 25-30 of contending reform strategies for the 1990s, 50 Chabal, P, Democracy and daily life in Black African management development forum, 2, 1 Africa, International affairs, 70, 1 (1994) 83-91 Current Africana 381

(review article) 71 DeLancey, M, (ed), Handbook of political science 51 Chabal, P, The postcolonial state in Portuguese- research on Subsaharan Africa. New York: Green- speaking Africa, Portuguese studies, 8, (1992) wood, 1992,427pp 189-202 72 Demongeot, P, Market-oriented approaches to 52 Chabal, P, Some reflections on the post-colonial capacity-building in Africa, Public administra- state in Portuguese-speaking Africa, Africa in- tion and development, 14, 5 (1994) 479-87 sight, 23, 3 (1993) 129-35 73 Depelchin, J, Beyond elite politics: a comment 53 Chazan, N, Africa's democratic challenge, World on Ernest Wamba-dia-Wamba's essay 'Beyond policy journal, 9,2 (1992) 279-307 elite politics of democracy in Africa', Quest, 7,2 54 Chege, M, What's right with Africa?, Current (1993) 100-105 history, 93, 583 (1994) 193-97 74 Diarra, A, (ed), Demokratisierung und 55 Clapham, C, The longue duree of the African Entwicklungsprobleme in Afrika. Saarbrucken: state, African affairs, 93, 372 (1994) 433-39 Breitenbach, 1992,200pp (review article) 75 Dixon-Fyle, K, Prevention as the best solution, 56 Clark, E, African international relations: the post- Refugees, 96 (1994) 22-25 cold war era. Vienna: Lagos, 1991,212pp 76 Djiena Wembou, M C, Le nouveau mecanisme 57 Cliffe, L, Democracy and development in the de l'OUA sur les conflits, Afrique 2000,16 (1994) new world order, University of Leeds review, 36, 5-20 (1993/94) 51-74 77 Domergue-Cloarec, D, Securite internationale 58 Cohen, R, et al, (eds), Human rights and govern- et cooperation: l'Afrique subsaharienne, Civili- ance in Africa, Gainesville: UP of Florida, 1993, sations, 40,2 (1992) 253-266 285pp 78 Doza, B, Liberte confisquee: le complot franco- 59 Conac, G, (ed), L'Afrique en transition vers le africain. Paris: BibliEurope, 1991,334pp pluralisme politique. Paris: Economica, 1993, 79 Dumont, R, Democratie pour l'Afrique: la longue 517pp marche pour l'Afrique noire vers la liberte. Paris: 60 Corkery, J, Bossuyt, J, (eds), Governance and Seuil, 1993, 344pp institutional development in Subsaharan Africa: a80 Eboh, M P, Democracy with an African : a summary report on a seminar organised al ECPDM. reply to Wamba-dia-Wamba, Quest, 7,2 (1993) Maastricht: European Centre for Development 92-99 Policy Management, 1990, 73pp 81 Ekwe-Ekwe, H, Africa 2001: the state, human 61 Danfulani, S A, Confidence building and re- rights and the people. Reading: International gional security diplomacy in South Africa, Institute for Black Research, 1993,121pp International social science journal, 45,135 (19938)2 Eribo, F, Coverage of Africa South of the Sahara 83-90 by Pravda, Isvestia, Trud and Selskaya Zhizn, 62 Danfulani, S A, Inter-African mutual strategic 1979-1987: a content analysis, Journalism quar- cooperation: the fate of security, stability and terly, 70,1 (1993) 51-57 democracy in the 90's, Strategic analysis, 15, 9 83 Ernfors, F R, (ed), Ethnicity and democracy: an (1992) 823-44 annotated bibliography with a focus on Africa. 63 Danfulani, S A, Les pactes d'assistance militaire Stockholm: Stockholm University, Social An- regionaux af ricains, Afrique 2000,17 (1994) 5-13 thropology Institute, 1993,390pp 64 Danopoulos, C P, (ed), Civilian rule in the 84 Esonwanne, U, The nation as contested refer- developing world. Boulder: Westview, 1992, ent, Research in African literatures, 24, 4 (1993) 273pp 49-62 65 Davidson, S, The African system for protecting 85 Fawole, W A, The Soviet Union and Subsaharan human and peoples' rights, in his Human rights Africa in retrospect, Journal of Asian and African (Buckingham: Open University Press, 1993), affairs, 4, 2 (1993) 33-51 152-62 86 Fimbo, G M, Africa: the multiparty debate. The 66 de Waal, A, African encounter, Index on censor- Hague: ISS, 1994,16pp ship, 23, 6 (1994) 14-31 87 Fowler, A, Non-governmental organisations as 67 Decalo, S, Democracy in Africa: toward the 21st agents of democratisation: an African perspec- century, in Vanhanen T (ed), Strategies ofdemoc- tive, Journal of international development, 5, 3 ratisation (New York: Crane Russak, 1992), 131- (1993) 325-39 42 88 Gabou, A, Principes et mecanismes de protec- 68 Decalo, S, The future of participatory democ- tion des droits de l'homme et des peuples 1 a racy in Africa, Futures, 26, 9 (1994) 987-992 Charte de Banjul, Revue congolaise de droit, 10 69 Dedo, K A, Essai de reflexion sur la genese, (1991) 98-122 revolution et l'etat actuel du droit des peuples 89 Gambari, U, Africa and the United Nations, a disposer d'eux-memes et sa signification Africa forum, 1,2 (1991) 62-66 actuelle dans le contexte africain, Annual confer- 90 Gaud, M, Porges, L, Les presidents de ence (African Society of International and Compara- l'alternance, Afrique contemporaine, 167 (1993) tive Law), 4, (1992) 49-63 29-39 70 del Mundo, F, The future of asylum in Africa, 91 Geisler, G, Fair? What has fair got to do with it? Refugees, 96 (1994) 3-7 Vagaries of election observations and demo- 382 Review of African Political Economy

cratic standards, Journal of modern African stud- ing the communication gap between centre and ies, 31,4 (1993) 613-37 periphery, Nordic journal of African studies, 2, 2 92 Ghai, Y, Constitutions and governance in Af- (1993) 23-41 rica: a prologomenon, in Adelman S & Paliwala, 112 Ibeanu, O O, The state and the market: reflec- A (eds), Law and crisis in the Third World tions on Ake's analysis of the state in the (London: Zell, 1993), 51-75 periphery, Africa development, 18, 3 (1993) 117- 93 Ghai, Y, The role of law in the transition of 131 societies: the African experience, Journal of 113 Ibrahim, I, Towards a Nigerian perspective on African law, 35,1/2 (1991) 8-20 the French problematic in Africa, in Jacob H J & 94 Gitonga, A K, Development theory and public Omar, M (eds), France and Nigeria (item 2962), administration in Africa; controversies, dilem- 11-34 mas and openings, in Himmelstrand U et al 114 Ihonvbere, J O, The 'irrelevant' state, ethnicity (eds), African perspectives on development (item and the quest for nationhood in Africa, Ethnic 1026), 262-79 and racial studies, 17,1 (1994) 42-60 95 Global Coalition for Africa, Democracy and 115 Ihonvbere, J O, Is democracy possible in Africa? democratisation in Africa: final report. 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2437Widner, J A, Single party states and agricul- 2,1 (1993) 1-23 tural policies: the cases of Ivory Coast and 2454Baha-Bi, Y, Les P.M.E. ivoiriennes, difficile Kenya, Comparative politics, 26,2 (1994) 127-47 promotion des entreprises nationales, Cahiers 2438 Woods, D, Elites, ethnicity and 'home town' de sociologie economique et culturelle, 18 (1992) associations in the CDI: an historical analysis of 115-130 state-society links, Africa, 64,4 (1994) 465-83 2455 Barbary, O, Dakar et le Senegambie: evolution 2439 Yonaba, S, La "conference rationale" et le droit: d'un espace migratoire transnational, in Diop les lecpns de l'experience burkinabe, Revue M C (ed), Senegal et ses voisins (item 2378), 142- juridique et politique, 47,1 (1993) 78-108 63 2440 Yonaba, S, Les elections legislatives du mai 2456 Barlow, R, Synder, F, Taxation in Niger: prob- 1992 et la polemique autour de la 'fraude lems and proposals, World development, 21, 7 electorate', Revue burkinabe de droit, 23 (1993) (1993) 1179-89 11-32 2457 Berg, E, L'integration economique en Afrique 2441 Zidonemba, D H, Les frontieres du Senegal: de l'Ouest: problemes et strategies, Revue sources archivistes et bibliographies, in Diop M d'economie du developpement, 2 (1993) 51-82 C (ed), Senegal et ses voisins (item 2378), 215-50 2458 Biao, B, Aspects economiques et socio-politiques des programmes d'ajustement structurel en (B) Economics and Development Afrique centrale et occidentale, £tudes et statistiques (BEAC), 195 (1992) 251-267 2442 Abutudu, I, Fund versus Secretariat: the strug- 2459 Bigo, D, The Lebanese community in the Ivory gle for the management of extraversion in Coast: a non-native network at the heart of ECOWAS, Quarterly journal of administration, power?, in Hourani A & Shehadi, N (eds), The 25, 3/4 (1991) 260-72 Lebanese in the world (London: Tauris, 1992), 2443 Abutudu, I, Regime change, political instability 509-30 and economic integration in West Africa: the 2460 Blanc, F P, et al, Les entreprises publiques au experience of Ecowas, Nigerian journal of inter- Burkina Faso. 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Ibadan: NISER, relations policies: a critical review, Indian jour- 1991, 65pp nal of industrial relations, 28,3 (1993) 248-57 3065 Ndekwu, E C, Monetary development and man- 3048 Gebert, D, et al, (eds), Traditionsorientierung und agement in Nigeria: a study of monetary theories, unternehmerischer Erfolg: Studien zum Selbverstdn- policies and realities in the management of Nigeria's dnis nigerianischer Geschaftsleute. Saarbrucken: economy. Ibadan: NISER, 1990,326pp Breitenbach, 1992,410pp 3066Nnadi, G S, Impact of computers on govern- 3049 Giwa, R F, Thoughts on the Nigerian economy: an mental auditing: a comparative study of three industrialist's perspective. Lagos: Mednet, 1992, Nigerian States, Annals of Borno, 6/7, (1989/ 263pp 1990) 77-87 3050 Ifah, S S, Okwute, A P, A survey of some 3067Nwachukwu, C B, The structural adjustment microenterprises in the northeast of Nigeria, programme in Nigeria, Wisssenschaftliche Scandinavian journal of development alternatives, Beitrage, 25,4 (1990) 3-12 13,1/2 (1993) 5-17 3068 Nyatepe-Loo, A A, Dutch disease, government 3051 Ikhide, S I, Alawode, A A, Impact of stabilisation policy and import demand in Nigeria, Applied programs on the growth of the money market in economics, 26,4 (1994) 327-36 Nigeria, Developing economies, 31, 2 (1993) 220-3069 Nyatepe-Coo, A A, External disturbances, do- 40 mestic policy responses and debt accumulation 3052Ilori, M O, The role of local government in in Nigeria, World development, 21, 10 (1993) technological and industrial development in 1621-31 460 Review of African Political Economy

3070Odedokun, M O, A flow of funds model of transnational corporations in Nigeria. Owerri: fiscal behaviour in Nigeria, Social and economic International Universities Press, 192,155pp studies, 42,2/3 (1993) 95-115 3089 Oshikoya, T W, The Nigerian economy: a 3071 Ogunrinola, O, Determinants of entrepreneur- tnacroeconomic and input-potput model. New York: ship development in the urban informal sector Praeger, 1990,192pp of Lagos, Africa development, 17,4 (1992) 81-97 3090 Oshisami, K, Government accounting and finan- 3072Ogwude, I C, The value of transit time in cial control. Ibadan: Spectrum, 1992,231pp industrial freight transportation in Nigeria, 3091 Osinbajo, Y, Sovereign immunity in interna- International journal of transport economics, 20,3 tional commercial arbitration: the Nigerian (1993) 325-37 experience and emerging state practice, African 3073 Ojo, M O, The evolution and performance of journal of international and comparative law, 4, 1 monetary policy in Nigeria in the 1980s. Lagos: (1992) 1-25 Central Bank of Nigeria, 1992,38pp 3092Otobo, D, (ed), Further readings in Nigerian 3074Okigbo, PNC, Change and crisis in the manage- industrial relations. Ikeja: Malthouse, 1992,198pp ment of the Nigerian economy. Enugu: Fourth 3093 Oyemakinde, W, Strategies for revamping the Dimension, 1993,406pp Nigerian economy. Ibadan: Sunlight Institute, 3075Okigbo, PNC, Growth and structure of the 1991, 84pp Nigerian economy. Enugu: Fourth Dimension, 3094 Raheem, M I, Assessing and managing external 1993, 286pp debt problems in Nigeria, World development, 3076Okigbo, PNC, Lectures on the structural adjust- 22, 8 (1994) 1223-42 ment programme. Enugu: Fourth Dimension, 3095 Sawyerr, O O, Environmental uncertainty and 1993, 292pp environmental scanning activities of Nigerian 3077Okoroafo, S C, Firm performance in a liberal- manufacturing executives: a comparative analy- ised environment: empirical evidence from a sis, Strategic management journal, 14, 4 (1993) developing country, Journal of business research, 287-99 28, 3 (1993) 175-89 3096 Smith, H M, Luttrell, M E, Cartels in an 'Nth- 3078 Okowa, W J, The political economy of development nest' world: the wholesale foodstuff trade in planning in Nigeria. Port Harcourt: Pam Unique, Ibadan, Nigeria, World development, 22,3 (1994) 1991, 146pp 323-35 3079 Okunla, P O, High level manpower utilisation in3097Soremekun, K, Obi, C, The changing pattern of the new local government structure: a case study of private foreign investments in Nigerian oil Oyo State. Ibadan: NISER, 1991,54pp industry, Africa development, 18,3 (1993) 5-20 3080 Olashore, O, Challenges of Nigeria's economic3098 Sote, G A, Delay and waiting problems in some reform. Ibadan: Fountain, 1992,331pp Nigerian banks, Scandanavian journal of develop- 3081 Oloko, B A, Children's street work in urban ment alternatives, 12,1 (1993) 65-80 Nigeria as adaptation and maladaptation to 3099Soyibo, A, Characteristics of the savings-in- changing socioeconomic circumstances, Inter- vestment process in Nigeria, World development, national journal of behavioural development, 16, 3 22, 8 (1994) 1199-1210 (1993) 465-82 3100 Telia, S A, Okosun, G, Banking deregulation: 3082 Olowo, T A, Akinwumi, J A, (eds), Proceedings the interest rate phenomenon in the Nigerian of the national conference of the Ibadan Socio- context, African review of money, finance and Economic Group on Development Strategies in 21st banking, (1993) 47-56 Century Nigeria. Ibadan: University of Ibadan, 3101 Tiamiya, M, A bank for the 'poor': perceptions 1992, 271pp of the female clients of the People's Bank of 3083 Olugbemi, S O, Labour productivity and the Nigeria, Community development journal, 29, 1 Nigerian public service. Ikeja: Pumark, 1990, (1994) 47-61 26pp 3102 Toby, A J, Structural adjustment and economic 3084 Oluwasanmi, A J, Road accident trends in development in Nigeria, Indian journal of Afri- Nigeria, Accident analysis and prevention, 25, 4 can studies, 5,1 (1992) 27-32 (1993) 485-87 3103 Uno, J U, New approaches to training: a prelimi- 3085 Omaji, P O, The state and industrial relations: nary review of Nigeria's national open apprentice- background to the adoption of compulsory ship scheme (NOAS). Geneva: ILO, 1990,21pp arbitration law in Australian and Nigeria, 3104 Various authors, Deregulation in the Nigerian British journal of industrial relations, 31,1 (1993) banking industry: directions, challenges, problems 37-55 and prospects. Lagos: Financial Institutions Train- 3086Omiunu, F G I, The climatic factor in the ing Centre, 1991,168pp transportation use of the Niger-Benue water- 3105 VerEecke, C, 'It is better to die than be shamed': way in Nigeria, Geographical perspectives, 64 cultural and moral dimensions of women's (1993) 31-40 trading in an Islamic Nigerian society, 3087Onosode, G, (ed), Three decades of development Anthropos, 88, 3/4 (1993) 403-17 crises in Nigeria: essays. Lagos: Malthouse, 1993,3106 VerEecke, C, Muslim women traders of north- 297PP ern Nigeria: perspectives for the city of Yola, 3088 Onwuka, R I, A political economy of the control of Ethnology, 32, 3 (1993) 217-36 Africa Resource Guide organizations for whom this region is just one among many concerns, see the other resource directories and guides compiled and published by Third World Resources. This Africa guide is divided into four regional sections: Africa (general), North and West Africa, East and Central Africa, and Southern Africa. Organizations are grouped according to their location or their regional focus. Additional information is given under these headings: educational; curriculum; reference; audiovisuals; directories and guides; and periodicals. The staff of Third World Resources are willing to respond to requests for recommended resources for specific needs. Call: (510) 835-4692, or write: 464 19th Street, Oakland, CA 94612-2297 USA. Fax: (510) 835-3017. E-mail: [email protected].

NE, Ste. 112, Washington, DC Library Services, 236 Main and People's Rights, Kairaba Foundation Canada, 692 African World, 60 Platinum AFRICA (General) 20002, USA. Tel: (202) 546- St., Falmouth, MA 02540, USA. Ave., P.O. Box 673, Banjul, Coxwell Avenue, Toronto, ON Circle, Northhampton, MA 7961. Fax: (202) 546-1545. Tel: (508) 540-5378. Fax: (508) Gambia. Tel: (220) 392-962. M4C 3B6, Canada. 01060-3667, USA. Afra Vision, Panther House Africa Recovery Programme, 548-6801. Fax: (220) 390-764. African Network of Indigenous African-American Institute, 833 (West), 39 Mount Pleasant, UN Department of Public African Association for African Human Rights Environment and United Nations Plaza, New London WC1X0AP, England. Information, United Nations, Development, B.P. 1107 CD Committee, P.O. Box 909, Development NGOs, P.O. Box York, NY 10017-3509, USA. Africa Access, 2204 Quinton Rd, Rm.S-3362,NewYork,NY Annexe, Dakar, Senegal. Arlington, VA 22216, USA. Tel: 53844, Nairobi, Kenya. Tel: (212) 949-5666. Fax: (212) Silver Spring, MD 20910, USA. 10017, USA. Famille et Developpement (703)525-6989. African Peace Research 682-6174. Africa Report. Tel: (301) 587-5686. Africa Relief Committee in African Association for Human African Institute for Economic Institute, Plot 10/No. 84, Femi African-American Labor Center, Africa Book Centre, 38 King St., Canada, P.O. Box 826, Sta. Q, and People's Rights in and Social Development, Ayantuga Crescent, Surulere, 1400 K St., NW, Rm.700, Covent Garden, London WC2E Toronto, ON M4T2N7, Development, c/o Faculty of Documentation Center, 15, P.O. Box 51757, Falomo-lkeja, Washington, DC 20005, USA. 8JT, England. Tel: (0171) 240- Canada. Tel: (416) 750-4283. Social Sciences, University of avenue Jean-Mermoz, Cocody, Lagos, Nigeria. Tel: (202) 789-1020. AALC 6649. Fax:(0171)497-0309. Africa Research and Botswana, P.B. 0022, B.P. 8, Abidjan, Cote d'lvoire. African Publishers' Network, 78 Reporter. Africa Faith and Justice Information Bureau, 18 , Botswana. Tel: (225) 44-15-94. Kaguvi St., P.O. Box 4209, African-Canadian Council, 190 Network, 401 Michigan Ave., St., London SE1 African Bar Association, P.O. African Institute for Economic Harare, Zimbabwe. Tel: (263-4) Somerset St. W., Ste. 201, NE, P.O. Box 29378, 4LL, England. Tel: (0171) 407- Box 3451,29 La Tebu St., East Development and Planning, 751202. Fax: (263-4) 751202. Ottawa, ON K2P 0J4, Canada. Washington, DC 20017, USA. 6958. Fax:(0171)357-6610. Cantonments, Accra, Ghana. UN Economic Commission for African Rights, 11 Marshalsea Africana Publications, c/o Tel: (202) 832-3412. Fax: (202) Africa World Review./ifr/ca African Books Collective, The Africa, B.P. 3186, Dakar, Rd., London SE11EP, Holmes & Meier Publications, 832-9051. E-mail: MCI 510 Watch, 10951 W.Pico Blvd., Jam Factory, 27 Park End St., Senegal. England. Tel: (0171) 403-3383. 160 Broadway East, Bldg. 900, 37V. AFJN Issue Papers. Ste. 203, Los Angeles, CA Oxford OX1 1HU, England. Tel: African Institute of Human Fax:(0171)403-4023. New York, NY 10038-4201, Africa Information Center, P.O. 90064, USA. Tel: (310) 475- (0865) 726686. Fax: (0865) Rights, 43 Boulevard Pinet African Science and USA. Box 9339, Wellington, New 3070. Fax: (310) 475-5613. 793298. ABC Newsline. Laprade, P.O. Box 1921, Technology Exchange, P.O. Africare, 440 R St., NW, Zealand. Tel: 64-4 843-055. Africa World Press, 11 Princess African Centre for Democracy Dakar, Senegal. Tel: 21.56.46. Box 10382, Kampala, Uganda. Washington, DC 20001, USA. •Africa Network, P.O. Box 5366, Rd., Ste. D, Lawrenceville, NJ and Human Rights Studies, African International Council, Tel: 256-41 236 637. Fax: 256- Tel: (202) 462-3614. Fax: (202) Evanston, IL 60204, USA. Tel: 08648, USA. Tel: (609) 844- Kairaba Ave., Kombo St., Mary 201-190 Somerset St. West, 41 245 938. 387-1034. (312)328-9305. 9583. Fax: (609) 844-0198. Division, Banjul, Gambia. Tel: Ottawa, ON K2P 0J4, Canada. African Society, 5, Ahmed Afrikagrupperna I Sverige, Africa News Service, P.O. Box Africa, Inc., 35 Fremont St., Rm. 94525,94961. Fax: 94962. Tel: (613) 238-7362. Fax: (613) Hishmat St., Zamalik, Cairo, Barnangsgatan 23, S-116 41, 3851, Durham, NC 27702, B4, Arlington, MA 02174, USA. African Human Rights Newsletter. 238-2137. Egypt. Tel: 20-2 80-76-58. Stockholm, Sweden. Tel: 46-8 USA. Tel: (919) 286-0747. Fax: Tel: (617) 648-2535. African Centre for Women, African Journalists Union, P.O. African Women's Development 40-18-55. (919) 286-2614. Afr/caWeivs African American Images, 1909 P.O. Box 3001, Addis Ababa, Box71,1,TalaatHarbSt., Bab and Communication Net, Afrikan Cultural Research and Online. W. 95 St., Chicago, IL 60643, Ethiopia. Tel: (251-1) 517-200. El Louk, Cairo, Egypt. Tel: 20-2 P.O. Box 54562, Nairobi, Study Group of Long Beach, Africa Policy Information USA. Fax: (251-1) 514-416. 74-01-75. Kenya. Tel: 254-2 440-299. 1901 Atlantic Blvd., Long Center, 110 Maryland Ave., African and Caribbean Imprint African Commission on Human African Medical and Research Fax: 254-2 443-868. Beach, CA 90806, USA. Tel: (310)599-1492. Canada. Business, Upper Montclair, NJ E-mail: gn:elcidwr. Ecoforum. 0905. E-mail: 6BH, England. Tel: (0171) 251 Afrinet, P.O. Box 53398, Temple Asante Publications, P.O. Box 07043, USA. Environnement et hrwatchnyc @ igc.apc.org. 1503. Fax: (0171) 253 0801. Heights Sta., Washington, DC 1085, San Diego, CA 92112, 'Centre Panafricain de Developpement du Tiers Human Rights Watch/Africa, Inter-Africa Group, P.O. Box 20009, USA. USA. Prospective Sociale, B.P. Monde, B.P. 3370, Dakar, 1522 K St. NW, Ste. 910, 1631, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Afritec, Inc., P.O. Box 53398, Association Africaine pour le 1501, Porto-Novo, Benin. Tel: Senegal. Tel: (221) 224 229. Washington, DC 20005, USA. Inter-African Committee on Temple Heights Sta., Developpement, B.P. 1107 229-21 44-27. Fax: 229-21 39- Fax:(221)222 695. Tel: (202) 371-6592. Fax: (202) Traditional Practices Washington, DC 20009, USA. CD Annexe, Dakar, Senegal. 65. Federation of African Media 371-0124. E-mail: Affecting the Health of Tel: (301) 897-3242. Association des Femmes 'Comite Africain pour le Droit Women, P.O. Box 50795, [email protected]. Women and Children, Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Africaines pour la Recherche et le Developapement, 8 Blvd. Nairobi, Kenya. Human Rights Watch/Africa, 90 UNECA-ATRCW, Rm. 605, Organization, 89 Abdel Aziz sur le Developpement, c/o du Sud Point E, 15107 Dakar Forum of African Voluntary Borough High St., London SE1 P.O. Box 3001, Addis Ababa, Al Saoud St., Manial El-Roda, CODESRIA, B.P. 3304, Dakar, Fann, Senegal. Fax: 221 22- Organizations for 1LL, England. Tel: (0171) 378- Ethiopia. Cairo, Egypt. Tel: 845-495. Senegal. Tel: 221 23-02-11. 07-02. Development, c/o CONGAD, 8008. Fax: (0171) 378-8029. E- Inter-African Union of Lawyers, Akina Mama Wa Afrika, Merel Fax:22124-12-89. Committee for Academic B.P. 4109, Dakar, Senegal. mail: [email protected]. 12, rue de Prince My Abdellah, St. 2 bis, 3514 CN Utrecht, Association des Juristes Freedom in Africa, c/o Foundation for Women's Health Information Project for Africa, Casablanca 01, Morocco 41, Netherlands. Tel: 31-30 714- Africains, B.P. 9053, 8 rue Professor C. George Research and Development, P.O. Box 43345, Washington, Kasr El-Nil St., Cairo, Egypt. 505. Abou Karim Bourgi, Dakar, Caffentzis, University of c/o Africa Centre, 38 King St., DC 20010, USA. Baobab Tel: 212-2 271-017. Fax: 212-2 All Africa Conference of Senegal. Tel: 221 21-19-48. Southern Maine, Dept. of London WC2E 8JT, England. Press. 204-686. Churches, Waiyaki Way, P.O. Fax:22121-75-57. Philosophy, Portland, ME Tel: (01) 379-6889. Sister Information Project for Africa, Inter-Agency Task Force, Africa Box 14205, Westlands, Nairobi, Association for the 04103, USA. Tel: (207) 780- Links. P.O. Box 43345, Washington, Recovery Programme/ Kenya. Tel: 62601. Advancement of Women in 4330. Global Coalition for Africa, DC 20010, USA. Economic Commission for All Africa Press Service, P.O. Africa, c/o Joyce Mapoma, Community Forestry for Africa 1850KSt.,NW, Ste.295, Institut Africain pour le Africa, United Nations, Rm. S- Box 14205, Nairobi, Kenya. All P.O. Box 35500, Kabwe, Network, 215-1956 W. Washington, DC 20006, USA. Developpement Economique 3362, New York, NY 10017, Africa Press Service Bulletin. Zambia. Broadway, Vancouver, BC V6J Tel: (202) 676-0845. Fax: (202) et Social, Centre de USA. American Committee on Africa, Association of African Women 1Z2, Canada. 676-1014. Documentation, 08 B.P. 8, Inter-Church Coalition on 17 John St., 12th floor, New for Research and Council for the Development of Group for African Study and Abidjan 08, Cote d'lvoire. Tel: Africa, 129 St. Clair Ave. York, NY 10038, USA. Tel: Development, B.P. 3304, Economic and Social Thought, c/o CRIDSSH, 22544-15-94. West, Toronto, ON M4V1N5, (212) 962-1210. Fax: (212) Dakar, Senegal. Tel: 23.02.11. Research in Africa University of Oran, B.P. 1524, Institut des Droits de I'Homme Canada. Tel: (416) 927-1124. 964-8570. ACOA Action News. Echo I The AAWORD Journal. (CODESRIA), P.O. Box 3304, El M'Nouer, Oran, Algeria. Tel: et de la Paix, c/o Faculte des Fax:(416)927-7554. Amilcar Cabral Information and Campaign against Racial Rue Leon G. Damas, Angle F, 39.70.50. Sciences Juridiques et FocusAlrica. Documentation Center Exploitation, P.O. Box 159, Fann-Residence, Dakar, Human Rights Africa, P.O. Box Economiques, Universite Cheik International Bar Association, (CIDAC), Rua Pinheiro Mt. Lawley, WA 6050, Senegal. Tel: 23.02.11. Fax: 469,351 06 Vaxjo, Sweden. Anta Diop, Dakar-fann, Africa Region, P.O. Box 50306, Chagas, 77-2 E, 1000 Lisbon, Australia. Tel: (09) 32893966. (221)2412 89. Africa Tel: 46-470 24168. Fax: 46-470 Senegal. Tel: 221 24-14-12. Ikoyi, Lagos, Nigeria. Tel: 234- Portugal. Tel: (01) 352.87.18. Fax: (09) 2212394. Development. 24168. Fax: 221 25-28-83. 1263-15411. Fax: (01) 353.40.09. Caribbean and Africa Canadian Development Studies and Human Rights Africa, 34 Aje St., Institute for African International Committee of Arusha Centre, 233 Tenth St., Association, 1898 Parkhurst Research Center, University P.O. Box 2959, Yaba, Lagos, Alternatives, 4th Floor, Sable African Women for NW, Calgary, Alberta T2R1V6, Ave., London, ON M5V2C3, of Khartoum, Khartoum, Nigeria. Tel: 234-1 860-737. Centre, 41 De Korte St., Development (CIFAD), 01 Canada. Tel: (403) 270-3200. Canada. Sudan. Fax: 234-1 620-056. Braamfontein, Johannesburg B.P. 5147, Abidjan 01, Cote Arusha International Center for Economic Research Environment Liaison Centre Human Rights Watch/Africa, 2001, South Africa. Tel. d'lvoire. Development Resource on Africa, Montclair State International, P.O. Box 72461, 485 Fifth Ave., New York, NY (011)339-6752. Fax (011)339- International Institute for Centre, 233-1 Oth Street NW, College, Department of Nairobi, Kenya. Tel: (254-2) 10017-6104, USA. Tel: (212) 1127. E-mail: worknet:ifaanet; Human Rights and Democracy Calgary, ABT2N1W7, Economics, School of 562015. Fax: (254-2) 562175. 972-8400. Fax: (212) 972- 23 Bevenden St., London N1 in Africa, 3 Walker Close, ArnosRd., London N11 1AQ, Ethiopia. Tel: 251-1 157-700. 562-8334. (0)171 436 3844. African 12. Eritrean Relief Association, England. Tel:44-0181 361- Organization of African Unity, Plant a Tree in Africa, 111 Research and Documentation.African Network for the International Coordination 1794. Fax:44-0181361-0985. African Commission on Human Queen St. East, Ste. 202, TransAfrica, 1744 R St., NW, Prevention and Protection Office, Hohenstaufenring 39, International Movement of and Peoples' Rights, P.O. Box Toronto, ON M5C 1S2, Washington, DC 20009, USA. against Child Abuse and 5000 Koln 1, Germany. Catholic Students, Africa 3243, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Canada. Tel: (202) 797-2301. Fax: (202) Neglect, P.O. Box 71420, lnformation Bulletin / Eritrea Regional Office, P.O. Box Tel: 15-77-00. Regional Centre for Human 797-2382. TransAfrica Forum Nairobi, Kenya. Tel: 254-2 717- in Relief. 62106, Old East Bldg, 4th Pan African Centre for Rights and Development, Journal ITrans Africa Issue 549. Fax: 254-2 718-606. Eritrean Relief Committee, 1325 floor, Tom Mboya St., Nairobi, Research on Peace, P.O. Box 600, Asmara, Eritrea. Brief I TransAfrica Newsletter.African NGOs Environment 15 St., NW, Washington, DC Kenya. Tel: 502451. Fax: 254- Development, and Human Tel: 111761. Umanyano Publications, P.O. Network (ANEN), P.O. Box 20005, USA. Tel: (202) 387- 2-725909. Rights, Department of Political Rencontre africaine pour la Box 3851,Johannesburg 53844, Kenya. 5001. Fax: (202) 387-5006. Jacaranda Designs, P.O. Box Science, University of Nigeria, defense des droits de 2000, South Africa. Tel: (011) Center for Documentation, Ethiopian Community 76691, Nairobi, Kenya. Fax: Nsukka, Nigeria. Tel: (042) I'homme, B.P. 5743, Dakar, 337-8511. Fax: (011) 337- Research and Teaching on Development Council, 1038 (254-2)568-353. 771-920. Senegal. Tel: 221 21-83-27. 9207. South African Labour the Indian Ocean Region, S. Highland St., Arlington, VA Jesuit Refugee Service Africa, Pan African Forum in Austria, Reseau Africain pour le Bulletin. B.P. 91, Rose-Hill, Mauritius. 22204, USA. Tel: (703) 685- P.O. Box 21399, Nairobi, c/o Technische Universitet, Developpement Integre, B.P. United Nations Economic Centre for Research, Training 0510. Fax: (703) 685-0529. Kenya. Tel: 254-2 569-536. Wiedner Guertel 8-10,1040 12085, Dakar, Senegal. Tel: Commission for Africa, P.O. and Information on Women Forum for African Women National Council of Churches Vienna, Austria. Tel: 43-1 588- 221 257-533. Fax: 221 257- Box 3001, Addis Ababa, in Development, Addis Ababa Educationalists, c/o Eddah of the U.S.A., Africa Office, 015892. Fax:43-156-91-54. 536. Ethiopia. University, P.O. Box 1176, Gachukia, P.O. Box 21389, 475 Riverside Dr., Rm. 612, Pan African Institute for Reseau Culturel Africain, B.P. United Nations Office for Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Tel: Nairobi, Kenya. New York, NY 10115-0050, Development, B.P. 4056, 10486, Dakar, Senegal. Tel: Emergencies in Africa, 251-1 12-32-30. Fax: 251-1 55- Fund for Peace, Horn of Africa USA. Tel: (212) 870-2371. Douala, Cameroon. Tel: 421- 221 25-98-08. Fax: 221 21-75- United Nations, Secretariat, 13-33. Program, 823 United Nations Network of Activists and 061. Fax:424-335. 15. Rm. 3350, UN Plaza, New Church Women in Kenya, P.O. Plaza, New York, NY 10017, Researchers on Integrated Pan African Women Trade Review of African Political York, NY 10017, USA. Tel: Box 21360, Nairobi, Kenya. USA. Human Rights in Africa, Unionists, P.O. Box 61068, Economy (ROAPE), P.O. Box (212)963-5145. Coalition for Peace in the Horn HAAN Publishing, P.O. Box 607, Provisional Secretariat, Rua Nairobi, Kenya. 678, Sheffield S1 1BF, Washington Office on Africa, of Africa, c/o Center of London SW161EB, England. Base Ntchinga, 361 (Sede de Pan-African Centre for England. Tel: (0)114+267- 110 Maryland Ave., NE, Ste. Concern, 3700 13 St., NE, Tel: (0)171 737-4747. MULEIDE), Maputo, Research on Peace, 9660. Fax: 267-9661. Review 112, Washington, DC 20002, Washington, DC 20017, USA. Horn of Africa Policy Group, c/o Mozambique. Tel: 258-1 416-' Development and Human of African Political Economy. USA. Tel: (202) 546-7961. Fax: Tel: (202) 635-2757. Fax: (202) Steelworkers' Humanity Fund, 062. Rights, c/o Department of ROAPE Publications. (202)546-1545. Washington 832-9494. 234 Eglinton East, Ste. 700, New World Resource Center, Political Science, University of SACTU Solidarity Committee, Notes on Africa. Coalition of Ethiopian Toronto, ON M4P1K7, 1476 W.Irving Park Rd., Nigeria, Nsukka, Nigeria. Tel: 861 Broadview Ave., Toronto, Democratic Forces, P.O. Box Canada. Tel: (416)487-1571. Chicago, IL 60613, USA. Tel: (042) 771 -920. PACREP ON, M4K2P9, Canada. 21307, Washington, DC 20009, Fax:(416)482-5548. (312)348-3370. Newsletter. Seeds of Survival, P.O. Box EAST & CENTRAL USA. Tel: (202) 332-5458. Fax: Horn of Africa Resource Nordiska Afrikainstitutet Pan-African Social Perspectives 5977, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. (202)332-5461. Center, c/o The Fund for (Scandinavian Institute of Centre, B.P. 1501. L'ancien African Diversity. AFRICA Eritrean Profile, c/o 96 White Peace, 1755 Massachusetts African Studies), P.O. Box Palais des Gouverneurs, Porto- Standing Conference on Lion Street, London N19PF, Ave., NW, Washington, DC 1703, S-751 47 Uppsala, Novo, Benin. Library Materials on Africa, England. Tel: (0)171 713-0096. 20036, USA. Tel: (202) 332- Action for Development, P.O. Sweden. Partnership Africa Canada, 1 c/o Library, SOAS, University Eritrean Relief Association, 4666. Fax:(202)387-6315. Box 16729 Wandegeya, Organization of African Unity, Nicholas St., Ste. 1200, of London, Russell Square, BCM Box 856, London WC1V Indigenous Peoples of East Kampala, Uganda. Tel: 25-641 Bureau for Refugees, P.O. Ottawa, ON K1N7B7, Canada. London WC1H0KG, England. 6XX, England. Tel: (0)181 748- Africa Foundation, P.O. Box 24-59-36. Fax: 25-641 53-04- Box 3243, Addis Ababa, Tel: (613) 562-8242. Fax: (613) Tel: (0)171 323 6104. Fax: 0547. 59516, Nairobi, Kenya. Tel: 254-2 723-002. 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Ghana Human Rights, 24, Avenue de University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Program, 833 United Nations Mazingira Institute, P.O. Box [email protected]. Human Rights Quarterly. France Agdal, Rabat, Morocco. Nigeria. Plaza, New York, NY 10017, 14550, Nairobi, Kenya. Tanzania Media Women's Ghana Human Rights Group, 42 Regional Economic Research USA. Tel: (212) 350-2969. Fax: National Council of Women of Association (TAMWA), P.O. Hemberton Rd., London SW9, and Documentation Center, SOUTHERN AFRICA (212) 682-6036. SASPOST. Kenya, c/o Wangari Maathai, Box 8981, Dar es Salaam, England.lCAE, Women B.P. 7138, Lome, Republic of American Friends Service P.O. Box 43741, Nairobi, Tanzania. Tel: 255-51-29089. Program Office, Ave. Togo. Labor and Development Committee, Southern Africa Kenya. Fax:255-51-44939. Sautiya Bourguiba, Villa No. 4336, B.P. /African Trade Union News. Action for Southern Africa Program, 1501 Cherry St., Relief Society of Tigray, UK Siti. 5996, Dakar, Senegal. Sahara Fund, 4438 Tindall St., (formerly Anti-Apartheid), 28 Philadelphia, PA 19102-1479, Support Committee, 27 Uganda Media Women's Institute of Middle Eastern & NW, Washington, DC 20016, Penton St., London N1 9SA, USA. Tel: (215) 241-7169. Beresford Rd., London N5 Association, P.O. Box 681, No. African Affairs, P.O. Box USA. Tel: (202) 364-9473. Fax: England. Tel: (0171) 833-3133. Azanian Trade Union 5HS, England. Kampala, Uganda. 1674, Hyattsville, MD 20788, (202)364-9472. Fax: (0171) 837-3001 .ACTSA Coordinating Centre, P.O. Research and Information Women's Research and USA. Saharan People's Support News. Box 2412, Dar Es Salaam, Centre on Eritrea, Via della Documentation Project, P.O. Libyan Committee to Defend Committee, 217 E. Lehr Ave., Ad Hoc Monitoring Group on Tanzania. Tel: 27937. On the Dogana Vecchia 5,00186 Box 35185, University of Dar Democracy and Human Ada, OH 45810, USA. Tel: Southern Africa, 2232 Labour Front. Rome, Italy. Tel: 794.6137. es Salaam, Dar es Salaam, Rights, P.O. Box 2762, (419)634-3666. SPSC Letter. Rayburn House Office Bldg., Canada-South Africa Eritrea Information. Tanzania. Eugene, OR 97402-0302, USA. Togolese League for Human Washington, DC 20515, USA. Cooperation, P.O. Box 1034, Shoga Women's Group, P.O. Zambia Alliance of Women, c/o Libyan Human Rights Rights, 178 Boulevard du 13 Tel: (202) 226-1275. Sta. B.Ottawa, ON K1P5R1, Box 7393, Dar es Salaam, Fedan Mulenga, P.O. Box Commission, 2 Janvier B.P. 23 02, Lome, Africa Human Rights and Canada. Tel: (613) 233-5939. Tanzania. 51068, Lusaka, Zambia. Massachusetts Ave., NE, Box Togo. Justice Protection Network, Fax:(613)233-6228. Somali Studies International Zambia Association for 2535, Washington, DC 20013- Tunisian National Women's P.O. Box 6400,708 Capital Canadians Concerned About Association, Secretariat of Research and Development, 2535, USA. Tel: (202) 347- Union, 56, Boulevard Bab Centre, Levinson Arcade, Southern Africa, 445 Forget Research and Documentation, c/o Sara Hlupekile Longwe, 1985. Benat, Tunis, Tunisia. Tel: Windhoek, Namibia. Tel: 264- St., Regina, SK S4R 4X8, c/o Folklore Institute, Indiana P.O. Box 37836, Lusaka, Maghreb Centre for Research 260.181. Fax: 567131. 61 228-251. Fax: 264-61 228- Canada. University, 506 N. Fess St., Zambia. Tel: 260-1-224507. and Information, P.O. Box West Africa Publishing, 43-45 207. Center for Women's Studies, Bloomington, IN 47401-3122, Fax: 260-1-222883. E-mail: 451, Sta.C.S.L, Montreal, QU Coldharbour Lane, Africa Institute of South Africa, University of South Africa, 392, USA. Tel: (812) 855-1027. Fax: zard @ p87.f 1 .n761.25.fidonet.or. H4V2Z1, Canada. Tel: (514) Camberwell, London SE5 9NR, P.O. Box 630, Pretoria 0001, Pretoria 0001, South Africa. (812)855-4008. 487-6488. Fax: (514) 489- England. West Africa. South Africa. Centre d'information et de Sudan Democratic Gazette, P.O. 2341. Western Sahara Awareness documentation sur le Mozambique et I'Afrique Zimbabwe. Tel: 50311/2. Fax: and Namibia, P.O. Box 28, 7AF, England. Economy Series Trust, P. Toronto, ON M4X1P9, australe, 3680, rue Jeanne 52979. EDICESA News. CH-1211 Geneva 20, National Namibia Concerns, Box MP 111, Mt. Pleasant, . Canada. Tel: (416) 967-5562. Mance, Bureau 440, Montreal, Educational Resources Switzerland. Tel: (22) 336175. 1821 W. Cullerton St., Harare, Zimbabwe. Tel: 727 E-mail: [email protected]. QUH2Z2K5, Canada. Tel: Information Service (ERIS), Irish Mozambique Solidarity, 13 Chicago, IL 60608-2716, USA. 875. Fax: 732 735. E-mail: Southern Africa Report. (514) 499-0314. Fax: (514) University of Natal, Resource Carlisle St., Dublin 8, Ireland. National Society for Human [email protected]. Transformation Resource 499-0153. Centre, Rm. 307, Tel: 353-1-4541202. Fax: 353- Rights, P.O. Box 23592, Southern Africa Political and Center, P.O. Box 1388, Centre for Southern African Tower Bldg., King George V 1-8742626. Windhoek 9000, Namibia. Tel: Economic Monthly. Maseru 100, Lesotho. Tel: Studies, University of the Ave., Durban 4001, South Joint Education Council of 264-61 36-183. Fax: 264-61 Southern Africa Resource 31.44.63. Work for Justice. Western Cape, Private Bag Africa. Tel: (031) 816-2090. Christian Churches and 225-628. Center, 2117 Lyndale Ave. Victoria Southern Africa Action X17, Bellville, 7535, Cape Fax:(031)261-6880. E-mail: Organizations in Southern Programme for Development South, Minneapolis, MN 55405- Coalition, #504 - 620 View Town, South Africa. Tel: 27-21 karlsson @ mtb.und.ac.za. Africa, P.O. Box 4849, Research (PRODDER), P.O. 3027, USA. Tel: (612) 870- Street, Victoria, BCV8W1J6, 959-3040. Fax: 27-21 959- Educators against Racism and Johannesburg 2000, South Box 32410, Braamfontein 2107, 1501. Canada. 3041. Apartheid, 164-04 Goethals Africa. South Africa. Fax:9-27-11 Southern African Human Rights Women and Law in Southern Cooperation Canada Ave., Jamaica, NY 11432, Koinonia Southern Africa, P.O. 4032353. Foundation, P.O. Box 430, Africa Research Project, P.O. Mozambique (COCAMO), 1 USA. Box 1410, Silverton, Pretoria South African Council of Kwe-Kwe, Zimbabwe. Tel: 263- Box UA171, Union Ave., Nicholas St., Rm. 300, Ottawa, Federation of Dominicans of 0127, South Africa. Tel: 27-12 Churches, Home and Family 552767. Fax:263-552767. Harare, Zimbabwe. Tel: Ontario K1N 7B7, Canada. Tel: Southern Africa, P.O. Box 998-8849. Fax: 27-12 998- Life, Women's Desk, P.O. Box Southern African Literature 7291521. Fax: 729152. (613) 236-6037. Fax: (613) 106, Hilton 3245, South Africa. 8559. 4921,Johannesburg 2000, Society, P.O. Box 00149, Women in Development 236-2188. Tel: (03321) 5285. Grace and Lawyers for Human Rights in South Africa. Gaborone, Botswana. Tel: Research Unit, Centre for Cooperation for Research, Truth. South Africa, 730 Van Erkom South African Education 37.30.25. Fax: 31.32.28. Inter-Racial Studies, Box Development and Education, Holland Committee on Bldg., 217 Pretorius St., Project World Outreach, 85 Southern African Research and M.P. 167, Mount Pleasant, P.O. Box 1895, Gaborone, Southern Africa, Postbus Pretoria 0002, South Africa. St Clair Ave E, Toronto, ON Documentation Centre Harare, Zimbabwe. Botswana. Tel: 37-3865. Fax: 16879,1001 RJ Amsterdam, Library and Information M4T1M8, Canada. (SARDC), P.O. Box 5690, Women in Law and 35-9971. Workteam. Netherlands. Tel: (020) Organisation of Natal, South African Exchange Harare, Zimbabwe. Tel: (263-4) Development in Africa, P.O. DC-Student Coalition against 270801. Facts and Reports I University of Natal, The Program on Environmental 738-695. Fax: (263-4) 738-693. Box UA 171, Union Ave., Apartheid and Racism, P.O. Amandla. Library, P.O. Box 375, Justice, 6 Goodrich Rd., No. 2 E-mail: [email protected]. Harare, Zimbabwe. Tel: 263-4 Box 18291, Washington, DC Human Rights Centre, P.O. Box Pietermaritzburg 3200, South Jamaica Plain, MA 02130, Southern Networks for 729-151. Fax: 263-4731-901. 20036, USA. Tel: (202) 483- 604, Windoek 9000, Namibia. Africa. USA. Tel: (617) 983-2239. Fax: Environment and Women's Law in Southern 4593. Fax: (202) 265-7843. Institute of Southern African Mozambique Solidarity Office, 6 (617) 983-2240. E-mail: Development, Africa Region, Africa Project, c/o Harare SCAR News. Studies, c/o National Goodrich Rd., No. 2, Jamaica [email protected]. P.O. Box 14205, Nairobi, Legal Projects Centre, P.O. Development Media University of Lesotho, P.O. Box Plain, MA 02130-2005, USA. Southern Africa Media Center, Kenya. Box 918, Harare, Zimbabwe. Organisation for Southern 180, Roma, Lesotho. Tel: Tel: (617) 983-2239. Baobab 149 Ninth St., Rm. 420, San SouthScan, P.O. Box 724, Zimbabwe Institute of Africa, 102 Samora Machel 64247. Human Rights Notes: News and Views from Francisco, CA 94103, USA. London N16 5RZ, England. Development Studies, P.O. West, P.O. Box 5725, Harare, Monograph Series. Mozambique and Southern Tel: (415) 621-6196. Fax: +44-71 359-2443. Box 880, Harare, Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe. Development Interchurch Media Programme, Mrica.Mozambique, Angola, Southern Africa Media Southern Africa Monthly Zimbabwe Women's Bureau, 43 Dialogue: The Record of P.O. Box 9942,2000 andGuine Education Project, c/o Regional Bulletin; Southscan: A Hillside Rd., Cranborne, Harare Change in Southern Africa. Johannesburg, South Africa. Information Centre, 34 Percy TransAfrica, 545 Eighth St., Bulletin of Southern African Zimbabwe. Ecumenical Documentation and Tel: 27-11237-586. St., London W1P9FG, SE, Rm. 200, Washington, DC Affairs. Information Centre for International Committee of England. Tel: (0171)636-7108. 20003, USA. Tel: (202) 547- Toronto Committee for the Eastern and Southern Africa, Solidarity with the Struggle Namibia Refugee Project, 22 2550. Liberation of Southern P.O. Box H94 Hatifield, Harare, of Women of South Africa Coleman Fields, London N1 Southern Africa Political Africa, 603 1/2 Parliament St., Zimbabwe Women's Resource Michigan State University, 100 Fax:(416)978-7162. University Wien, Doblhoffg, 5/ 1703, S-751 47 Uppsala, Headquarters, P.O. Box 6050, Centre and Network, Stemar Center for International Center for African Studies 9,1010 Vienna, Austria. Tel: Sweden. Tel: 46(0)1815-54-80. Harare, Zimbabwe. Various House, Rm. 203, Corner Speke Programs, East Lansing, Ml Outreach Program, University 43-1 422-273. Fax: 46(0)1869-56-29. SIAS publications. Ave. and Kaguvi St., Harare, 48824-1035, USA. Tel: (517) of Illinois—Urbana-Champaign, Instituto de Estudios Politicos Newsletter. Review of African Political Zimbabwe. 353-1700. Fax: (517) 336- 210 International Studies, 910 para America Latina y Africa, Southwest Asia and North Economy. ROAPE 1209. E-mail: South Fifth St., Champaign, IL Hermanos Garcia Noblejas 41 - African Program, State Publications, Box 678, [email protected]. Rural ; EDUCATIONAL ; 61820, USA. Tel: (217) 244- 8o, 28037 Madrid, Spain. Tel: University of New York at Sheffield S11BF, England. Africana IAfrican Urban 5457. Fax: (217) 244-2429. E- 34-1 408-41-12. Fax: 34-1 408- Binghamton, Binghamton, NY Southern Africa Review of ; SERVICES Studies I Northeast African mail: [email protected]. 70-47. 13901, USA. Tel: (607) 798- Books. Robert Vicat Ltd., 25A Studies /ASC Newsletter/ Center for African Studies, International African Institute, 2212. Greencroft Gardens, South African Monograph. Dalhousie University, Halifax, London School of Economics, SPICE Africa Project, Stanford Hampstead, London NW6 3LN, Africa in the School and African Studies Instructional NS B3H 4H6, Canada. Tel: Connaught House, Houghton University, 300 Lasuen St., England. Community, Boston Materials Center, University of (902)494-3814. Fax: (902) St., London WC2A2AE, Littlefield Center, Rm. 14, Third World Resources: A University, 270 Bay State Rd., Wisconsin at Madison, 1220 494-2319. England. Tel: 44-0171 831- Stanford, CA 94305-5013, Quarterly Review of Boston, MA 02215, USA. Tel: Linden Dr., Madison, Wl Center for African Studies, 3068. Fax: 44-0171 242-0392. USA. Tel: (415) 723-1114. Fax: Resources from and about (617) 353-7303. Fax: (617) 53706, USA. Tel: (608) 263- Stanford University, 200 Encina James S. Coleman African (415)723-6784. the Third World. Third World 353-4975. 2171. Fax: (608) 262-6998. E- Hall, Stanford, CA 94305-6055, Studies Center, University of University of Florida, Center for Resources, 464 19 St., Africa Today, c/o Graduate mail: [email protected]. USA. Tel: (415) 723-0295. Fax: California, Los Angeles, 405 African Studies, 470 Grinter Oakland, CA 94612-2297 USA. School of International Studies, Afro-American Studies (415) 725-2592. E-mail: hf.cmy. Hilgard Ave., Los Angeles, CA Hall, Gainesville, FL 32611, Voices from Africa. UN Non- University of Denver, Denver, Resource Center, Dept. of Center for African Studies, 90024-1310, USA. Tel: (310) USA. Governmental Liaison Service CO 80208, USA. Tel: (303) Afro-American Studies, Howard University of Florida, 427 825-2877. Fax: (310) 206- (NGLS), Palais des Nations, 871-3678. Fax: (303) 871- University, P.O. Box 746, Grinter Hall, Gainesville, FL 3555. E-mail: CH 1211 Geneva 10, 2456. Washington, DC 20059, USA. 32611-2037, USA. Tel: (904) [email protected]. Switzerland. African Studies Association, PERIODICALS Tel: (202) 806-7242. 392-2187. Fax: (904) 392- African Arts/Journal of African Emory University, Credit Union ASA Teaching Resources 9605. Irohin: Bringing Africa to Studies I Studies in African Bldg., Atlanta, GA 30322, USA. Center, 1722 N St., NW, the Classroom. Linguistics I Ufahamu. Many of the organizations listed Tel: (404) 329-6410. Fax: (404) Washington, DC 20036, USA. Center for African Studies, Joint Berkeley-Stanford Center above have noteworthy 329-6433. African Studies Association of African Studies University of Illinois at Urbana- for African Studies, periodicals with regional Review/ASA News. Programs, University of South Champaign, 210 International University of California- coverage of Africa. See also: African Studies Association of Carolina, Dept. of Government Studies Bldg., 910 S. Fifth St., Berkeley, Berkeley, CA 94720, Africa Recovery. UN Department the UK, School of Oriental and and International Studies, Urbana, IL61820, USA. Tel: USA. Tel: (510) 642-8338. Fax: of Public Information, African Studies, Thornhaugh Columbia, SC 29208, USA. (217)333-6335. Fax: (217) (510)643-5045. Communications and Project St., Russell Sq., London WC1H Tel: (803) 777-3108. AASP 244-2429. E-mail: Outreach Program for North Management Division, United OXG, England. Tel: 44-(0171) Newsletter. sswisher® ux1 .cso.uiuc.edu. African and Near Eastern Nations, Rm. S-3362, United 323-6253. Canadian Association of Council on African Studies, Studies, University of Nations, NY 10017 USA. African Studies Center, Boston THIRD WORLD African Studies, University of Outreach Program, 89 Trumbell Michigan, 144 Lane Hall, Ann Africa Today. Graduate School of University, 270 Bay State Rd., Toronto, Centre for Urban and St., Box 14A, Yale Sta., New Arbor, Ml 48109, USA. Tel: International Studies, 4th floor, Boston, MA 02215, Community Studies, 455 Haven, CT 06520, USA. Tel: (313)764-0350. University of Denver, Denver, RESOURCES USA. Tel: (617) 353-3673. Fax: Spadina Ave., Ste. 426, (203) 432-3438. Fax: (203) Scandinavian Institute of CO 80208 USA. An affiliate of the Data Center (617)353-4975. Toronto, ON M5S 2G8, 432-3272. African Studies, Inter Press Service Africa 464 19th Street, Oakland, CA African Studies Center, Canada. Tel: (416) 978-7067. Institut fur Afrikanistick, Dragarbrunnsgatan 24, Box Bulletins. IPS Africa 94612, (510) 835-4692; 536-1876