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topographies of production in north african cities 257 TOPOGRAPHIES OF PRODUCTION IN NORTH AFRICAN CITIES DURING THE VANDAL AND BYZANTINE PERIODS ANNA LEONE Abstract An important characteristic of North African cities in Late Antiquity is the appearance of structures relating to artisanal production in unusual set- tings, often in former public buildings. In this paper I argue for developing a study of this sector, looking not only at products, such as pottery, but also at productive structures and their wider urban location. Archaeologi- cal evidence from Tunisia and Tripolitania is analysed, dating from Van- dal, Byzantine and also, occasionally, Early Islamic times, relating princi- pally to murex dyeing, fish salting, olive oil production and pottery manu- facturing. Lime kilns are also considered. Introduction* The term ‘topographies of production’ refers to the spatial organi- sation of production sites and their location within urban areas.1 It is a subject that has received almost no attention in late antique urbanism, despite the importance of production activities in the transformation of classical public buildings.2 Topographies of pro- duction have attracted few studies even for the Early Roman peri- od; the most important has been that undertaken by Jean-Paul Morel, * Whilst working on this paper I learnt that Yvon Thébert passed away. I am forever grateful to him for his help in orientating me at the start of my studies on North Africa and for many useful suggestions. I dedicate this paper to his memory. 1 All the sites mentioned in this article are located referring to the recent Barrington Atlas (henceforth BA). Fig. 8, in the plates, also provides information about all the Tunisian sites mentioned in the text. The term “Late Antiquity” will here include both the ‘Vandal’ and ‘Byzantine’ periods. However, the definition of this term is still an object of discussion: see for example Giardina (1999). 2 For general accounts of urban production sites in North Africa see Potter (1995) 64-102 and Wilson (2001), though in these studies topography was not the main focus. An attempt to reconstruct “topographies of production” for the Van- dal and later periods has begun recently at the site of Uchi Maius, where several olive presses (including one established in the forum) have been recorded, from the 5th c. A.D. onwards—see Vismara (1999) 73-74. L. Lavan and W. Bowden (edd.) Theory and Practice in Late Antique Archaeology (Late Antique Archaeology 1 2003) (Leiden), pp. 257-287 258 anna leone on Rome. In this work Morel tried to identify how production spaces were organised, establishing a topography of production for late republican and classical Rome.3 The main elements to be consid- ered seem to be: the overall location of artisanal/manufacturing ac- tivities, such as whether they were in the centre or in the periphery of the city; if they were kept separate from residential areas; and if they showed any tendency to locate on particular sites within a city / or if they had an entirely random distribution. In North Africa, widespread structural evidence for artisanal production within urban centres is a noted characteristic of the Vandal and Byzantine periods. The aims of this paper are two-fold. Firstly, I will explore how the location of sites given over to production changed inside urban areas in Tunisia and Tripolitania, from the 5th to the 7th c. A.D., and occasionally beyond; I will consider not only the broad location of production sites within urban areas but also the kinds of structures in which such activities were set, often former public buildings. Secondly, I will consider what factors might account for the changes of this period, from the re-use of particular building types to the general location of new types of production activities within urban centres. I will not consider the spatial organisation of production sites during the Roman period, but will focus on the transformations brought about during the Vandal and the Byzantine periods. I will also concentrate on change or continuity in the location of late antique production sites, those that occur in new urban or architectural settings; thus I will not analyse in detail existing production sites established in earlier times, such as the northern sector of the circular harbour or the Magon quarter in Carthage.4 Finally, because this paper is primarily concerned with topography I will not consider here the economic aspect of urban production, as it would be too wide for this paper and its focus. 3 Morel (1987) 127-28. Morel also analysed the tabernae, the markets, the horrea etc. These elements are often not easily identifiable in late antique cities. For Pompei there have been a number of studies, such as that of Majeske (1972), analysing the location of bakeries and that of Curtis (1984), on the salted fish industry. 4 The northern sector of the circular harbour was used as a production site, from classical times to the 7th c, with several major phases of alteration; for a detailed analysis: Hurst (1994). The Magon quarter: principally Rakob (1991). topographies of production in north african cities 259 Limitations of the Evidence Before looking in detail at the archaeological evidence it is necessary to define major areas of doubt and uncertainty. Available information is in many cases fragmentary or poor in quality, which significantly affects the use to which it can be put. Generally, recent excavations are reliable and their chronologies are well-defined; difficulties, especially in dating, arise from excavations undertaken during the 19th and early 20th centuries. These excavations were mainly interested in recording Roman and Punic phases, and removed the evidence of later occupation from many sites. For this reason, the topographical information we can obtain is sometimes fragmentary; it will be difficult for future work to fill the gap, because much relevant archaeological evidence has been irredeemably lost. However, new excavations specifically directed at knowledge of the Vandal, Byzantine and Islamic phases will certainly enable a better understanding of urban change to be established. Complex site histories also make it difficult to distinguish production structures of different dates. For example, many sites were continuously occupied, or abandoned for a short period after the Arab conquest and then reoccupied, in both cases often being inhabited until the 9th/10th c.5 To make matters worse, there has been no research into the typological evolution of production structures. For example, differences between olive presses of the Byzantine and Islamic periods have not been seriously researched. At present, it does appear that there is a similarity between Byzantine and Islamic archaeological evidence. This suggests continuity in production technology from at least the 6th to the 8th/10th c., when many former urban sites were definitively abandoned. However, it is also possible that Byzantine presses remained in use many centuries after they were built; these structures 5 Serious studies of the post-classical history of African sites have begun only recently. For a first approach see Gelichi and Milanese (1998) 477-80, giving a synthesis of the principal sites where continuity or abandonment has been recorded. At Rougga (Tunisia) and Sétif (Algeria) continuity can be seen; the latter had a complete re-urbanisation only in the 11th c. In contrast at Cherchel (Algeria) evidence of a hiatus has been recorded—Gelichi and Milanese (1998) 478. Another inter- esting site is Sidi Ghrib, abandoned in Byzantine times and then reoccupied in the Islamic period, perhaps as a fondouk (rest-house found mainly along the cara- van routes), with insertion of a forge: Ennabli and Neuru (1994a), (1994b). Sig- nificant for the amount of information is also Belalis Maior—Mahjoubi (1978). 260 anna leone were imposing and could survive for a long time.6 Only through further excavations will this subject advance. Production in the Cities of Late Antique Africa North Africa was one of the richest provinces of the Roman empire: a great variety of goods were produced here. Of the many production activities that characterised the North African economy, the most important to be identified by archaeology were murex dyeing, fish salting, olive oil and pottery manufacture.7 Olive presses and pottery kilns are comparatively well-recorded. In contrast, it is not always easy to identify murex dyeing or fish salting. Nevertheless, evidence for all of these production activities will be examined here, in order to provide a rounded survey of the available information. Murex Dyeing and Fish Salting Garum production and murex dyeing were both very important to the economy of African coastal cities. They are attested principally by historical texts.8 For garum, distribution patterns of ceramic containers used can also be considered an important source, shedding light on the extent of trade.9 Despite a significant number of texts relating to murex dyeing activity in North Africa, few structures directly connected with it have ever been excavated. Most evidence for murex extraction comes from 6 General study of press technology and consideration of continuity: see Frankel (1999) 176. General information on historical sources on technology used for ol- ive oil production see Humphrey et al. (1998) 159-61. 7 Textile production was probably an important element in the North African economy, though difficult to identify archaeologically; it is however attested at Carthage, in the northern sector of the circular harbour: Hurst (1994). 8 Historical sources recording murex dyeing production exist for many peri- ods: from Pliny (HN 9.126) to the Notitia Dignitatum occ. 11.69 (dated to the late 4th/early 5th c. A.D.). For a general collection of sources see Drine (2000) 93-94; see also Humphey et al. (1998) 360. For a collection of sources relating to garum production see Curtis (1991) 6-15.
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