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RENATA HOLOD AND ENRICO CIRELLI

ISLAMIC POTTERY FROM JERBA (7th-10th CENTURY)

ASPECTS OF CONTINUITY?

The aim of this paper is to discuss some have called the early medieval period (also aspects of the ceramic evidence discovered known as the early Islamic period), ending in during the Jerba Survey Project (1995-2000). the first half of the eleventh century. This is an The project, directed by Ali Drine of the important epoch for understanding the «Institut National du Patrimoine», Elizabeth cultural and technical changes and Fentress of the American Academy of Rome transformations that took place on the island and Renata Holod of the University of specifically, and in southern generally, Pennsylvania, was aimed not only at the a process often neglected by archaeological understanding of the history of settlement on studies of this territory. A recent comparative the island, but also at recuperating the review of ARS production considers archaeological evidence that has been distribution of products from various disappearing steadily under the impact of production centres in North Africa and the increased tourism and urban development settlement histories of their regions, in light of over the last twenty-five years. Through this their imports and total number of sites for the project, Jerba’s archaeological past has thus entire Roman period. We are concerned here been recorded, at least in part. The pottery with the end of this complex network of described here derives both from the field relations, and with the beginning of another survey and from limited test trenches system arising on the same territories as a conducted at Roman, late antique and early result of the Islamic conquest of North Africa3. medieval period sites1 identified on the island2. Some 17 percent of the island’s surface In this paper we will review the data was explored during the survey project using concerning the periods from the Vandal ageometric sampling strategy divided occupation of the island beginning in the into rectangular transects measuring 1 km middle of the sixth century through what we wide each and spaced at 4 km intervals4.

1 During the duration of survey we utilized the 2 DRINE, 2000; FENTRESS, 2000; CIRELLI, 2002; ID. appellation Late Antique 2 to characterize materials 2003. dating from 500-700, and Early Medieval to identify 3 FENTRESS, FONTANA, HITCHNER and PERKINS, 2004, material from 700-1050. We did not use the term Early p. 147-162. Islamic precisely because it was not clear to us how and 4 This approach grows out of the experience of the when the change in material culture and settlement Albegna Valley Survey and other classical projects pattern, in fact, took place. For further discussion of this conducted around the Mediterranean (ATTOLINI et al., problematic see DRINE, FENTRESS and HOLOD, vol. II, 1991; BARKER, 1991). For a full discussion of our survey forthcoming. methods see DRINE, FENTRESS and HOLOD, vol. I, 2008. S. PIO X - B1: CRESSI - cap. 10 - (1ª bozza)

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«Background noise» was recorded based on The island and its products : pottery, one hectare units, each of which occupies a arboriculture and textiles single cell on the G.I.S. map of the island. Identification of the sites is based on Although Jerba endured substantial qualitative and quantitative information political and cultural changes, a fact that is collected in the field walking5. For town sites manifest in the many different settlement such as Meninx we used a 50 m grid typologies identified on the island (fig. 1), its supplemented by magnetometry, while other strategic geographic position as a preferred areas, particularly those where a late antique terminus for the trans-Saharan caravan routes and medieval presence was notes, were and for Mediterranean trade gave rise to the additionally designated for review and micro- development of a great number of artisan study. All feature sherds found on the surface activities, first of all the production of pottery, were collected, with no chronological attested since the Punic Period. Pottery distinctions. Diagnostic sherds and any fabrics production is also well known during the not represented among the diagnostic sherds Roman and Islamic periods. The most recent were then saved6. In that way we could evidence for this production comes from the represent a comprehensive and diachronic village of Galla¯la (wich means, in Arabic, picture of Jerban material culture. Further «village of the potters») that has a long chronological evidence comes from the ceramic tradition dating perhaps to the stratigraphic sequence revealed in various beginning of the Ottoman period on the trenches in selected sites excavated island10, i.e. the last years of the sixteenth throughout the island7. These trenches were century : its ethnography and techniques have fundamental for the creation of a chrono- been well studied in during the first part of the typological seriation. The results of this twentieth century11. Closely connected to this seriation have also been applied to the pottery production is the specialization of the island found during the surface survey, a method in olive oil production and export, especially that is not unusual for this type of survey from the eleventh century onward, but project8. probably earlier as well. We shall return to this The classified pottery was then put into a aspect below. relational database linked to the G.I.S project, Another production whose importance along with all the sites and features of the cannot be undervalued is that of textiles. Jerban territory9. Pottery was used for This production has left evidence on chronological information and for the the surface of the island in the form of settlement dating. We also investigated the huge mounds of shells, while excavations evolution and transformation of the island have revealed a processing plant close to the production techniques from the Punic through centre of the city, which flourished during the the end of Ottoman occupation in the context Vandal period12. Notably, although murex of the commercial dynamics that involved manufacture in the late empire on the island Jerba in different periods. In this way, it has (known as Girba) was mentioned in the Notitia been possible to refine our diachronic Dignitatum13, thus far there had been no knowledge of settlement system of the island. evidence for its production throughout the fifth

5 FENTRESS, 2000. 10 BESCHAOUCH, 1986, p. 538-545. See also DRINE, 6 Ibid. FENTRESS and HOLOD, vol. II, forthcoming. For the 7 CIRELLI, 2006. purposes of the survey we designated the period 1550-1700 8 MCMANAMON, 1984, p. 223-292. as Early Modern I. 9 For similar data-platforms in landscape archaeology 11 See COMBÈS and LOUIS, 1967; PEACOCK, 1982. GILLINGS, MATTINGLY and VAN DALEN, 1999; CAMPANA and 12 FONTANA, 2000, p. 97. FRANCOVICH, 2003. 13 BALDINI LIPPOLIS, 2006, p. 136 S. PIO X - B1: CRESSI - cap. 10 - (1ª bozza)

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Fig. 1 – Map of Jerba with the main centers and routes. S. PIO X - B1: CRESSI - cap. 10 - (1ª bozza)

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century. By end of the sixth century, however, on the island and its economic system within the site of Meninx was largely deserted, and the framework of the late antique and murex production effectively discontinued14. medieval Mediterranean landscape. Nonetheless, wool processing and textile At Meninx, wide swaths of the city were production as such may not have been abandoned in this period, and the settlement discontinued, or was again reprised in the began to look like many other urban following periods. There are indications that settlements of North Africa and elsewhere in the island maintained close ties with its the Mediterranean towns between the Late hinterland on the mainland, processing the Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages19. After wool produced there, even though the dyeing the 6th century the area once occupied by the technology would no longer have been based on city was characterized by scattered habitation, murex but on entirely different raw materials, mostly on its outskirts, and a periodic usage of among them indigo15. The most abundant the site itself as a marketplace. This moment evidence comes in the Ottoman period, also saw the construction of two forts of although there are earlier indications as well16. identical plan guarding further access to the The excavation conducted in Meninx interior of the island20. Excavation at one of demonstrates that the purple production plant them, a ruin today called Tala, some 2 km was active during the late 5th and the first half distance from the city, showed that occupation of the 6th century (fig. 2). It was abandoned in continued there for a short while, and that it the second half of the 6th century, some was presumably still occupied during the decades after the Byzantine reoccupation of Early Medieval Period. This site yielded a the island17. This is important recent evidence number of ceramics that show both a change for the late use of prestige textiles during the in material culture and a connection with the period of the Vandal occupation, and can be Late Roman pottery. linked with the new Germanic élite’s attempt The quantitative graph found below (fig. 3) at self-representation utilizing the established shows the different percentages of the pottery clothing patterns of Roman aristocracy, a classes formed from the overall ensemble21. continuity that is well-attested in recent This gives an image of the overall context as scholarship18. In the second half of the 6th related to articles of wide consumption and century, after the Justinian reconquest of the food supply on the island in the 6th century. island, the purple installations at Meninx were Here the incidence of different quantification abandoned and filled with debris to level the systems for the pottery can be evaluated, in ground, creating a closed context with a particular between the EVE system (Estimated chronological range between the 550 and the Vessel Equivalent), found on the first column, 600. This transformation has given us the and the values obtained from a raw count of possibility of a detailed analysis of Jerba’s the sherds. This gives remarkably different material culture during the Justinianic period numbers for the relationship between the and has permitted us to describe production pottery categories found in the context22.

14 These findings have been discussed in full by 18 CARRIÉ, 2004, p. 24. FONTANA, 2000. Here we are referring to them in some 19 CIRELLI, 2001; WICKHAM, 2005, p. 591-596; CHRISTIE, detail to develop the argument for the continuity of 2006, p. 195-198. ceramic production and usage traditions on the island. 20 The second fort was constructed at a location 15 On the introduction of new cultivars into the similarly in southwest coastal zone of the island, and Mediterranean see WATSON, 1983. Indigo, a south Asian appears as Qasr G˙ ardaya in the ninth century mentions. See ˙ cultivar would have been introduced within the early DRINE, FENTRESS and HOLOD, 2008, vol. I for plans and Islamic centuries, was still in use in the early twentieth volume II for discussion of medieval local sources. century. Also see COMBÈS and LOUIS, 1967 on textile 21 FONTANA, 2000, p. 96, fig. 1. production on the island. 22 ORTON, TYERS and VINCE, 1993, p. 166-168; CIRELLI, 16 See DRINE, FENTRESS and HOLOD, 2008, vol. II. 2006, p. 169-178. 17 FONTANA, 2000, p. 95. S. PIO X - B1: CRESSI - cap. 10 - (1ª bozza)

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Fine Table Wares discussed by Fontana, a fixed point for the chronology of the Meninx context is the large Among Late Antique fine tablewares, ARS dish, Hayes form 105, dated between 580 African Red Slip Ware is the prevailing class, and 600 A.D.23. In the same context were found at Meninx and on the island as a whole. As form 104B and 91D, a flanged bowl dated to

Fig. 2 – Excavations at Meninx : the cuve and the cistern (Ensemble I-II : DRINE 2000, fig. 3-4).

23 HAYES, 1972, p. 169. S. PIO X - B1: CRESSI - cap. 10 - (1ª bozza)

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achieved with a surface polishing technique, so called «burnished patterns», that could also be identified with a Pheradi Maius production from the region of Hammamet30. We did not find any convincing comparison for some other ARS forms, such as personal dishes (diam. cm 22 – fig. 4-2).

On Jerba, therefore, north-Tunisian fine wares are present, although there is an absence of imports from the region of Byzacena, in particular those from the kilns at Sidi Marzouk Tounsi, which, according to the Fig. 3 – Percentage count of the different potteries found most recent studies, represent the last phase of in Meninx midden context (FONTANA 2000, p. 96, fig. 1). production, contemporary with the Justinian reconquest. The identification of a high percentage of pottery referable to the E the last quarter of the 6th century (fig. 4-1)24. production series is important (fig. 5), in This is a variant quite similar to Fulford form particular that of Hayes form 68, and also 74.2, found in a context dated to south-Tunisian fabrics, which are between 533 and 550 A. D.25. Some other characterized by a particular morphological characteristic 6th century forms (fig. 4-3) were and decorative repertoire, slip-painted with a also found, including productions such as dark red body31. This pottery was traded Hayes 103B26. In the same context there are within the region and was rarely exported some Hayes 94 forms, produced at many further overseas. The wide diffusion of Zeugitanian sites between the last decade of production E on Jerba might validate the the 5th and the first half of the 6th century, hypothesis advanced by J. W. Hayes that the Hayes 99B, whose production continues until production centres for the series were located the end of the 6th century and Hayes 84, which along the south-Tunisian coast, in the region belongs to the ARS-C production (fig. 4-7)27. between Sfax and Gabes. Inside the cistern was also found form 87A, African Red Slip Ware appears to have a form that is rare in southern Tunisian edged out the circulation other fineware settlements. The production of this form has categories. Productions such as Tripolitanian been identified often at Sidi Khalifa on the Red Slip Ware, are sporadic and rarely found. Gulf of Hammamet, and its production begins In five years of the project we identified in the second half of the 5th century, during the only eight examples32. This scarcity has Vandal Kingdom, and continues until 530 implications concerning the area of A. D.28. One of the most significant forms circulation of this Lepcis Magna production, identified in the context is Hayes 87B which was overwhelmed by productions (fig. 4-4)29. Four examples of this from north and central Tunisia33. Other characteristic dish were recovered, decorated finewares are also scarce. Phocean Red Slip with geometric and vegetable patterns Ware is attested by only three examples,

24 FONTANA, 2000, p. 99. 30 MACKENSEN, 1993, p. 32; BEN ABED, BONIFAY and 25 FULFORD and PEACOCK, 1984, p. 77, fig. 22. FIXOT, 1997, p. 14; FONTANA, 2000, p. 98; BONIFAY, 2004. 26 HAYES, 1972, p. 160; TORTORELLA, 1998, p. 44. 31 HAYES, 1972, p. 291-292; FONTANA, 2000, p. 100; 27 MACKENSEN, 1998, p. 23-39; ID., 2004, p. 131-160. FENTRESS, FONTANA, HITCHNER and PERKINS, 2005, p. 155. 28 TORTORELLA, 1998, p. 43 and 60. 32 FELICI, 2004, p. 945-958. 29 FONTANA, 2000, fig. 2. 33 PEACOCK, BEJAOUI and BEN LAZREG, 1990, p. 59-84. S. PIO X - B1: CRESSI - cap. 10 - (1ª bozza)

ISLAMIC POTTERY FROM JERBA 171

Fig. 4 – African Red Slip Ware from Meninx (FONTANA 2000, p. 99, fig. 2).

notwithstanding the evidence for trading African Red Slip Ware production in the Early relationships with the eastern Mediterranean or Middle Roman period, although some during this period, from where the island pottery with evident production faults, in imported wine and luxury goods. The trend many cases belonging C5 and E fabrics, has observed in the «cistern» context at Meninx is been found. Those sherds are characterized by equally evident throughout island territory as a grey-green or a black surface colour caused a whole. by imperfect firing. However, it is not possible No evidence has been found on Jerba for to ascertain that they are Jerban ARS S. PIO X - B1: CRESSI - cap. 10 - (1ª bozza)

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Fig. 5 – Late Roman Fine Wares from Jerba.

production markers, rather than simply low- and other Tunisian territories, from which the quality production, still functional and hardly island probably imported primary resources kiln wasters. Such vessels might have been as cereals. In each period, however, the island sold in a restricted area close to production itself was responsible for the production of centres34. domestic and common wares for daily use. In In the second half of the 6th century, the second half of the 6th century Table Ware however, there is some evidence for the repertories were completed by Coarse wares production of ARS D within the settlement at a produced in the neighbourhood of Meninx and location called Gmı¯r today. At this Late inside other settlements on the territory, Antique village, characterized by a long generally large villas, where pottery kilns have continuity of pottery production, there is been identified. evidence for the production of large dishes, Some handmade ceramics were also found, roughly Hayes forms 104 and 105, with a poor comparable with deposits at Carthage and quality red slip35. elsewhere in Tunisia (fig. 6)36. In Late Antiquity handmade pottery was widely diffused, in some cases imported from Domestic pottery in the 6th-7th century and from other Mediterranean sites37, but it is not impossible that these The wide diffusion of the African Red Slip vessels were also produced on Jerba. These Ware in Jerba testifies to the intense handmade cooking wares replace the wheel commercial relationship between the island made Coarse Wares, testifying to an important

34 FONTANA, 2000, p. 100. contexts : FULFORD, 1984; see also Sidi Madidi : HAYES, 35 CAPELLI, BEN TAHAR and FONTANA, in DRINE, 1978; TOMBER, 1988; FONTANA, 2000, p. 104. FENTRESS and HOLOD, vol. I, 2008. 37 FULFORD, 1984, p. 157. 36 At Carthage the Circus and Avenue Bourguiba S. PIO X - B1: CRESSI - cap. 10 - (1ª bozza)

ISLAMIC POTTERY FROM JERBA 173

Amphorae

African amphorae predominate in Late Antique Jerba, such as the remarkable number of local variants of Keay XXVb types39. In the suburbs of Meninx we found kiln wasters of this typology. This is a type that is rarely attested in contexts later than the mid-5th century40. However, its presence within the Meninx cistern context suggests that its production continued on the island after the Vandal Period, probably with a restricted diffusion41. Other Late Roman amphorae produced on Jerba have been found at Meninx, such as the one represented in fig. 7-1. This is a rare type, with no significant comparison in North Africa. Its dating must be assumed to be between the second half of the 6th and the 7th century. Another type, shown on fig. 7-2, finds some analogies with amphorae identified in a 6th century context of Sidi Jdidi42. Northern African amphorae found in the cistern context represent the 62% of the whole ensemble : at other sites values fluctuate between the 60% and the 75% (fig. 8)43. Among the imported amphorae found in the cistern context we should note the presence of LRA 7, attesting a relationship with the Egypt in Late Antiquity. These are generally found in Egypt itself, close to the production sites, or in Carthage, while they are rare in other Fig. 6 – Late Antique Hand-made production from Meninx Mediterranean ports. This demonstrates the (6th century context : FONTANA 2000, p. 106, fig. 5). close dependence of Late Antique Jerba on territories that could supply it with grain. There are also some South Italian cultural transformation, with economic and amphorae (Keay LII), which carried wine utilitarian rather than commercial from Brutium or Sicily. These are well known implications. Their use seems to have been from the main Mediterranean markets and determined by their fire resistance and especially in the ports of the Italian peninsula superior heat conservation when compared to during the 5th century44. Its presence in African Cooking Wares, thus allowing contexts of the second half of the 6th century is considerable saving of fuel38. unusual45.

38 PENTIRICCI et al., 1998; FONTANA, 2000, p. 102. 43 FONTANA, 2000, fig. 8; GHALIA, BONIFAY and CAPELLI, 39 FONTANA, 2000, p. 107. 2005, p. 495-507. 40 BONIFAY, 2005, p. 452. 44 BONIFAY, 1986, p. 273. 41 FONTANA, 2000, p. 108, fig. 6. 45 PACETTI, 1998, p. 199-203. 42 BEN ABED, BONIFAY and FIXOT, 1997, p. 19, fig. 6. 35. S. PIO X - B1: CRESSI - cap. 10 - (1ª bozza)

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Fig. 7 – Meninx context amphorae (FONTANA 2000, p. 109-110, fig. 6-7).

At Meninx, however, the bulk of the imports Mediterranean46 : LRA 1 (fig. 7-3), from were wine amphorae from the eastern Cilicia47, Aegean amphorae, such as LRA 248, and some that might be assimilated to amphorae produced in the island of Samos (fig. 7-4), heirs of the Agora type M 27349. The large number of eastern products, particularly wine amphorae, in Jerba’s 6th and 7th century contexts, align with other North African contexts, such as Carthage50. It is, moreover, a trend in many coastal settlements of the western Mediterranean, and seems to demonstrate that the Justinianic reconquest had an immediate effect on the market51. Jerba was, therefore, fully involved in the Fig. 8 – Percentage count of the amphorae found main commercial trans-Mediterranean routes th th in Meninx midden context (FONTANA 2000, p. 111, fig. 8). of the 6 and 7 century. The island produced

46 FONTANA, 2000, p. 111. 49 ARTHUR, 1998, p. 167-168. 47 REYNOLDS, 2005, p. 586, map 2. 50 BONIFAY and REYNAUD, 2004, p. 315-316. 48 KARAGIORGOU, 2001, p. 139. 51 AUGENTI et al., 2007. S. PIO X - B1: CRESSI - cap. 10 - (1ª bozza)

ISLAMIC POTTERY FROM JERBA 175

and traded purple textiles as late as the of production and development also at Byzantine reoccupation, when this activity northern ateliers, as has been shown by recent came to an end. We do not know the reason studies conducted on later occupation levels at for this decline : perhaps it was the result of an Jdidi, Pupput and Neapolis55, but its territorial official decision to encourage more easterly diffusion and distribution is not well-defined centres of production such as Tyre. However, yet. Nor has the glazed pottery production of we cannot avoid the consideration that the the 8th century, well known from the territory Justinianic plague of 541 spread particularly of Kairouan, been identified on the island56. through the Mediterranean ports52, and may The earliest glazed pottery found on the island explain the abandonment of Meninx as a city. is a type probably produced in central Tunisia After this period, the settlement patterns at the end of the 10th century, a period of great began to thin out and change. The few sites, prosperity for all the northern African territory which continued to be inhabited, moved away (fig. 9). from the eastern coast towards the interior. The scarcity of the Early Islamic glazed and Villages such as Gmı¯r seem actually to have painted pottery in south Tunisia contrasts with increased in size during the 7th century. its frequency in the eastern Mediterranean. The Eastern wine and goods continued to be absence of this category of fine ware in Jerba imported to the island. might be explained by the foreign origins of this technology, absent in northern African pottery ateliers before the Islamic conquest. It Jerba’s material culture during the Islamic seems that during the 9th century, skilled conquest artisans from east (Iraqi and Egyptian ateliers) brought the new techniques of the production No immediate changes in the material of this pottery to North Africa, first off for a culture of the island can be observed after the privileged market only, and for the Aghlabid Islamic Conquest, between the end of the 7th court sphere specifically. The Aghlabid court and the beginning of the 8th century53. Or, taste for these wares was, no doubt, inspired by more likely, our material knowledge of these their Abbasid (Iraqi) source. By the 10th changes is very partial. It comes particularly century, this glazed production started to have from the excavations at Ta¯la, which have awider production and diffusion. The increased our knowledge of the domestic innovation in technology was thus the result of pottery used and produced in these decades. the movement of artisans specialized in glazed These changes seem to suggest a gradual and polychrome pottery production who transformation, hardly the radical one as has brought these techniques from Iraqi or often been asserted. Egyptian ateliers. Tunisian ateliers took time to During the 8th century, pottery that was change their technology of decoration and produced in central and southern Tunisia begin to use glazes57. continued to circulate on the island, just as There is also an evolution in the formal they had in the Late Antique period, and after repertory of pottery at eighth-ninth century the Byzantine reconquest54. During this Tunisian ateliers. Still, these later North period, Red Slip Ware had some prolongation African productions show many analogies and

52 MC CORMICK, 2001, p. 40-41; FENTRESS, in DRINE, 55 BONIFAY, 2002, p. 190; ID., 2003, p. 563. FENTRESS and HOLOD, 2008, vol. I. 56 LOUHICHI and PICON, 1983, p. 45; LOUHICHI, 2003, 53 For a discussion of the impact of Islamic conquest on p. 675. Jerba now see DRINE, FENTRESS and HOLOD, 2008, 57 A similar dynamic may be observed in Italy, where vol. II. Here, it sufficient to mention that the first raid, new glazed pottery production only emerged in the 12th sometime prior to 676 CE appears to have been violent, century : BERTI, 2003, p. 25. For a detailed study of the with taking or slaves and booty. Little else is available introduction of opacification of glazes see the catalogue Le from the sources for these early decades. Vert et le Brun (DEMIANS D’ARCHIMBAUD and VALLAURI, 54 FONTANA, 2000, p. 100. 1998). S. PIO X - B1: CRESSI - cap. 10 - (1ª bozza)

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Fig. 9 – Middle Medieval painted and glazed pottery from the Jerba survey project (end of the 10th beginning of the 11th century).

a significant continuity with African Red Slip that have constituted an important instrument Ware forms, although with less differentiation for dating the settlements. Some common and simpler typologies. The same ware forms show analogies with Late Antique phenomenon has also been noticed in Egypt potteries. These links between the Byzantine between the end of the 7th and the beginning of (or Late Antique 2) Jerban pottery production the 8th century58. Technical methods and and the formal repertory of the Early Islamic processes coming from eastern countries, (or Early Medieval) Ware are significant on thus, would have overlapped with the local many levels. Among the characteristics traditions of Jerban ceramists in two different recalling the earlier ceramics is the low ways, through the arrival of foreign artisans, temperature firing which gives the fabrics a or the movement of production techniques pale colour, with greenish-white exterior with other media59. surfaces. The same effect has been observed in The pottery found during the survey and in northern Tunisia and in Libya, where there is the excavations at Gmı¯r, Husˇ Jami’ Za’id and evidence of a renewed productive capability in Ta¯la has given us new chronological markers rural settlements and in urban zones, during

58 GAYRAUD, 2003, p. 560. 59 BERTI and GELICHI, 1999; GELICHI, 2003, p. 68. S. PIO X - B1: CRESSI - cap. 10 - (1ª bozza)

ISLAMIC POTTERY FROM JERBA 177

the 9th century60. Fabric characteristics are sites in the southwest of the island near Talwat uniform and give us a significant local (K116). This is a form with a wide diffusion in productive overview. The petrographic other Mediterranean regions, inherited from a analysis permits us to identify different local Late Antique production tradition. Pitchers of production centres, located at new settled sites the same type have been identified in Italy, in in the interior of the island settled as a result contexts dating to the end of the 7th and the of in-migration. beginning of the 8th century in Lombard and Byzantine territories64. A pottery kiln with a charge of pitchers with the same shape, dating Domestic pottery during the Early Islamic to the Aghlabid period, has been excavated in Period (8th-10th century) the Flavian Temple of Lepcis Magna65, while a great number of similar vessels have been Among the formal characteristics of the identified in the southern territory of the town Early Medieval domestic pottery, are the large and in Medina Sultan66. numbers and types of mugs (fig. 10). All these The tableware form that deserves the most forms are produced with the whitish fabric attention is a carinated bowl, a form with a described above, which is characteristic of long history in Roman ceramics (fig. 11). The almost all of the Early Islamic production. The form has many similarities with glazed vessels production of this type seems to be restricted produced in Qayrawa¯n during the 9th to the first centuries after the Islamic century67. Plain and unglazed carinated bowls Conquest. The forms shown here have were found in the excavations of Su¯ s () parallels at Tahert, where they occur in the dated to the same period, which might be earliest phases of the town, built in the 761 by compared to the Jerban examples68. The ‘Abd al-Rahma¯n ibn Rustam61. At Tahert, the same type has also been identified in such latest variant˙ of this type, less common than other Ifriqiyan contexts at Mahdia, Sabra the earlier forms, is dated between the 8th and al-Mansu¯ riya, Dougga and Carthage69. ˙ This the 9th century. Such a parallel is all the more bowl also˙ has a wide distribution in Sicily, suggestive because of the influx of the Iba¯dı¯ occurring in most of the few excavated settlers, members of the Khariji branch of contexts dating between the 9th and the 10th Islam, to Jerba, which has been attested by century70. local sources throughout the ninth century62. In the same period, a plain form substitutes Could this immigration have included potters those previously produced in African Red Slip. also, or at least brought a taste for the same This is a large dish, characterized by a strip forms? Certainly, completely new settlement rim and a ring foot, but completely without patterns have been recorded on the island slips over the surface (fig. 12). This form connected with this influx of the ninth and inherits the typological Late Antique tradition tenth centuries63. directly continuing into the Early Islamic More common is a new type of pitcher with period. Change occurs only in the 10th century an applied spout, in a similar fabric to the when the plain dishes began to be glazed and other domestic wares. Production wasters of painted in the new «oriental» fashion as this pitcher have been identified on one of the discussed above.

60 CIRELLI, 2001, p. 431. fig. 15, 2-3. 61 MOKRANI, 1997, p. 283, figs. 4 and 9. 65 DOLCIOTTI and FERIOLI, 1984, p. 329-332. 62 This influx mainly consisted of the Zwag˙a Berbers. 66 CIRELLI, 2001, p. 431. 63 According to the main medieval local sources, 67 LOUHICHI, 2003, p. 670. particularly Abu¯ Zakariyya¯ b. Abu¯ Bakr, Kita¯b Siyar al- 68 LOUHICHI, 1998, p. 123. A‘imma wa Ahba¯rihim, 1979, p. 151-153. Now see DRINE, 69 LOUHICHI 1997, p. 304; ID. 1998, p. 123, for all sites ¯ FENTRESS and HOLOD, 2008, vol. II, for a discussion of the but Carthage; for it, see VITELLI, 1981, p. 58 new settlement patterns. 70 VALENTINO, 2003, p. 428; ARCIFA, 2004. 64 PROFUMO, 1985, p. 584, fig. 3; RICCI, 1998, p. 376, S. PIO X - B1: CRESSI - cap. 10 - (1ª bozza)

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Fig. 10 – Early Medieval plain ware from G’mir (Gmı¯r) excavation and from other sites on Jerba (8th-9th century).

Important changes also occurred in the Evidence for long-distance imports for the Cooking Ware production. First of all, we can eighth – ninth – beginning tenth centuries is observe a decrease in handmade production, scarce71. and the creation of a new repertory of good technological quality, for which evidence has been found in different sites (fig. 13). A new Amphorae form of casserole began in the Early Medieval phase and quickly achieved a wide diffusion, Along with the fine wares a conspicuous being produced in the following periods as number of amphorae have been identified in the well. This form is characterized by a concave excavations and from surface finds. These are bottom, small handles in the upper part of the generally large cylindrical amphorae that might rim and a sharp carination dividing the body have held the olive oil produced on the island. from the foot. Jerba’s oil was well-known and appreciated The cooking set was completed by tall pots, during the Middle Ages. Generally used for and globular cooking pots with two handles, lamps, cosmetics and food, it was widely traded whose production is testified in Jerba in small from second half of the 10th century. A special rural sites, where there is evidence for Jerban measure for oil was called matar72. domestic pottery production, through the The early forms of small globular discovery of wasters on them. amphorae, were produced in local kilns also.

71 The only «foreign» sherds identified in the survey are 72 The name for this measure is attested in Italian fragments of a glazed ware pitcher, probably of Italian documents, see PEGOLOTTI, 1936. Also Abu¯ Zakariyya¯ production. mentions a special measure of cereals, called al-qfiz al-jirbi. S. PIO X - B1: CRESSI - cap. 10 - (1ª bozza)

ISLAMIC POTTERY FROM JERBA 179

Fig. 11 – Early Medieval carinated bowls (plain ware) from Gasr Ta¯la excavation and from other sites on Jerba (-9th century).

(fig. 14). They have few parallels with other generally associated with the transport of Mediterranean finds, except for a globular wine. Its circulation on Jerba during this amphora identified on many sites that period should not surprise us. Despite the resembles some 8th and 9th century vessels Quranic prohibition against wine, this produced in South Italy and in many other production continued in many settlements Mediterranean productive areas, such as the probably because the much of the population Gulf of Naples, southern Apulia and the may not have been Muslim in any case. While North African coast73. Its characteristic the processes of Islamization may have been neckband rim and umbonate foot allows us to faster in North Africa than in other regions, compare this amphora with other important they are being re-evaluated at this moment75. early medieval finds of the last decade74. Wine amphorae identified on Jerba could There is no certain evidence for the contents have been used by the local Christian, and of this amphora, although it has been especially Jewish population76. Other samples

73 DE ROSSI, 2005, p. 541-542. communities in North Africa up to the Almohads. 74 CIRELLI, 2002, p. 436. 76 Wine production is well known in Umayyad Palestine 75 See HANDLEY, 2004 on the existence of Christian and Jordan. Now see WALMSLEY, 2007. On use of wine S. PIO X - B1: CRESSI - cap. 10 - (1ª bozza)

180 RENATA HOLOD AND ENRICO CIRELLI

Fig. 12 – Early Medieval dishes (plain ware) from G’mir (Gmı¯r) and Gasr Ta¯la excavation and from other Jerba sites (8th-9th century).

of similar amphorae (8th-10th century), along trans-Mediterranean routes. This absence produced in southern Tunisia, have been also reveals a reduction of trading relationships with identified on sites where there is no evidence the external world in the 8th-9th centuries, and of Roman occupation (fig. 14-5,7). suggests that the island remained isolated from It is important to underline the absence on the main commercial routes by the political Jerba of other types of amphorae transported transformations of the region.

under the Aghlabids, see JULIEN (1975, p. 277-279). The No archaeological trace of the local Christian community Jewish community, probably established in the island could be found in the ninth-tenth century, although their since the Second (maybe even the First) Diaspora, would survival in the early years of Muslim dominion is not have followed the precepts of the Kiddush and the unlikely. See SAVAGE, 1992 on Christian traces in the Havdalah and used wine regularly (CIRELLI, 2002, p. 437). Berber areas. S. PIO X - B1: CRESSI - cap. 10 - (1ª bozza)

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periods into the 10th and 11th century, after which time the production centres moved and changed in size and type. This former production probably did not exceed the needs of the local community, and was unlikely to have been traded much beyond the island. Between the 8th and the 10th century (our early medieval period), commerce passing through Jerba seems almost irrelevant when compared with that of the Late Antique periods. The island appears to have become much more peripheral, although importations were not completely broken off. When the Fig. 13 – Cooking ware wasters from K 116, close to Talwat. commercial dynamism of the Mediterranean basin began to revive in the 9th century, Jerba still remained outside its orbit, as most of the commercial relationships were directed * * * towards such regional horizons as the prosperous towns of central Tunisia and Tunis The chrono-typological seriation applied to itself. By the end of the 10th century, however, the pottery found during the project in the the island was already drawn into this excavations and in the surface collections has larger commercial orbit77. It participated in made it possible to identify a significant the cabotage trade between Mahdia and number of ceramic productions of the Early Alexandria. The island may have played a Medieval/Early Islamic period. Overall, it role also in the circulation of sub-Saharan comprises plain ware, produced for domestic products in the Mediterranean. The lucrative usage, and for transport of foodstuffs from trade in slaves controlled by Jerba’s Ibadi neighbouring centres. Jerba in this period is co-religionists would have left no far from the cultural model of the main urban archaeological trace on the soil of the island, settlements of northern Tunisian coast, where although al-Bakrı¯ does mention that the island glazed and painted pottery of good quality was is «full of gold». Its groves of olives and other already being produced in the 9th century. fruit trees give it a special character as a Even as late as the 10th century very little «paradisiac» landscape, while its inhabitants glazed polychrome ware being produced in gained infamy as a sectarian or piratical space north and central Tunisia was found in the in many mainstream sources. Ceramic Jerba survey; its importation begins in the production sites on the island, first and following centuries. The island, nonetheless, foremost, produced household wares, but as continued to produce pottery, as it had done importantly containers for Jerba’s main export, since the Punic Period in various locations, olive oil, known to Italian trade as giare and as it did in the 20th century in the pottery- gerbine78. The later history of production and village of Galla¯la. Plain and coarse wares were exchange is a discussion taken up in another produced in local kilns, attached to small venue. For now, we have illustrated that the settlements, or farms. On these sites, we have nature of transition on Jerba from the Late evidence for pottery production from wasters Antique to Medieval cultures and economies is mostly (fig. 13). Interestingly, there is marked in ceramic production by continuity in continuity of local production in the south- forms and loci of production. At the same time, western areas of the island from the earlier it was also impacted, although at a slower pace

77 AL-BAKRI¯ (1965, p. 668 and p. 760), was writing in earlier source. the eleventh century but basing him on Ibn Raqı¯q, an 78 CIRELLI, 2002, p. 436. S. PIO X - B1: CRESSI - cap. 10 - (1ª bozza)

182 RENATA HOLOD AND ENRICO CIRELLI

Fig. 14 – Early medieval amphorae from Jerba (8th-10th century; CIRELLI 2002).

than the mainland, by the arrival of new east, as well as by a possible immigration of techniques and taste for polychromy from the new artisans, together with the new settlers.

Renata HOLOD (University of Pennsylvania)

Enrico CIRELLI (Università di Bologna) S. PIO X - B1: CRESSI - cap. 10 - (1ª bozza)

ISLAMIC POTTERY FROM JERBA 183

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