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Good Government Nordic and East Asian Perspectives
Good Government Nordic and East Asian Perspectives Geir Helgesen and Uichol Kim in collaboration with Good_Govt.pm6 1 20/08/02, 10:16 First published in 2002 by NIAS Press Nordic Institute of Asian Studies Leifsgade 33, DK–2300 Copenhagen S, Denmark tel: (+45) 3254 8844 • fax: (+45) 3296 2530 E–mail: [email protected] • Website: http://www.niaspress.dk/ in collaboration with the Danish Institute of International Affairs (DUPI) Typesetting by NIAS Press Printed and bound in Denmark by Hertz bogtrykkergården a/s Cover design by Nanna Bild © Geir Helgesen and Uichol Kim 2002 All rights reserved. No part of this volume may be reproduced in whole or in part without the express permission of authors and publisher. The responsibility for facts and opinions expressed in this publication rests exclusively with the authors, and their interpretations do not necessarily reflect the views of the publishers. Publication of this book was made possible thanks to economic support from the Nordic Institute of Asian Studies and the Danish Institute of International Affairs British Library Catalogue in Publication Data A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 87-91114-16-0 Good_Govt.pm6 2 20/08/02, 10:16 Contents Preface 5 The Research Network 6 Sponsors 6 East Asian Ideals: Harmony with Nature, Acknowledgementss 6 Self and Others 40 Introduction 7 Confucianism 41 Why is it important to understand East Asian societies 43 other societies? 7 Confucianism in modern East Asia 45 East Asia and the Nordic countries: Socialization -
Act on the Althing Ombudsman
Act No. 85/1997 on the Althing Ombudsman Article 1 Election of the Althing Ombudsman The Althing Ombudsman is elected by Althing for a period of four years. He shall fulfil the conditions provided by law as to fitness to hold the office of Supreme Court Justice and may not be a Member of Althing. In the event of the death of the Ombudsman, or his permanent incapacitation for other reasons, Althing shall hold a new election for the office. The same applies if the Ombudsman is released from his duties of his own volition, or if two thirds of the members of Althing vote to dismiss him. In case of a temporary absence of the Ombudsman the Speaker of Althing will appoint a substitute to act for him meanwhile. Article 2 Role of the Althing Ombudsman, etc. The role of the Althing Ombudsman is to monitor, on behalf of Althing and in such manner as is further stated in this Act, the administration of the State and local authorities, and to safeguard the rights of the citizens vis-a-vis the authorities. He shall ensure that the principle of equality is upheld in public administration and that such administration is otherwise conducted in conformity with the law and good administrative practice. The Ombudsman shall not, in the discharge of his functions, have to take instructions from anybody, Althing included. Article 3 Jurisdiction of the Althing Ombudsman The jurisdiction of the Althing Ombudsman extends to State and local administration. The Ombudsman's jurisdiction also extends to the activities of private parties insofar as they have been by law vested with public authority to decide as to individuals' rights and obligations in the sense of Article 1, para. -
The Year in Elections, 2013: the World's Flawed and Failed Contests
The Year in Elections, 2013: The World's Flawed and Failed Contests The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Norris, Pippa, Richard W. Frank, and Ferran Martinez i Coma. 2014. The Year in Elections 2013: The World's Flawed and Failed Contests. The Electoral Integrity Project. Published Version http://www.electoralintegrityproject.com/ Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:11744445 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA THE YEAR IN ELECTIONS, 2013 THE WORLD’S FLAWED AND FAILED CONTESTS Pippa Norris, Richard W. Frank, and Ferran Martínez i Coma February 2014 THE YEAR IN ELECTIONS, 2013 WWW. ELECTORALINTEGRITYPROJECT.COM The Electoral Integrity Project Department of Government and International Relations Merewether Building, HO4 University of Sydney, NSW 2006 Phone: +61(2) 9351 6041 Email: [email protected] Web: http://www.electoralintegrityproject.com Copyright © Pippa Norris, Ferran Martínez i Coma, and Richard W. Frank 2014. All rights reserved. Photo credits Cover photo: ‘Ballot for national election.’ by Daniel Littlewood, http://www.flickr.com/photos/daniellittlewood/413339945. Licence at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0. Page 6 and 18: ‘Ballot sections are separated for counting.’ by Brittany Danisch, http://www.flickr.com/photos/bdanisch/6084970163/ Licence at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0. Page 8: ‘Women in Pakistan wait to vote’ by DFID - UK Department for International Development, http://www.flickr.com/photos/dfid/8735821208/ Licence at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0. -
Factiva RTF Display Format
Mauritanians Doubt Existence of CIA Prisons in Their Country 525 words 9 July 2007 Voice of America Press Releases and Documents English CY Copyright (c) 2007 Federal Information & News Dispatch, Inc. VOA English Service DATELINE: Dakar Many Mauritanians says they do not believe claims made by an American journalist, and denied by their government, that the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency maintains secret interrogation cells in their country. Many also say they do not support military cooperation with the United States. Naomi Schwarz has more from VOA's West Africa bureau in Dakar. The affair began with a tiny mention in a long article in an American magazine, The New Yorker. The author says a senior intelligence official, unnamed, told him the United States had opened a new detainee center in Mauritania in late 2005 to house and interrogate terrorism suspects. The claim has been reprinted in Mauritanian media. It has caused a huge reaction there. Local journalist Salem Bokari says some people believe the claims, but the vast majority is extremely skeptical. But he says people want a government investigation to find out whether or not they are true. On Friday, before the National Assembly, Mauritania's justice minister formally denied the existence of any secret U.S. prisons in the country. The government has said its relationship with the U.S. military is limited to training and information sharing. Bokari says most Mauritanians hope the relationship stays minimal. Page 1 © 2007 Factiva, Inc. All rights reserved. He says Mauritanians do not support the government of President George Bush, because they feel he has not done much for the third world and for Muslims around the world. -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Estonia Today STATE SYSTEM of the REPUBLIC of ESTONIA
Fact Sheet 2007 Estonia Today STATE SYSTEM OF THE REPUBLIC OF ESTONIA Parliamentary democracy SUPREME COURT THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC The highest court in the state The head of state and the supreme commander of the national and the court of constitutional defence of Estonia. The President is elected by the Riigikogu review. The Riigikogu on or by an electoral body comprised of members of the Riigikogu nomination by the President of and representatives of the local government councils for a the Republic appoints the Chief term of 5 years. Justice of the Supreme Court. Justices of the Supreme Court are appointed by the Riigikogu on nomination by the Chief GOVERNMENT OF THE REPUBLIC Justice of the Supreme Court. Judges are appointed for life. The Government exercises RURAL MUNICIPALITY AND executive power. The candidate for CITY GOVERNMENTS Prime Minister is authorised to office by the Riigikogu on the LEGAL CHANCELLOR The executive bodies formed by proposal of the President. The the council. An independent official who President on the proposal of the reviews the legislation of general Prime Minister nominates members application of the legislative and of the government. executive powers and of local governments for conformity with the Constitution and the law. The Legal Chancellor is nominated by the Riigikogu on the proposal of LOCAL GOVERNMENT COUNCILS the President for a term of 7 years. RIIGIKOGU (The Parliament) The representative and legislative The Riigikogu is a legislative body. bodies of local governments, elected It has 101 members and is elected by the residents of the rural on the basis of a general, direct and STATE AUDIT OFFICE municipality or city for the period of 3 uniform right to vote by the citizens years. -
The Origins and Development of Taiwan's Policies Toward The
The Origins and Development of Taiwan’s Policies toward the Overseas Citizens’ Participation in Homeland Governance and Decision-Making Dean P. Chen, Ph.D. Assistant Professor of Political Science Ramapo College of New Jersey Presentations for the Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law Stanford University February 28, 2014 How International Relations (IR) Theories Matter? • Second-image reversed (Peter Gourevitch, 1978) – International systemic changes affect domestic politics – Domestic political actors and institutions filter the effects of international conditions, resulting in changes of interests, coalitions, norms, ideas, identities and policies • Constructivist theory of argumentative persuasion (Thomas Risse, 2000) – Interests and identities can be changed through the social interactive processes of argumentation, deliberation, and persuasion Main Argument • The Republic of China (ROC)/Taiwan’s policies toward overseas constituents have always been closely aligned with the government’s diplomatic objectives – From KMT’s pan-Chinese nationalism to Taiwan’s desire for a greater international space and political autonomy • Transformations of international politics inevitably shape the domestic political situations in ROC/Taiwan, which, then, impact policies toward the overseas community • Despite facing a rising People’s Republic of China (PRC), Taiwan’s democratization and rising Taiwanese consciousness have fostered a new set of identities, interests, and arguments that compete with Beijing’s “one China” principle -
Religious Diversity and the Number of Religious Parties Around the World
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Queen's University Research Portal Religious Diversity and the Number of Religious Parties Around the World Raymond, C. (2018). Religious Diversity and the Number of Religious Parties Around the World. Paper presented at European Consortium for Political Research General Conference, Hamburg, Germany. Document Version: Other version Queen's University Belfast - Research Portal: Link to publication record in Queen's University Belfast Research Portal Publisher rights Copyright 2018 The Author. General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Queen's University Belfast Research Portal is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The Research Portal is Queen's institutional repository that provides access to Queen's research output. Every effort has been made to ensure that content in the Research Portal does not infringe any person's rights, or applicable UK laws. If you discover content in the Research Portal that you believe breaches copyright or violates any law, please contact [email protected]. Download date:09. May. 2019 Religious Diversity and the Number of Religious Parties Around the World Christopher D. Raymond Lecturer in Politics Queen’s University Belfast [email protected] Key Words Religious parties; religious diversity; religious markets; party system fragmentation; social cleavages Abstract Arguing that religious diversity creates incentives for political cooperation, recent research questions the assumption that religious diversity leads to more fragmented party systems and finds a negative association between religious diversity and the fragmentation of vote shares. -
Women's Political Participation and Representation in Asia
iwanaga The ability of a small elite of highly educated, upper-class Asian women’s political women to obtain the highest political positions in their country is unmatched elsewhere in the world and deserves study. But, for participation and those interested in a more detailed understanding of how women representation strive and sometimes succeed as political actors in Asia, there is a women’s marked lack of relevant research as well as of comprehensive and in asia user-friendly texts. Aiming to fill the gap is this timely and important study of the various obstacles and opportunities for women’s political Obstacles and Challenges participation and representation in Asia. Even though it brings political together a diverse array of prominent European and Asian academicians and researchers working in this field, it is nonetheless a singularly coherent, comprehensive and accessible volume. Edited by Kazuki Iwanaga The book covers a wide range of Asian countries, offers original data from various perspectives and engages the latest research on participation women in politics in Asia. It also aims to put the Asian situation in a global context by making a comparison with the situation in Europe. This is a volume that will be invaluable in women’s studies internationally and especially in Asia. a nd representation representation i n asia www.niaspress.dk Iwanaga-2_cover.indd 1 4/2/08 14:23:36 WOMEN’S POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AND REPRESENTATION IN ASIA Kazuki_prels.indd 1 12/20/07 3:27:44 PM WOMEN AND POLITICS IN ASIA Series Editors: Kazuki Iwanaga (Halmstad University) and Qi Wang (Oslo University) Women and Politics in Thailand Continuity and Change Edited by Kazuki Iwanaga Women’s Political Participation and Representation in Asia Obstacles and Challenges Edited by Kazuki Iwanaga Kazuki_prels.indd 2 12/20/07 3:27:44 PM Women’s Political Participation and Representation in Asia Obstacles and Challenges Edited by Kazuki Iwanaga Kazuki_prels.indd 3 12/20/07 3:27:44 PM Women and Politics in Asia series, No. -
Briefing Notes 19 December 2016
Group 22 – Information Centre for Asylum and Migration Briefing Notes 19 December 2016 Afghanistan Armed clashes Hostilities, raids and attacks, some involving fatalities or injuries among the civilian population, continue to occur. According to press reports, the follow- ing provinces were affected in recent weeks: Parwan, Nangarhar, Ghazni, Za- bul, Nuristan, Helmand, Balkh, Kunduz, Kabul (Paghman district). The Afghan Local Police in Kunduz (North-East Afghanistan) are demanding heavy weapons, claiming that they are otherwise unable to combat the Taliban in the province effectively. Targeted attacks On 13.12.16 a border police commander and his bodyguard were killed in a bomb attack in Kunar (East Af- ghanistan). A girl was killed in an attack by insurgents on a bus in Badakhstan (North-East Afghanistan); two people were injured. Two insurgents died in Kabul on 14.12.16 when their explosives blew up prematurely. One foreigner was shot dead by a guard near Kabul airport and at least two were injured. Two children were killed in an explosion in Zabul (South-East Afghanistan) on 15.12.16. Three children and one woman were injured. Two suicide bombers were arrested before they had an opportunity to carry out an attack in Nangarhar (South-East Afghanistan). Five female airport employees were shot dead by unknown assailants on their way to work in Kandahar (South Afghanistan) on 17.12.16. Taliban executed a mother of two in Badghis (West Afghanistan) on 19.12.16. She had married another man after her first husband went to Iran. On returning, the latter had denounced his wife to the Taliban. -
Pivot, Hedger, Or Partner Strategies of Lesser Powers Caught Between Hegemons
11 Pivot, Hedger, or Partner Strategies of Lesser Powers Caught between Hegemons Yu-Shan Wu Taiwan is strategically situated between the United States and the People’s Repub- lic of China (PRC). It is impossible to understand cross-Strait relations without looking into this global strategic context. Although one may not agree with the pessimistic prediction of the power transition theory, namely that the closing gap between the United States and China will result in a titanic clash between the world’s hegemon and its challenger, it is nevertheless undeniable that the two strongest nations in today’s world have been locked in tense strategic competition. China wants to reclaim its lost central place in the world, a wish that is naturally resisted by today’s hegemon, the United States. This is not to deny that Washing- ton and Beijing collaborate in many aspects of their relationship, such as the fight against international terrorism and their joint efforts to deal with climate change. However, as the capabilities of the two giants are getting closer and closer, the relation is strained, with China understandably striving for an equal say on inter- national affairs and the United States hesitant to grant such status to its challenger. The refusal to give China a voting weight in the International Monetary Fund (IMF) that reflects its economic clout is one vivid example, and the competition between the two over the issue of Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) is another. The main geopolitical fault line for Sino-American competition is found in East Asia. Another great strategic conflict in today’s world is between the West and Russia over Ukraine.