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Hijab) Among Pakistani Women Chapter I CONDITIONS, CONTEXT, AND OUTCOMES OF PRACTICING VEIL (HIJAB) AMONG PAKISTANI WOMEN By WASEEM FAYYAZ Dr. Muhammad Ajmal NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF PSYCHOLOGY Centre of Excellence Quaid-i-Azam University Islamabad - Pakistan 2015 CONDITIONS, CONTEXT, AND OUTCOMES OF PRACTICING VEIL (HIJAB) AMONG PAKISTANI WOMEN By WASEEM FAYYAZ 1 A dissertation submitted to Dr. Muhammad Ajmal NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF PSYCHOLOGY Centre of Excellence Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad. In partial fulfillment of the requirement for the DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN PSYCHOLOGY 2014 LIST OF FOREIGN EXAMINERS The Ph.D dissertation titled “Conditions, Context, and Outcomes of Practicing Veil (Hijab) among Pakistani Women” prepared by Mr. Waseem Fayyaz has been evaluated by the following foreign examiners: 1. Prof. Dr. Ralph Hood. Department of Psychology, College of Arts and Sciences, the University of Tennessee at Chattanoonga, USA. 2. Dr. Mark Wiggins. Associate Dean Research, Faculty of Human Sciences, Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia. 3. Prof. Dr. Phil Reed. Chair, Department of Psychology, Swansea University, United Kingdom. 2 CERTIFICATE Certified that Ph.D. dissertation on “Conditions, Context, and Outcomes of Practicing Veil (Hijab) among Pakistani Women” prepared by Mr. Waseem Fayyaz has been approved for submission. (Prof. Dr. Anila Kamal) Supervisor LIST OF CONTENTS 3 Acknowledgments i Abstract iii List of Tables v List of Figures viii List of Appendices ix Chapter I. INTRODUCTION 1 Hijab (Veil) 3 History of Veiling/Hijab 10 Hijab in Present Muslim Societies 15 Hijab Ban/Discrimination 22 Conditions of Hijab 28 Hijab in Pakistan 33 Rationale of Present Study 42 Chapter II. RESEARCH DESIGN 45 Study 1: Exploring the Hijab Phenomenon in Pakistani Context 45 Study 2: Comparison of Five Dress Groups on Study Variables 46 Chapter III. STUDY 1: EXPLORING THE HIJAB PHENOMENON IN 47 PAKISTANI CONTEXT Objectives 47 Participants 48 Instruments 49 Procedures 50 Results 52 Discussion and Conclusions: Identifying a Theoretical Base 71 Chapter IV. INTRODUCTION TO VARIABLES EMERGING FROM 80 FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSIONS Religion and Social Cultural Factors 80 Psychological Satisfaction 83 Sexual Harassment Experiences 84 Chapter V. STUDY 2: COMPARSION OF FIVE DRESS GROUPS ON 86 STUDY VARIABLES 4 Study 2: Phase I (Selection, Adaptation, and Psychometric 86 Properties of Instruments) Objectives 86 Operational Definitions 87 Phase I: Step I (Selection and Adaptation of Instruments) 91 Instruments 91 Procedures 96 Phase I: Step II (Try Out Of Instruments) 98 Participants 98 Instruments 99 Procedures 99 Results and Discussion 100 Phase I: Step III: Pilot Study (Establishing The Psychometric 101 Properties Of Instruments) Participants 101 Instruments 102 Procedures 102 Results 103 Discussion 117 Study 2: Phase II (Comparison Of Five Dress Groups On 124 Study Variables) Objectives 124 Participants 125 Instruments 127 Procedures 129 Results 130 Discussion 185 Chapter VI. GENERAL DISCUSSION 196 Study 1. Exploring the Hijab Phenomenon in Pakistani Context 199 Study 2. Comparison of Five Dress Groups on Study Variables 200 Developing a Theoretical Framework 209 5 Conclusions 213 Implications 213 Limitations and Suggestions 214 REFERENCES 217 APPENDICES 6 INTRODUCTION Humankind has used dress for various purposes. Among these purposes are modesty, protection, and adornment (Flugel, 1930/1969). The Holy Qur’an has focused on modesty and adornment, yet emphasized dress of piety at the same time (7: 26). The attire we adopt is also connected with identity. It is linked with the sense of one’s self (Humphreys & Brown, 2002). Different sections of society wear different dress to mark their status and standing in society. Kings and ruling families have worn heavy and elaborate robes while public outfits have been simple. We use different uniforms to declare our jobs or institutions. Our clothes reflect norms and role expectations (Brower, 2013). People of different cultures put on different dresses. Besides civilization and region where we live, dress code is also determined by our faith. This way dress appears as a symbol of one’s religious identity and the modesty connected with it (Droogsma, 2007). Head covering has been usually viewed as one of the most important identifier of a Muslim woman and has been practiced more or less throughout the Muslim world. Hijab in particular (headscarf/face-veil along with abaya, a long gown) has also been the part of women outfit in various Muslim states. However, it gained more popularity during the Islamic movements towards the last quarter of the previous century (Carvalho, 2013; El Guindi, 1999).In the aftermath of September 11, 2001 (9/11 henceforth), immigrant Muslim women in western states had to rethink of their identity. Hijab came up as a sign of their religious identity and Muslim solidarity (Murshid, 2005). Hijab practice increased in Muslim majority nations as well. At present debate on hijab is continuing in both western societies and many Muslim countries (Golnaraghi & Mills, 2013; Kelcic, 2011). 7 Muslim women have found a very strong distinctiveness by adopting purdah/ hijab. Many earlier studies have addressed question of Muslim identity related with hijab (e.g., Cole & Ahmadi, 2010; Droogsma, 2007; Scott & Franzamann, 2007). The present researchers divert their direct focus from this issue because the present study is being carried out in a country where majority are already Muslims (96.3%) (Pakistan Census Organization, 1998).Therefore, a separate identity is not a core concern. Additionally, the present study is set to explore the phenomenon of hijab with respect to social and psychological aspects of the wearer herself. Hijab carries different symbolic meanings (Jorgensen, 2008). To Muslims, it is a symbol of modesty whereas Europeans and some feminists see it as a mark of the inferior status and oppression of women (Golnaraghi & Mills, 2013).The construction of veil as oppression has been challenged by many scholars. Clark (2007) believes that hijab is ultimately a symbol; it oppresses, liberates, empowers, according to society, tradition, and the woman who places it over her hair. Cole and Ahmadi (2010) established that women adopt hijab under religious obligations and parental expectations. They also wear it as a sign of Muslim identity and modesty. Jones (2005) asserts that wearing it is, however, their own choice. Droogsma (2007) and Kopp (2005) found that hijab defines Muslim identities, performs a behavior check/control, resists sexual objectification, affords more respect, preserves intimate relations with family, and provides freedom. Therefore, we note that observing hijab has diverse reasons and functions. A part of the present research will target to find out conditions and functions of the said phenomenon in Pakistan where Muslims are a majority and women cover themselves in diverse ways. Also, hijab being a non indigenous dress has replaced the traditional form of covering in Pakistan. Therefore, the reasons for taking hijab might be different from those found in the above studies, 8 most of which have been carried out in Western countries where Muslims are only a minority. In the first part of the study, focus group discussions will be conducted. We will not ask direct questions about the above mentioned factors. Instead we will brain storm the ideas about the conditions, course, and functions of hijab. In this way we may also be able to address the issue of Muslim identity already prevalent in existing literature. In this study, the researchers do not take any position to favor or disfavor hijab as a religious decree. In this text, we will be using the terms hijab, veil, headscarf, and purdah alternatively. Hijab (Veil) Before moving to the issues related to hijab, there is a need to define multiple terms used in this text to represent the practice of covering head and face (see the list of meanings/translation of non English words in Contents section). In the present work, the word hijab has been used as a general term because of its diverse and multifaceted nature. For example, while a Saudi woman may wear a niqab/face veil and call it hijab, a Canadian Muslim woman could use a headscarf and also identify it as a hijab(Cole & Ahmadi, 2010; Ruby, 2006). Ruby asserts that the veil, which is often interpreted in Western traditions as a covering of the head, does not illuminate the complexity of the practice in the Muslim context. However, besides using hijab as a generic term, we have tried to differentiate it from niqab and other types of covering, wherever necessary. Thus, Hijab, veil, and headscarf will be used interchangeably (Blomfield, 2009; Ruby, 2006) and will stand for any piece of cloth covering hair and neck fully, showing only the face from forehead to the upper part of the neck (Cole & Ahmadi, 2010). Originally in Arabic, hijab means a curtain /screen. 9 In the Holy Qur’an, companions of the Prophet (PBUH) were commanded to communicate with his wives through a screen (33: 53). Dupatta (relatively thin piece of cloth used as headgear) and chador (shawl) serve the same purpose as headscarf, but are a bit looser than the modern day headscarf and also cover chest and back. These two usually do not accompany abaya (a long gown), which is often worn along with headscarf. Niqab means covering hair as well as face, except the eyes. Abaya is also used along with the face veil (Blomfield, 2009; Cole & Ahmadi, 2010). It is generally distinct from burqa, a garment that covers the entire body and allows only a netted material in front of eyes. At some places in this text, niqab, hijab and veil will carry the same meaning. Purdah is taken as a broad term. It is the customary seclusion and segregation of women from stranger men and the world outside homes (Anderson, 2005; Papanek, 1971). In a physical sense, purdah means covering of woman’s body along with a headscarf or a dupatta / shawl. In moral and social terms, it means enforcement of high standards of chastity on women and making them subservient to men.
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