Being Me on Instagram: How Indonesian Hijabers Reframed the Nexus of Piety and Modernity

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BEING ME ON INSTAGRAM: HOW INDONESIAN HIJABERS REFRAMED THE NEXUS OF PIETY AND MODERNITY

Alila Pramiyanti Master of Science in Communication Management (University of Indonesia) Bachelor of Arts in Communication Science (University of Padjadjaran)

Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

CREATIVE INDUSTRIES FACULTY QUEENSLAND UNIVERSITY OF TECHNOLOGY 2019

Challenges make you discover things about yourself that you never really knew. -Cicely Tyson-

KEYWORDS

Authenticity

Community Hijab Hijabers Fashion Feminism Identity Indonesia Instagram Modernity Piety Self-presentation

ABSTRACT

Few researchers have explored the interplay between Muslim identity, social media, fashion, and religion. In this thesis I explore how twenty-six Indonesian hijabers redefined the self- presentation of hijab-wearing women through social media specifically, Instagram. These Indonesian hijabers, or young Indonesian hijab-wearing women who are fashion-conscious, have embraced the visual affordances of Instagram to perform their unique digital self-portraits.

I used digital ethnography to delve into the motives, values, and impact of Instagram use on these well-educated, middle-class hijabers, aged 20-34, living in Indonesia’s larger cities, Jakarta, Bandung, Yogyakarta, and Gresik. These hijabers participated in in-depth interviews, participant-observations, and social media observations. This research used thematic and iconography analysis as methods of data analysis.

Drawing on Goffman’s theory of self-presentation and the lens of women’s movement, this study revealed how these Indonesian hijabers use Instagram as a medium of self-expression, channel of dakwah (proselytising Islam), and to generate their feminism agendas. Therefore, they presented authenticity, religiosity, and collectivism by using Instagram as their stage.

This thesis provides new knowledge of how the hijabers have expanded the motives, values, and impacts of ‘being me’ on Instagram. This thesis also found that these Indonesian hijabers advanced their visibility in the digital public sphere and challenged the stereotype of being voiceless, oppressed, and backward Muslim women. They reframed the nexus of piety and modernity not only in terms of the adoption of Western feminine context, but also in terms of adeptly using the visual affordances of Instagram to challenge dominant power structures, share Islamic knowledge, and enhance women’s agency and empowerment.

GLOSSARY OF ARABIC AND INDONESIAN TERMS

Allah : the Arabic word for ‘God’ in Abrahamic religions Amanah : fulfilling or upholding trusts Aurat : body parts that should be covered Dakwah : preaching or proselytising of Islam Dhaif : weak Hadith : record of the prophet Muhammad’s daily practices Hijab : literally means curtain, but is used to refer to a long colorful shawl/pashmina pinned in many styles and layers to cover the chest combined with the loose and trendy outfit Hijabers : a term for Indonesian hijab-wearing young women who are fashion-conscious Hijrah : continual self-improvement to become more faithful Jihad : holy war (not essentially related to violence) Jilbab : a short square headscarf pinned in the chin and only wrapped around the neck Kekinian : contemporary and trendy Khimar : a long loose material covered the head until the hip used with abaya Kyai : Islamic leader Muslimah : Muslim woman Niqab : a face-veiled that leaves the area around the eyes visible Pencitraan : planned self-images Pengajian : Quran recitation and Islamic studying Pesantren : Islamic boarding school Quran : Islamic sacred book (also termed as Al-Quran, Qur’an or Koran) Riya : arrogant or show-off Sedekah : alms Syiar : spreading Islamic way of life Tabarruj : display the beauty Tausiyah : Islamic speech Ustadz : male Islamic teacher Ustadzah : female Islamis teacher

TABLE OF CONTENTS

KEYWORDS ...... 3 ABSTRACT ...... 4 GLOSSARY OF ARABIC AND INDONESIAN TERMS ...... 5 TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... 6 LIST OF FIGURES ...... 10 LIST OF TABLES ...... 13 STATEMENT OF ORIGINAL AUTHORSHIP ...... 14 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... 15 FOREWORD...... 17 CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ...... 19 1.1 Research Background ...... 20 The Hijab: Contested Interpretations ...... 21 Indonesian Hijabers ...... 23 Islamic Culture Industry ...... 26 Gap in Knowledge ...... 28 1.2 Research Question ...... 28 1.3 Outcomes of this Thesis ...... 29 1.4 Chapter Breakdown ...... 31 CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 32 2.1 Veiling Practices ...... 32 Veiling practices in Indonesia ...... 34 2.2 Feminism ...... 38 Feminism in Indonesia ...... 39 Piety Movement and Pious Agency ...... 41 2.3 Islamic Fashion...... 43 Islamic Fashion as Identity Expression ...... 44 Islamic Fashion: Negotiate Modernity ...... 48 2.4 Identity on Social Media ...... 51 Instagram as Computer-mediated Communication (CMC) ...... 52 Self-presentation on Social Media ...... 54 Selfies culture on social media ...... 56 Authenticity on Social Media ...... 57

The Representation of Muslim Women on Digital Media ...... 59 Muslim Women’s Identity on Instagram ...... 62 2.5 Conclusion ...... 64 CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH DESIGN ...... 66 3.1 Ontological and epistemological stance ...... 66 3.2 Methodology ...... 66 3.3 Methods of Data Collection ...... 69 Interview ...... 71 Participant-observation ...... 71 Screenshot of Instagram posting ...... 75 3.4 Methods of Data Analysis ...... 75 Thematic Analysis ...... 75 Iconographical Analysis ...... 77 Example 1 of iconographical analysis ...... 78 Example 2 of iconographical analysis ...... 79 Example 3 of iconographical analysis ...... 79 3.5 The Researcher’s Role ...... 81 3.6 Validity, Reliability, and Generalisation ...... 82 CHAPTER 4: BEING AUTHENTIC SELVES ...... 84 4.1 Introduction ...... 85 4.2 Being Real ...... 86 4.3 Being Empowered ...... 92 4.4 Being Fashionable ...... 95 4.5 Being Humorous and Fun ...... 100 4.6 Discussion...... 106 Change the Understanding of Selfies ...... 106 Layer of Authenticity ...... 108 Curation of Authenticity ...... 110 4.7 Conclusion ...... 113 CHAPTER 5. BEING PIOUS SELVES ...... 115 5.1 Introduction ...... 115 5.2 Being Faithful ...... 116 5.3 Being Righteous ...... 125 5.4 Being Grateful ...... 130 5.5 Being Patient...... 135

5.6 Discussion...... 137 Shape Religious Authority ...... 138 Exert Power Relations ...... 140 5.7 Conclusion ...... 144 CHAPTER 6: BEING COMMUNITY ACTIVISTS ...... 146 6.1 Introduction ...... 147 The Shifting from Twitter to Instagram ...... 147 Community Instagram Account ...... 149 1. Hijabers Community (HC)...... 149 2. Hijaber Gresik (HG) ...... 152 3. Hijaber United (HU) ...... 153 4. Yayasan Hijab Indonesia/Indonesia Hijab Foundation (YHI) ...... 154 5. Hijabie Community Yogyakarta (HY)...... 155 6. Syar’i Lifestyle (SLS) ...... 156 6.2. Being an Agent of Knowledge ...... 159 6.3 Being Generous ...... 164 6.4 Being a Modest Fashion Icon ...... 167 Hijabisation ...... 167 Beautification...... 173 6.5 Discussion...... 178 Expand Pious Agency ...... 178 Challenge Public Role ...... 179 6.6 Conclusion ...... 184 CHAPTER 7: IMPLICATIONS ...... 186 7.1 Instagram Emphasises Self-presentation ...... 187 7.2 Instagram Advances Ideology of Muslim Femininity...... 190 7.3 Instagram Reframes the Nexus of Piety and Modernity ...... 192 Reframing Piety ...... 193 Reframing Modernity ...... 195 CHAPTER 8: CONCLUSION ...... 198 8.1 Conclusion ...... 198 8.2 Contributions...... 200 8.3 Limitations ...... 202 8.4 Future Research ...... 202 REFERENCES ...... 204

APPENDICES ...... 219 APPENDIX A: INTERVIEW QUESTIONS...... 219 APPENDIX B: LIST OF PARTICIPANTS ...... 221 APPENDIX B1: PROFILE OF PARTICIPANTS ...... 221 APPENDIX B2: INSTAGRAM PROFILE OF PARTICIPANTS (as per July 2018) ...... 223 APPENDIX C: FIELD NOTES ...... 225 APPENDIX D: THESIS OUTCOMES ...... 225 APPENDIX D1: Article in The Conversation ...... 239 APPENDIX D2: Opinion Article in The Jakarta Post ...... 240 APPENDIX D3: Included in The Innovation Group Research Report ...... 241 APPENDIX D4: Indonesian Book chapter ...... 242 APPENDIX D5: Journal Article ...... 243 APPENDIX D6: Book Chapter ...... 244

LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.1 - Proud of the hijab ……………………………………………………………………… 19 Figure 1.2 - Veiling practices across religions ……………………………………………………... 21 Figure 1.3 - The differences between hijab, niqab, burka ………………………………………….. 23 Figure 1.4 - D&G Abaya Collections ………………………………………………………………. 26 Figure 1.5 - DKNY Ramadan Collections ………………………………………………………….. 26 Figure 1.6 - Uniqlo-Hana Tajima Collections ……………………………………………………… 26 Figure 1.7 - H&M advertising ……………………………………………………………………… 26 Figure 1.8 - Diagram of research design …………………………………………………………… 28 Figure 3.1 - Diagram of research design …………………………………………………………… 69 Figure 3.2 - Example of thematic analysis process ………………………………………………… 77 Figure 3.3 - Selfie …………………………………………………………………………………... 79 Figure 3.4 - Allah is Watching You ………………………………………………………………… 80 Figure 3.5 - A Photo Group of Hijabers Community Official ……………………………………… 80 Figure 4.1 - Way-finding diagram of chapters ……………………………………………………... 84 Figure 4.2 - Being authentic ………………………………………………………………………... 86 Figure 4.3 - Selfies after being an MC ……………………………………………………………... 87 Figure 4.4 - Prefer no makeup ……………………………………………………………………… 90 Figure 4.5 - Proud of chubby cheeks ……………………………………………………………….. 91 Figure 4.6 - Don’t worry about weight gain ………………………………………………………... 91 Figure 4.7 - Fall in love with yourself ……………………………………………………………… 92 Figure 4.8 - Love yourself ………………………………………………………………………….. 93 Figure 4.9 - Believe in yourself …………………………………………………………………….. 94 Figure 4.10 - Hijab identifies who you are …………………………………………………………. 94 Figure 4.11 - Stay focus and be thankful …………………………………………………………… 96 Figure 4.12 - Count your blessings …………………………………………………………………. 97 Figure 4.13 - Confidence makes you look stunning ………………………………………………... 98 Figure 4.14 - Fashion Ideas ………………………………………………………………………… 99 Figure 4.15 - Ice cream themed outfit ……………………………………………………………… 99 Figure 4.16 - Thigh vs. Bread ………………………………………………………………………. 100 Figure 4.17 - #prayfordugonk ………………………………………………………………………. 101 Figure 4.18 - The world so dayum amazing! ……………………………………………………….. 102 Figure 4.19 - The style to stop public transport …………………………………………………….. 103 Figure 4.20 - I want this and that …………………………………………………………………… 104 Figure 4.21 - Pardon my office selfie ………………………………………………………………. 105 Figure 4.22 - One selfie will not hurt ………………………………………………………………. 105 Figure 4.23 - Screenshot of @dinatokio ……………………………………………………………. 108 Figure 4.24 - Screenshot of @fitriaulia_ ...…………………………………………………………. 108 Figure 4.25 - Screenshot of @kimkardashian ...……………………………………………………. 111 Figure 4.26 - Screenshot of @gdaghaida …………………………………………………………… 111 Figure 5.1 - Way-finding diagram of chapters ……………………………………………………... 115 Figure 5.2 - Being Pious Selves …………………………………………………………………….. 116 Figure 5.3 - Allah will be there ……………………………………………………………………... 118 Figure 5.4 - Allah is watching you …………………………………………………………………. 118

Figure 5.5 - The protection of Allah ………………………………………………………………... 118 Figure 5.6 - Keep calm and read Al-Kahfi …………………………………………………………. 118 Figure 5.7 - Migration for the cause of Allah ………………………………………………………. 119 Figure 5.8 - Keep us away from hypocrites ………………………………………………………… 120 Figure 5.9 - Fear of Allah …………………………………………………………………………... 120 Figure 5.10 - Reliance on Allah …………………………………………………………………….. 121 Figure 5.11 - The mosque should be the first destination …………………………………………... 122 Figure 5.12 - Distraction in praying ………………………………………………………………... 122 Figure 5.13 - Imagine death ………………………………………………………………………… 123 Figure 5.14 - Remember death ……………………………………………………………………... 124 Figure 5.15 – Archery ………………………………………………………………………………. 125 Figure 5.16 - Horse riding ………………………………………………………………………….. 125 Figure 5.17 - Share millions of goodness …………………………………………………………... 126 Figure 5.18 - Let’s share the spirit ………………………………………………………………….. 126 Figure 5.19 - Fear of appearing arrogant …………………………………………………………… 127 Figure 5.20 - Hijab as protection …………………………………………………………………… 128 Figure 5.21 – Halal Sushi ……...…………………………………………………………………… 129 Figure 5.22 - Thongs donation ……………………………………………………………………… 130 Figure 5.23 - Washing pray mats …………………………………………………………………… 130 Figure 5.24 - Countless favours from Allah ………………………………………………………... 131 Figure 5.25 - The perfection of Allah creation ……………………………………………………... 132 Figure 5.26 - Feel blessed …………………………………………………………………………... 132 Figure 5.27 - Keeping the harmony ………………………………………………………………… 134 Figure 5.28 - Blessed with a happy family …………………………………………………………. 134 Figure 5.29 - Grateful for the meal …………………………………………………………………. 135 Figure 5.30 - Be sure about patience ……………………………………………………………….. 135 Figure 5.31 - Continue to prepare myself ………………………………………………………….. 136 Figure 5.32 - Don’t over worried …………………………………………………………………… 137 Figure 5.33 - Waiting for the best plan ……………………………………………………………... 137 Figure 5.34 - Shariah, Custom, and Bu Suk (rotten) ……………………………………………….. 142 Figure 5.35 - Defending Islam Action: ‘Arrested and Jailed Sukmawati, perpetrators of 142 blasphemy.’ ………………………………………………………………………………………… Figure 5.36 - Thousands of people joined Defending Islam Action in Jakarta on 6 April 2018 142 (Source: BBC Indonesia) …………………………………………………………………………… Figure 5.37 - We are Muslim women who love Indonesia …………………………………………. 143 Figure 6.1 - Way-finding diagram of chapters ……………………………………………………... 146 Figure 6.2 - Instagram Account of Hijabers Community …………………………………………... 150 Figure 6.3 - Number of Instagram followers (as of Nov 2017) ...…………………………………... 150 Figure 6.4 - Most ‘loved’ posts of 2017 ……………………………………………………………. 151 Figure 6.5 - Instagram account of Hijabers Gresik …………………………………………………. 153 Figure 6.6 - Instagram Account of Hijaber United …………………………………………………. 154 Figure 6.7 - Instagram Account of Yayasan Hijab Indonesia ……………………………………… 155 Figure 6.8 - Instagram Account of Hijabie Community ……………………………………………. 156 Figure 6.9 - Instagram Account of Syari Lifestyle …………………………………………………. 157 Figure 6.10 - Being Community Activists ………………………………………………………….. 158 Figure 6.11 - Business-style of the prophet ………………………………………………………… 161 Figure 6.12 - The leader of choice ………………………………………………………………….. 161 Figure 6.13 - Inspiring without depriving ………………………………………………………….. 161 Figure 6.14 - Hijrah movement …………………………………………………………………….. 161 Figure 6.15 - Participants of HC monthly pengajian ……………………………………………….. 162 Figure 6.16 - HY visits Islamic school and Quran recitation ………………………………………. 162 Figure 6.17 - SLS Islamic studies ………………………………………………………………….. 163 Figure 6.18 - Feast of sacrifice ……………………………………………………………………... 165 Figure 6.19 - Alms for orphans …………………………………………………………………….. 165 Figure 6.20 - Charity Hopping ……………………………………………………………………… 165

Figure 6.21 - Well building ………………………………………….……………………………... 165 Figure 6.22 - Book donation ……………………………………………………………………….. 165 Figure 6.23 - HU charity program ………………………………………………………………….. 165 Figure 6.24 - Sharing love with orphans …………………………………………………………… 166 Figure 6.25 - Meeting people with HIV/AIDS ……………………………………………………. 166 Figure 6.26 - Charity in harmony …………………………………………………………………... 166 Figure 6.27 - Don’t forget to give alms …………………………………………………………….. 167 Figure 6.28 - Save for feast of sacrifice ……………………………………………………………. 167 Figure 6.29 - Happy World Hijab Day ……………………………………………………………... 167 Figure 6.30 - You, Hijab, & Healthy Hair Journey ………………………………………………… 169 Figure 6.31 - Proud of your hijab …………………………………………………………………... 170 Figure 6.32 - Hijab never limits you ……………………………………………………………….. 170 Figure 6.33 - Invitation in hearing with Indonesian House of Representatives …………………… 171 Figure 6.34 - Invitation to meet King of Saudi Arabia …………………………………………….. 171 Figure 6.35 - Vote for National Hijaber Day ………………………………………………………. 172 Figure 6.36 - Pre-event of National Hijaber Day ………………………………………………….. 172 Figure 6.37 - National Hijaber Day 2016 ………………………………………………………….. 172 Figure 6.38 - Repost from Khofifah ………………………………………………………………... 172 Figure 6.39 - Dress code for muslimah …………………………………………………………….. 173 Figure 6.40 - Syar’i swimming cloth ……………………………………………………………….. 173 Figure 6.41 - Flawless Longwear Makeup Class …………………………………………………… 175 Figure 6.42 - Beauty Class …………………………………………………………………………. 175 Figure 6.43 - Fashion show for Hijabers Community’s anniversary ………………………………. 175 Figure 6.44 - Fashion show for Syari Lifestyle’s anniversary ……………………………………… 176 Figure 6.45 - Fashion show competition for Hijabie Community's anniversary …………………… 176 Figure 6.46 - Modelling class in YHI’s anniversary ……………………………………………….. 177 Figure 6.46 - Modelling class in YHI’s anniversary ……………………………………………….. 177 Figure 6.48 - Beauty pageant organised by Hijabie Community …………………………………... 177 Figure 6.49 - Annual HC Day ………………………………………………………………………. 182 Figure 6.50 - Example of HY’s fashion events …………………………………………………….. 183 Figure 7.1 - Being Me on Instagram ……………………………………………………………….. 186 Figure 7.2 - Implications of research ……………………………………………………………….. 187 Figure 7.3 - The nexus of piety and modernity …………………………………………………...... 193

LIST OF TABLES

Table 3.1- Summary of Fieldnotes …………………………………………………………………. 76

STATEMENT OF ORIGINAL AUTHORSHIP

The work contained in this thesis has not been previously submitted to meet requirements for an award at this or any other higher degree education institution. To the best of my knowledge and belief, this thesis contains no material previously published or written by another person except where due reference is made.

Signature : QUT Verified Signature

Date : January 2019

14 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First above all, I am grateful to Allah SWT for always giving me strength, good health, and wellbeing to face this challenging journey. I gratefully acknowledge the funding received towards my Ph.D. from Indonesian General Directorate Higher Education (DIKTI). My research also would have been impossible without the aid and support of Telkom University.

This has been a long, bumpy Ph.D. journey. In three years, I have changed my supervisory team three times because my previous two principal supervisors left QUT and moved on to other roles. I thank you, Prof. Ben Light, my first principal supervisor, who guided me through my first year of Ph.D. I would like to thank Dr. Emma Baulch as my second principal supervisor who assisted me in shaping my thesis for almost two and a half years of my candidacy.

I express my appreciation and thanks to my principal supervisor A/Prof Evonne Miller and associate supervisor Dr. Glenda Caldwell who stood by me until the end of this Ph.D. journey. Evonne, you have been a tremendous mentor. Your ‘in haste’ modes of thinking always gave me the best, fastest ideas and solutions to solve both my research as well as non-research problems. And Glenda, thank you for your brilliant feedbacks on my thesis. You always gave me calmness, comfort, and words full of spirit to boost my confidence. You both always open your door whenever I ran into trouble or had a question about my research and writing. Thank you again for believing that I can pass through this journey. Your advice, kindness, inspiration, and encouragement have been priceless.

I would like to thank the members and staff of the Creative Industry Faculty, School of Communication, and Digital Media Research Centre for your assistance and support. Sincere gratitude also for language advisors, Dr. Christian Long, Dr. Martin Reese, Dr. Emma Caukill and Karyn Gonano for helping me improve my writing skills. Thanks also to the faculty librarian liaison, Alice Steiner, for the fast response in supplying references in my unique research area.

I also take this opportunity to express gratitude to all my participants. You are all the essential part of this research. Thanks for giving me your consent and sharing your experiences. Your unique experiences on using Instagram gave us better understanding of veiled young women and their online self-presentation.

My sincerest thanks go to my mum, Emmy, and dad, Pranggono, who always gave me their best prayers, unconditional love, and everlasting encouragement. I am also grateful to my husband, Rizal, for unceasing support, for dealing with my tears, and for being patient with my thesis ‘tantrum’ times. For my son, Zaky, thanks for being a good entertainer while my mind was overwhelmed with thesis stuff. You all have provided much moral and emotional care.

Last but not least, thanks to my dearest friends, Fiona, Ambar, Ririn and Inka for our chit-chats at coffee times, providing ‘hugs and kisses’, listening to my worries, and for the many laughs before approaching deadlines. I am also grateful to all my friends in Indonesia and Australia, my family members, ‘malmingan’ family, ISAQ team, and Ikomers Tel-U who have supported me along this journey, as well as to my naughty kitten, Neng Cleo, who kept my sanity with her silliness and endless cuteness (rest in peace my dear).

FOREWORD This research study is important to me for two main reasons. First, as a hijab-wearing woman from a Muslim majority country, I sometimes feel different being a minority while living in Australia to pursue my PhD degree. I felt awkward when people stared at me and my hijab (or perhaps they were just looking at something else near me). One day, I was stopped by a woman when I am walking to a bus stop in a university complex. The woman asked, “Why do you wear a headscarf? But I like your colourful headscarf. I do not like the women who are wearing face-veiled or burqa.” I was silent for a moment because I did not expect her question and I tried to be positive by perceiving her question as a form of curiosity rather than intimidation. This experience of being a minority made me realise that many Westerners have little understanding of veiling practices particularly when many mainstream media portray and stereotype Muslims as extremists, terrorists, or jihadists, and veiling as an oppressive practice toward Muslim women by fierce Muslim men.

The second experience that shaped this research was when I attended a conference in Adelaide, South Australia, where an Indonesian student presented his research about a group which adopted a conservative view of Islam and the women in that group veiled their faces. This groupbuilt exclusivity by developing a mosque, a housing and school complex for their group members, and used Arabic as their mother tongue, instead of Indonesian. His view, according to me, represents the increasing number of conservative Islamic individuals in Indonesia. Indonesia is a multiethnic, multicultural country with six religions recognised by the state. His exclusivity could damage the Indonesian principle of ‘Unity in Diversity.’ Moreover, driven by curiosity, I challenged his opinion on hijabers (a term for hijab-wearing young women who are fashion-conscious). He answered that hijabers are a group of women who wear the hijab merely to follow a fashion trend; and that their hijab is not in accordance with Islamic Sharia Law. He assumed that the face-veiled women in the group he was discussing were a group of devoted Muslim women, while the hijabers were a group of ‘fashionistas’ who were less religious or pious.

Reinforced by both reasons, I realised that face-veiling or hijab practices are an interesting yet problematic phenomenon. As a fashion commodity, hijab fashion has been recognised worldwide with high-class fashion brands such as Dolce & Gabbana and DKNY launching hijab collections. Even in Indonesia, the hijab fashion industry is one of the most significant contributors to the country’s income. Some accuse the hijabers who promoted veiling practices 17 for young women as being ‘too trendy,’ ‘too glamorous,’ or ‘not Islamic’. As an identity marker for Muslim women, the hijab is still implied to be a form of submission, disempowerment, oppression and backwardness, by Westerners. These contrasting and conflicting views made it essential for me to develop more nuanced understanding of the complexity of veiling practice. By studying the case of Indonesian hijabers from several hijab communities and investigating their self-presentation and identity construction on Instagram, I have established new nuances of the unique experiences of young veiled Muslim women who reframe their piety and modernity through selfies, dakwah (proselytising Islam), and community activism.

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

Indonesia, located in South-East Asia and the largest archipelago country in the world, is home to 12.7% of the world’s Muslim population. Approximately 20 million Indonesian Muslim women wear the hijab (Directorate General of Small Business Industry, 2015). A headscarf that covers women’s hair is the most recognisable, and some would argue the most controversial, symbol of Muslim identity. In this thesis, I explore how the hijabers (a term for hijab-wearing young women who are fashion-conscious) as one active group of young, middle- class Indonesian women are re-defining the meaning of wearing the hijab through a visual- based social media platform, Instagram.

Hijabers have embraced the visual affordances of Instagram to express their authenticity and religious identity, to form a strong collective identity, and to challenge stereotypes of being oppressed or backward to Westerners audiences. Figure 1.1 presents a visual example of an Indonesian hijabers. Irine, one of the participants in this research, wears a red and white outfit that identifies with the Indonesian flag. She presents as a being conscious of fashion, while at the same time she describes her gratitude and pride in wearing the hijab, and in doing so signifying her religiosity and Muslim identity. She captions in English: Happy Independence Day! We should be thankful to Allah for those opportunities. We could study anywhere with hijab, we could work anywhere with hijab, we could travel anywhere with hijab, and we could be anything we want with hijab. Dear all Indonesian Muslim, let’s celebrate the freedom with something that you can do: Be a better Muslim! Sure, together we can create a better Indonesia.

Figure 1.1. Proud of the hijab

Few researchers have explored the interplay between female Muslim identity, social media, fashion, and religion in Indonesia. This research uses digital ethnography to delve deeply into the motives, values, and impacts of these women. Before I describe the research question and methodology in detail, I will first briefly summarise the reason for investigating the debate on current veiling practices, Indonesian hijabers, the growth of Islamic consumer culture, and the gap in knowledge.

1.1 Research Background In addition to being one of the largest Muslim-majority nations in the world, Indonesia is a relevant site for investigating the relationship between hijab-wearing women and social media for three reasons. First, the large Muslim population makes Indonesia a significant market to study Islamic consumer industry, with the busana Muslim or Muslim/hijab fashion industry developing/expanding substantially since the 2000s (Lewis, 2007), and being the third largest country for the consumption of hijab fashion, behind Turkey, and the United Arab Emirates (State of the Global Islamic Economy Report, 2015).

Second, the development of the Indonesian hijab fashion industry has shown the creative cultures of Indonesian Muslims and a desire to establish Indonesia as the centre of Muslim fashion in Asia in 2018 and the world by 2020 (Directorate General National Export Development, 2015). The fact that Indonesian Muslim women have a different style of hijab that can be differentiated from the Middle Eastern dark-coloured niqab, the Malayans style of baju kurung (tunic), or European and American Muslims’ jeans and long sleeves, suggests that Indonesian Muslim women have created their own taste and style of modest fashion.

Third, Indonesians are significant consumers of social media with 71.6 million Facebook users, 19.9 million Instagram users and 14.5 million YouTube users (Hidayat, 2016). These data are discussed not just to highlight the popularity of Instagram in Indonesia, but also to underline the increasing tech-savviness of Indonesian young people who form a significant component of contemporary South-East Asian consumerism and are driving the expansion of middle classes in the region (Agustina, 2015; Chen et al., 2014). Such expansion entails not merely the production of well-to-do, tech and media-savvy individuals but also creates new kinds of associational and community lives, which are growing around critical commodities including the hijab.

The Hijab: Contested Interpretations In this study, the terms veil, veiling, and hijab will be used interchangeably for clarity expression. The Merriam-Webster English dictionary describes a veil as, “A length of cloth worn by women as covering of the head and shoulders and often, especially in Eastern countries, for the face.” The term veil or veiling is usually used as an umbrella to refer to the Muslim head-covering, worn by many Muslim women around the world. Meanwhile, hijab is mentioned in the sense of the curtain or modest compartment as explained by Bucar (2012) : The common Quranic meaning of hijab is not clothing at all, but rather a separation, and in Quran Surah 33:53 hijab seems to refer to a physical screen. All three terms can be interpreted as gender barriers, but they separate men and women in different ways (hiding, making recognizable, covering) for different norms (privacy, bodily integrity, modesty). Although hijab today is used to refer to the Islamic veil, or even more generally to any form of women’s Islamic dress, it has a more generic meaning in the Quran. In the other places it is used, hijab separates things, such as gods from mortals (42:51), wrong-doers from the righteous (7:46), believers from unbelievers (41:5, 17:45), and light from darkness (38:32). In fact, other than verse 33:53, hijab refers to women in only one other place in the Quran, 19:17, where it partitions Maryam (Mary, mother of Jesus Christ). This means the Quranic hijab is not necessarily an article of clothing, nor is it tied necessarily to women. At its most basic level, hijab in the Qur ’an is a term used merely to connote borders and establish thresholds. (p. 5 of chapter 2)

The history of the veil is not exclusive belonging to Muslim societies. Veiling practices can be traced from Hinduism, Buddhism, pre-Islamic European, and Middle Eastern cultures (Amer, 2014). In European societies, such as Ancient Greece, it was worn as a garment by women from prominent families to show their status, and in the Middle East, including Israel, women wear veils to protect themselves from the sun (El Guindi, 1999). Veiling practices are still appeared in specific Jewish and Christian communities (El Guindi, 1999; Macdonald, 2006; Fayyaz & Kamal, 2014). Figure 1.2 below illustrates the range of veiling practices by women from varying religious communities.

Figure 1.2 - Veiling practices across religions

Veiling is not and has never been a neutral phenomenon. It has never been merely a personal, religious or cultural practice. “Veiling has always had a multiplicity of competing meanings and motivations at different times and in different places” (Amer, 2014, p. 5). In actuality, there are many different interpretations of the epistemology of the hijab and different requirements to wear the hijab (Ruby, 2006). In some conservative Islamic states, many women have been forced to wear the hijab, specifically, Taliban fundamentalists in Pakistan and Afghanistan, the Islamic state government of Iran, some Arab countries, as well as in Aceh, the only province in Indonesia which implements sharia law. However, in most cases, Muslim women can choose whether or not to wear a veil, as in the majority of Indonesia.

The veil comes in different types, forms, and colours according to each woman’s cultural, ethnic, historical, political background and personal preference (Amer, 2014; El Guindi, 1999). Thus, some women wear the veil as a form of nationality or, in multicultural contexts, a sign of racial and cultural distinction as an effect of cultural variance amongst Muslim people, in addition to observance of religious beliefs.

In general, there are three types of Islamic veil: hijab, niqab, and burqa. Hijab in Arabic literary means “curtain”, now it describes the act of covering up generally but is often used to describe the headscarf worn by Muslim women. This headscarf covers the head and neck but expose the face and comes in many styles and colours. The niqab is a face-veiled that keep the eyes

22 uncover and may be worn with a separate eye covering and long headscarf. The niqab is usually worn by conservative Muslim sects in Arabian countries. Burka or burqa is a full body-veiled that covers the whole body with a net grille around the eyes to see through. Wearing a burka is required for women in Afghanistan. Based on a survey conducted in 2015, 79.4% of Indonesian women preferred to wear a regular hijab, while 13.5 % chose the longer sharia-style veil, which covers head, shoulders, and buttocks, and less than 2% worn the niqab or burqa (Hawley, 2017).

Figure 1.3 - The differences between hijab, niqab, burka

Suffice to note, beyond core definitions, a significant discussion about the history of veiling and debates about its terminology is beyond the scope of this research which focus on social media. This research investigates how veiling practices are implemented and expressed by Indonesian hijabers on Instagram.

Indonesian Hijabers One of the most striking developments of the late-20th and early 21st century Indonesia has been the rapid increase in the number of Muslim women who wear the veil – a development with its roots in the growth of political and public Islam beginning in the 1990s. In the 1980s, veiling served as a sign of opposition to the authoritarian New Order regime, which was determined to quash the growth of political Islam. But after the Suharto regime relaxed restrictions on political Islam in the 1990s, and as the consumer economy began to expand, notions of consumer choice began to infuse veiling practices, rendering veiling a sign of the individual transformation consumerism makes possible (Beta 2014, 2016; Bucar, 2016; Jones, 2010, 2017).

The decision to don the veil presents women with a number of style choices, including the jilbab (a simple piece of cloth pinned under the chin), the kerudung (short veil loosely draped over the head leaving the hair partially visible), the cadar (a long, knee-length veil covering the face) and the hijab (colourful fabrics wrapped closely around the head, often associated with high end fashion trends). Part of an increasingly crowded Islamic popular cultural field, including public intellectuals, tele-preachers, soap operas, Islamic-themed vigilante groups, Muslim boy bands, and Muslim style leaders, these various styles of veiling are not free-floating signs but, like many of the other identities available for adoption from the Muslim marketplace, often tethered to established class positions, signalling various degrees of proximity to the modern and the global. Therefore, they exist in varying degrees of antipathy and affinity to one another. Islamic intellectuals, for example, look down upon tele-preachers, and the hijabers are keen to distance their style of veil from the simpler jilbab.

The hijabers’ style has its genesis in the online Hijabers Community (hereon HC) established on Facebook by four ‘modest fashion’ designers – Dian Pelangi, Jenahara, Ria Miranda and Ghaida Tsuraya, in 2011. Since that time, HC’s activities migrated to Twitter and again, more recently, to Instagram (based on the interview with this research participants on Sept – Dec 2016). The designers employed strategies common to the cultivation of microcelebrity – a global phenomenon in which ordinary people use online affordances to develop popular following among niche audiences, typically using performative strategies that evince an authentic self well within reach of his/her fans (Senft, 2008; Marwick, 2015; Abidin, 2016).

This community adopted the term hijab to distinguish their style of veiling from practices associated with the jilbab and deemed ‘improper’. The so-called ‘jilbab gaul’ (trendy veil), and later ‘jilboobs’, phenomenon, by which women combined jilbab wearing with tight-fitting jeans and tops showing their curves and sometimes their skin - was criticised by Islamic scholars, who deemed it failed to qualify as Islamic dress (Beta, 2016). Beta, in her analysis of the jilboobs phenomenon, argues that the moral panic about jilboobs overstates its actual prevalence (Beta, 2016). Similarly, the spectre of jilbab gaul perhaps speaks more to male anxieties about women’s sartorial choices, and their impulse to regulate women’s bodies, than it does to the prevalence of jilbab gaul phenomena per se. The hijabers’ use of the term hijab worked to differentiate the style from jilbab gaul, but it also worked to mark it with global nuances. 24

The term ‘hijabers’ is specific to Indonesia, but its appearance in Indonesian lexicons coincided with that of resonant terms, like hijabistas (hijab and fashionista) or hijabsters (hijab and hipster) in Malaysia, Singapore, Middle East, UK, and North. Use of the term gestures towards the global – being a hijaber marks one as part of a global community of transnationally mobile Muslimah keen to present themselves as at once fashion conscious, tech-savvy, transnationally mobile career women in possession of considerable buying power.

The Indonesian hijabers aspire to be global, but the cultural contexts they inhabit shape the meanings of their dress styles in ways that distinguish them from the hijabis in Muslim minority contexts studied by Tarlo (2010), Moors and Tarlo and (2013) and Lewis (2015). Moors and Tarlo (2013), for example, aver that Muslim women use Islamic fashion to “disrupt and challenge public stereotypes about Islam, women, social integration and the veil, even if their voices are often drowned out in political and legal debates in these issues” (p. 3). But the picture of hijabis as those who defy or resist a prevailing Islamophobia does not apply to the Indonesian hijabers, and our study of them shows how global Islamic fashion is unfolding in distinct ways at various conjunctures, Islamophobic and otherwise.

The “hijabers” are characterised as young, middle-class, and well-educated Muslim women who demonstrate creativity in wearing hijab by marking it as their fashion statement (Beta, 2014; Faiz, 2017). Nowadays, the term of hijabers not only refers to the members of HC but is also used to mention Indonesian hijab-wearing young women who are fashion-conscious. In this thesis, my twenty-six participants are the hijabers who are active in HC, Hijaber Gresik, Hijaber United, Hijabie Community, Yayasan Hijab Indonesia (Indonesian Hijab Foundation), and Syar’i Lifestyle (SLS).

In a majority Muslim context such as Indonesia, wearing the veil is not a contested issue. However, Indonesia is a multiethnic and multicultural country with many sects of Islam, from the most conservative to the most progressive. The hijabers - who could be classified as young Muslim women from moderate group (the term “moderate Muslim” is used to diﬀerentiate Muslims who are antiterrorist and to distinguish with extremist group) - have to deal with negative stigma from other Indonesian conservative Islamic groups due to their hijab fashion preferences are not reflecting modesty or in other words, their appearances are too stylish, too luxurious and attracting the male gaze (Umam & Altiria, 2010; Faiz, 2017). This criticism is 25 not only faced by Indonesian hijabers, but also by other young Muslim women who choose to augment fashion attributes into their veiling styles (see Sandıkçı & Ger, 2005; Moors, 2013). Therefore, even though wearing the hijab is not a contested issue, consideration about the fabric, colour, length of hijab, and the style in wearing the hijab have become contested among Indonesian Muslim women.

Islamic Culture Industry Alongside Islamic feminism, the meaning of traditional religious symbols has also changed to reﬂect new patterns of consumption, pleasure, and identity. The hijab has become a public and fashionable expression of Muslim identity, influencing both how Muslim women view themselves and how the world views them. This renewed debate about the symbolic, religious and social value of the hijab has contributed to the rise of an Islamic consumer society, with the global value of modest Islamic fashion estimated at USD $243 billion (State of the Global Islamic Report, 2016).

For many young fashion-conscious Muslim women, consumption has become a critical way to construct an identity as Islamic. Muslim women are active participants, as both consumers and producers (Gökarıksel & McLarney, 2010). Modest dress and the hijab fashion trend, fusing fashion and faith, “no longer have stood in opposition to the practices of consumer culture, on the contrary, Islamic symbols become part of it” (as Nef-Saluz, 2007, p. 1). Of course, the rising importance of commodities (and women) to the public expression of Muslim identities, prompts debates among Muslims about the normative role of fashion in religious practice and makes hijabs contentious and worthy of investigation.

Several studies have explored the growth of an Islamic consumer industry, constructing particular relations between faith and fashion and inspiring Muslims to be both veiled and stylish (Kiliçbay & Binark, 2002; Gökarıksel & McLarney, 2010; Lewis, 2007, 2010). Islamic fashion, as argued by scholars (e.g. Tarlo 2010; Moors & Tarlo 2013; Lewis, 2015), adheres to modernity and globalisation, unlike the old label that Muslim woman appearance lacks the ability to fit in with Western fashion.

Muslim women are a potential market for high-class international brands with many high-end fashion brands, such as Dolce & Gabbana, DKNY, Armani, Tommy Hilfiger (see Figure 1.3 –

1.6 below) offering hijab fashion collections for Muslim consumers in the Middle East (Islamic Fashion Design Council, 2015). Uniqlo also launched its first line in Asia in 2015 and later in 2016 for the European market. Uniqlo is a Japanese clothing giant collaborated with a British creative and blogger, Hana Tajima (who converted to Islam at age seventeen) to launch her own clothing line of stylish Muslim wear (Sharkey, 2016). H&M, the second-biggest fashion outlet in the world, featured the first-ever veiled Muslim model, Mariah Idrissi, a 23-year-old Londoner (see Figure 1.7), in a video of their collection (Staufenberg, 2015). Therefore, Islamic fashion has created new images and identities of veiled Muslim women as modest yet fashionable women.

Figure 1.4 - D&G Abaya Collections Figure 1.5 - DKNY Ramadan Collections

Figure 1.6 - Uniqlo-Hana Tajima Collections Figure 1.7 - H&M advertising

Gap in Knowledge Many Indonesian veiled Muslim women, actively engage with blogs, Twitter and Instagram to express their selves. These Indonesian hijabers also network via social media, mostly Instagram, thereby underlining the new ways religion is intersecting with consumer culture, fashion, and technology. Yet, only a handful of researchers, for example, Beta (2014), Aisyah (2015), and Jones (2017) looked at how young Indonesian hijabers employ the visual affordances of Instagram. To date, little is known about how these Indonesian hijabers reframe their piety and modernity through Instagram. Therefore, it is essential to include the discussion about how Instagram, as a Western platform, could be experienced uniquely to present the selfies, religious identity, and collective identity by Indonesian hijabers who live in the Eastern culture. The unique experiences of Indonesian hijabers using Instagram could create an opportunity for performing the entanglement of piety and modernity.

1.2 Research Question Based on the gap in knowledge, this study addresses the overarching research question: How do the Indonesian hijabers construct their modern Muslim self through Instagram? As the study progressed and data were collected, this question was then broken down into the three sub-questions: 1. How do the Indonesian hijabers present their selfies on Instagram? 2. How do the Indonesian hijabers present their religious identity on Instagram? 3. How do the Indonesian hijabers present their collective identity on Instagram?

Figure 1.8 outlines the research design and questions, methodology, data collection methods, data sets and approach to data analysis.

Figure 1.8 - Diagram of research design

1.3 Outcomes of this Thesis This research uses the new approaches of digital ethnography to contribute to the growing body of literature in media, fashion, and feminist studies. It establishes how Instagram as a visual- based platform enables and/or limits the way hijabers present themselves in the digital public sphere, and to explore the unique experiences of how these hijabers engage with Instagram. This research identifies the role of social media in forging new conceptions of the nexus of piety and modernity using the visual affordances of Instagram in shaping and defining the piety

29 and modernity concept of the Indonesian hijabers. My research outcomes are presented below with Appendices D1-D6 highlighting some research outputs. ▪ An article in The Conversation Title: Hijabers of Instagram: the Muslim Women Challenging Stereotypes. This article explained how Indonesian hijabers challenge stereotypes of being submissive and disempowered through their involvement in the fashion industry and engagement with Instagram. ▪ Opinion Article in The Jakarta Post Title: Impact of Islamophobia on Covered Women. This article described my concern as a hijab-wearing woman toward Islamophobia after several bombing incidents in the UK in 2017. This article aimed to grasp public understanding around the impact of Islamophobia on covered women because hijab is the first identification of a Muslim woman. ▪ Included in The Innovation Group JWT Intelligence Research Report Title: The New Muslimah: Southeast Asia Focus, Exploring the Changing Face of Young Muslim Women in Southeast Asia’s Dynamic, Connected Economy. The Innovation Group from JWT Intelligence interviewed me about the phenomenon of Indonesian hijabers as middle-class Muslim women who are fashion-conscious and tech savvy. ▪ Book chapter in Indonesian Title: Feminism Ideology in The Era of Digital Media. This book chapter explored the pros and cons of digital media on the ideology of femininity. For example, digital media could become the space for promoting knowledge related to women empowerment. On the other hand, digital media also could increase the circulation of the objectification of women’s body (i.e., porn website). ▪ Journal article published in ‘Social Media and Society’ Title: Hijabers on Instagram: Using Visual Social Media to Construct the Ideal Muslim Woman. This journal article illustrated how the hijabers not only play an essential role in shaping an Islamic-themed bodily aesthetic for middle-class hijab-wearing women but also pioneered the ‘writing in’ of this bodily aesthetic as an authoritative form of Islamic knowledge. ▪ Book chapter under consideration for publication by Routledge Publisher Title: #Hijabers: How Indonesian Muslim women construct and express their Islamic identity through Instagram. 30

This book chapter explained how the Hijabers Community, the most prominent hijab community in Indonesia, present their religious identity through various community activities such as pengajian (Quran recitation and Islamic studying) and charitable programs.

1.4 Chapter Breakdown This research is presented in eight chapters. Chapter 1 establishes the purpose and scope of this research as well as the research questions, significance and contribution to knowledge. The literature review is presented in Chapter 2, which reviews scholarship on hijab related to its meaning, Islamic feminism, and Islamic popular culture. It also reviews the concepts of affordances of social media, Goffman’s theory of self-presentation, and modern identity. Chapter 3 describes the research methods of ethnography, thematic analysis, and iconographical analysis used to investigate the hijabers’ experiences, narratives, and self- presentation on Instagram. Chapters 4, 5, and 6 present the findings and discussions of this research, including how these Muslim hijabers expressed themselves visually and narratively online as being authentic, being pious, and being community activist. Chapter 7 is the implications of this research, including how Instagram emphasises self-presentation; Instagram advances Muslim femininity, and Instagram reframes the nexus of piety and modernity. Chapter 8 is a conclusion of this thesis with suggestions for future research.

CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW

This chapter analyses the literature according to the four themes of veiling practices, Islamic feminism, Islamic fashion, and identity on social media. Each theme will be explained in four sections with a conclusion. Section 2.1 examines the meaning of hijab and the literature that considers what it means to consume the hijab. This review also considers the meaning of hijab in terms of the interpretation of Quran verses on hijab, and what it means to adopt the hijab practice in various cultural contexts (Western, Middle Eastern). An analysis of the literature also examines the meaning of wearing the hijab in Indonesia specifically. Section 2.2 is a review of the literature about Islamic feminism. This section is needed because, first, this thesis discussed hijab which has become a contentious debate among feminists, Muslims or non- Muslims in Muslim-majority or minority countries. Second, the subject of this thesis is women and their femininity which is the focus of feminist studies. Next, in Section 2.3, I explore previous research on Islamic popular culture and how hijab fashion has become a part of that culture. In Section 2.4, I explore how self-presentation on social media through digital self- portraits could represent self-authenticity. Lastly, I identify how the investigations on hijab, feminism, and fashion, especially in the Indonesian context show a need for further research about how hijabers engage with Instagram and its implications for a rethinking of the modern Muslim self.

2.1 Veiling Practices Veil or veiling is usually used as an umbrella term to refer to the head-covering worn by many women around the world. Described as, “A length of cloth worn by women as covering of the head and shoulders and often, especially in Eastern countries, for the face” (The Merriam- Webster English Dictionary), the practice of veiling is used by several religions including Hinduism, Buddhism, and Abrahamic religions like Judaism, Christianity, and Islam for than two millennia (Amer, 2014). In fact, this practice is still followed not only by Muslims but also orthodox Jewish and Christian groups from various level of religiosity (El Guindi, 1999; Macdonald, 2006; Fayyaz & Kamal, 2014). The term veiling is indistinguishable from the Islamic veiling practices which are based on the Islamic holy script (Quran/Koran). The Quran verses that usually use as the reference of veiling practice are Quran Surah (QS) 24:31 and 33:59: “And tell the believing women to reduce [some] of their vision and guard their private parts and not expose their adornment except that which [necessarily] appears thereof

and to wrap [a portion of] their headcovers over their chests and not expose their adornment except to their husbands, their fathers, their husbands' fathers, their sons, their husbands' sons, their brothers, their brothers' sons, their sisters' sons, their women, that which their right hands possess, or those male attendants having no physical desire, or children who are not yet aware of the private aspects of women. And let them not stamp their feet to make known what they conceal of their adornment. And turn to Allah in repentance, all of you, O believers, that you might succeed”. (QS 24:31)

“O Prophet, tell your wives and your daughters and the women of the believers to bring down over themselves [part] of their outer garments. That is more suitable that they will be known and not be abused. And ever is Allah Forgiving and Merciful.” (QS. 33:59)

What is so critical about these verses is that in the 21st century those verses have become fierce issues among everyday people, women’s activists, scholars and even policymakers globally, not only in Western countries like North America and Europe bust also Muslim-majority countries (see Ingham and Dirgantoro, 2006; McDonald, 2006; Amer, 2014). In fact, these Islamic veiling practices have become a flashpoint in debates over feminism, neo-colonialism, and the secular state, especially after 9/11. Since then, women wearing a hijab in Muslim- minority countries began to experience a lack of friendliness, distrust and became stigmatised as danger strangers, challenging their rights to be ordinary human beings (see Akou, 2010). In the West, the veil has become to be seen as “a disruption to white, secular space” (Arjana, Fox, & Ali, 2017, p. 31). Critically, while some Western feminists argue that the veil symbolises the oppression of women and patriarchy, Muslim feminists are making their voices heard to change this argument (El Guindi, 1999).

Adding difficulty to the debate on veiling practices and what the Quran verses mean for Muslim women is the fact that Muslims themselves have several different exegeses toward those verses. Some believe that veiling is not compulsory for women, while others say these verses are just a suggestion to wear hijab, with others thinking these verses clearly state veiling as an obligation (Hughes, 2013). Nevertheless many scholars have explained the reasons of veiling, including: “revolutionary protest, political protest, religious, continued access to the public sphere, expression of personal identity, custom, and state law requirement” (Bullock, 2010, p. 11-12). Bullock (2010) also argued that hijab is a symbol of audacity to prevent the objectification of women’s body, therefore veiling is an “empowering tool of a resistance to consumer capitalist culture’s beauty game of the twenty-first century that has had such a detrimental impact on women’s self-esteem and physical health” (p. 24). Her arguments are in contrast with Western feminists who viewed Islam considers women as a sex object through

33 veiling practices. She noted, “hijab is a religiously sanctioned dress that is not oppressive and is part of a religion that gives Muslim women dignity and respect” (Bullock, 2010, p. 26). In another word, veiling practices could support the advancement of women empowerment and agency.

The practice of Islamic veiling becomes even more complicated by the influence of history, particularly in terms of colonialism, politics, culture, and ethnic background (Arjana et al., 2017). Some scholars (Amer, 2014) emphasise how “each type of hijab is the result of a complex interplay between factors such as religious interpretation, customs, fashion, race, ethnicity, geographic location, and the political system in place at a given time” (p. 13). Moreover, significantly, not only are there differing views in terms of the compulsion to wear the veil but differing views about the level of covering, the fabric, its style, and colour. This intense scrutiny is because Muslim interpretation of veiling is based on their understanding of the literature, context, and history behind those Quran verses, as well as the differences in political, social, and cultural background. Such complexities with the unique experiences of veiling practices in each Muslim group makes it worthwhile for further investigation.

Diversity in interpreting veiling practices has created different types of head-covering practice among Muslim women around the world which generally categorised into four main types including jilbab, hijab, khimar, and niqab (Lazreg, 2009). Jilbab is a short square headscarf pinned under the chin and wrapped merely fitted around the neck. Hijab is a long colourful shawl/pashmina that is usually longer than jilbab. Hijab is pinned in many styles and layers to cover the chest and then combined with a loose and trendy outfit. This term gained popularity among the younger generation with the emerging Islamic popular culture of the early 2000s. The term hijab in Arabic actually means to screen, to separate, or to hide from sight and in the Quran, never refers to a woman’s clothing. It was the growth of popular culture where eventually, this word became known as an Islamic dress (Amer, 2014). Khimar, the third type of veiling practice is a long loose material covering the head to the hip and used with gamis or abaya. The niqab is a face-veil worn by conservative groups such as Salafism or Wahhabism from Saudi Arabia.

Veiling practices in Indonesia Since Indonesia has the most Muslim population in the world, with its multiethnic and multicultural with several sects of Islam, from the most conservative into the most liberal, then 34 it is essential to discuss the veiling practices in Indonesia within its dynamic political, economic, social, and cultural backgrounds. The experience of Muslim women in a majority country such as Indonesia differs significantly from women in a minority setting (Wagner, Sen, Permanadeli, & Howarth, 2012). Indeed, the practice of veiling itself is not a challenging issue in Indonesia compared with Muslim-minority countries, but the dynamic of veiling practices in Indonesia have shown how this practice has become an essential indicator in Indonesia’s history. This research will, therefore, use the term hijab because it is the most widely adopted veiling style in Indonesia today (Hawley, 2017). The term veil or veiling will also be used interchangeably for clarity of expression.

Historically, Islam came to Indonesia in the 7th century through commerce, marriage, arts, as well as through education. Islamic education spread with the building of pesantren, traditional Islamic schools, where since 1870 female students covered their hair using a scarf, known as kerudung (Tantowi, 2010). In the middle of 19th century, several customs such as the Padri’s custom in Minangkabau region, special district of Aceh, and Wajo’s custom in South Sulawesi region tried to force veiling practices (see Tantowi, 2010; Palupi & Maryani, 2016). Returning from a pilgrimage to Mecca, the hajj from Padri’s custom in Minangkabau, one of Indonesia’s ethnic groups, tried to coerce the adoption of Arab dress to its community where men had to wear white clothes and women had to wear their face-veiled. Aceh a name that means ‘the veranda of Mecca’ also applied shariah law including head-covering and is the only province in Indonesia today which implements Islamic shariah law. Wajo’s custom also adopted Islamic shariah law and made veiling compulsory. Meanwhile, in Java, the centre of Indonesia, the veiling practices have been introduced in the early 20th century by Muslim organisations such as Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadyah (Tantowi, 2010).

In the early 1970-1980s, veiling practices were limited to women who had a high level of devoutness such as the wife of Islamic teachers (Kyai or Imam) or women who had completed the pilgrimage to Mecca (the holy land for Muslim) (Brenner, 1996; Palupi and Maryani, 2016). Moreover, Brenner (1996) stated that: Covering the head with a gauzy scarf or woven cap was generally reserved in the past for a small number of older, devout Muslim women, particularly those who had already made the pilgrimage to Mecca. The head covering, if it was worn at all, typically accompanied a tightly wrapped batik sarong and a close-fitting blouse (kebaya), often low-cut and of sheer material. This style of dress tended to accentuate rather than hide the shape of a woman’s body, differing from the loose

styles of Islamic clothing worn now by some women, which cover the head and body completely, except for the face and hands. (p. 673)

Though veiling practices had already been established in Indonesia from the mid-19th century, this practice was not too popular until the 20th century (Bucar, 2016).

In the New Era of the Soeharto regime, the use of the veil in the early 1980s by public school students and civil servants was strictly forbidden, and the regime publicized the jilbab wearer as an extreme Muslim, suspecting the jilbab to be part of the movement against the government (Palupi & Maryani, 2016). With the decline of Soeharto’s regime in the early 1990s, Soeharto tried to reassure Muslim societies and support Muslim organisations by lifting the ban on jilbab wearing after many veiled women marched to protest the banned jilbab (Palupi & Maryani, 2016). This explanation of veiling practices demonstrates how veiling practice in Indonesia has been subjugated by a patriarchal system through its political structure.

The Indonesian New Order Regime (1966-1998) led by Soeharto who governed with repressive military power and saw veiling as symbolising a political movement that threatened his regime. In the 1980s, Soeharto’s government forbade the veiling practices by civil servants and state school’s students (Palupi & Maryani, 2016). Since that time, Indonesian Muslim women who wore hijab experienced difficulties, such as finding a job, getting married, removal from school or work, and being labelled as fanatics (Ingham & Dirgantoro, 2006). In the 1990s, the veil was merely worn to attend events in mosques and during the recitation of the Quran instead of demonstrating a commitment to the tenets of Islam (Smith-Hefner, 2007). The restrictions on veiling were lifted in 1991 following protests of thousands of students in Indonesia’s major cities (Ingham and Dirgantoro, 2006). With the decline of Soeharto’s regime in the early 1990s, Soeharto tried to reassure Muslim societies and support Muslim organisations by lifting the ban on jilbab wearing after many veiled women marched to protest the banned jilbab (Palupi & Maryani, 2016).

For women activists, veiling practices not only symbolised the power to overcome their fears of violence but also emphasised their political movement during the mass protest rallies (Smith- Hefner, 2007). Most scholars conclude that the growing popularity of veiling practices in Indonesia is related to veiling as a symbol of insubordination to the controlling government and representation of the new autonomy caused by reformation movement (Smith-Hefner,

2007; Jefferies, 2011). This explanation of veiling practices demonstrates how veiling practice in Indonesia has been subjugated by a patriarchal system through its political structure.

The number of Muslim women who wear the hijab in Indonesia sharply increased at the beginning of the reformation era in the 2000s (Ingham and Dirgantoro, 2006), to demonstrate not only their religious self in the public sphere, but also politically, legally, economically, as well as in social and cultural practices (Hasan, 2009). This era gave Indonesian people freedom of speech, to share opinions, to get involved in organisations, and to exhibit religious symbols in the public sphere. As a democratic country, Indonesia gives its Muslim citizens freedom to wear or not wear hijab, with the exception of one province, the Special District of Aceh Darussalam, where wearing hijab is compulsory.

Research about the veiling practice in Indonesia is mostly associated with Javanese culture as it is the most populous ethnic group. Smith-Hefner (2007) explained that young middle-class Muslim Javanese women who don the veil had resolved their opportunities for independence and the possibility for modern education by increasing their devotion to Islam. Through this interpretation, veiling is seen as a self-transformation from traditional self into Islamic self. Similarly, Dewi (2012) examined the identity formation of Javanese women in the early 20th century when Javanese women struggled with the custom that was demeaning to women, especially with the practice of pingitan (seclusion), arranged marriage, and polygamy. Dewi (2012) explained that Islam liberated women from the Javanese custom, and so their identity characteristics changed from Javanese women to Javanese Muslim women. This early research by Smith-Hefner (2007) and Dewi (2012) indicate that the veiling practice in Indonesia constructed social change against the local cultures. This research presented in this document will add to the literature by presenting the new viewpoints of young Indonesian Muslim women who are continuing to generate new social and cultural structure through their veiling practices. Therefore, by exploring how young Indonesian women today don the veil, this thesis would redefine veiling experiences in Indonesia.

Recent investigations into the veiling practice of young Indonesian women includes Sunesti's (2012) ethnography study in Yogyakarta, Indonesia, who categorised four popular styles of Indonesian veiling and examined the connection between veiling and public spaces in the 21st century. The first, cadar/face-veiled is a fully covered usually dark-coloured garment. Face- veiled women limited their interaction with men and with public activities, chose to not work 37 in public spaces, and prefer to be a stay at home mother. Jilbaber is the second term which is used for a woman wearing a long hijab and loose outfit, but one that is not limited to a dark colour. Jilbabers are aware of the segregation between men and women, but still, they allow themselves to build few interactions between man and woman. The third style of veiling, the jilbab tradisi is used for participants who wear a medium size hijab and outfit only to maintain socio-cultural traditions in their family or environments. They did not limit their involvement in the public sphere, believing that the public space is the area to build the nation, together, side by side with men. The last category is the jilbab gaul or trendy veils made famous in the early 2000s when many actresses started wearing hijab and at the same time looking beautiful. For these women, public spaces are where they can interact with men. In the 1980s the term kerudung was replaced by jilbab and around the end of 2000s the term of hijab gained its popularity (Arifah, Sobari, & Usman, 2018).

Though the donning of the veil is not a contested issue in Indonesia as Muslim-majority country, there is still no singular term that refers to veiling practices, and more importantly, there is insufficient knowledge about young Indonesian women who don the veiling and their attitudes and reasons for such behaviour.

2.2 Feminism Feminism generally serves to support women’s need and to advocate the equal treatment toward women in the male-centred society (Gamble, 2006). Feminism aims to enforce gender equality between men and women by promoting women’s rights and emancipation (Badran, 2008). Such a patriarchal paradigm denies women equal access to the public domain as well as of gender representation.

Feminism based on the Western-ideology from North America and Europe proposes that veiling practices contrast with feminism ideals, that veiled Muslim women are the victim of a patriarchal system and a sign of women’s backwardness, subordination, and oppression (see McCloud, 1996; Pham, 2011; Arjana et al., 2017). These feminists, whom Arjana et al. (2017) labels “feminist fundamentalists,” demand the adoption of Western body norms by all women in the world. This norm includes a style of dress which achieves gender equality. These feminists believe it is their ideology which aims to liberate a woman from any system of repression, and so does not resonate with Muslim women’s veiling practices that they believe restrain a woman’s freedom of expression. 38

While these Western feminists argued that the veil symbolises oppression and patriarchy, Muslim feminists are making their voices heard in term of opposing this view (El Guindi, 1999). Muslim feminists have instigated a new genre of feminism, Islamic feminism, a term coined in the 1990s and generated by women from both Muslim majority and minority countries (Badran, 2008). These Muslim feminists have a vision of gender equality and social justice within their Islamic faith, with a global Musawah (“equality” in Arabic) movement proposing a more female-centred and reasonable interpretation of the Qur’an. They argued that “the Quran affirms the principle of equality of all human beings, and the practice of equality between women and men has been impeding or subverted by patriarchal ideas (ideology) and practices” (Badran, 2008, p. 4-5 of chapter 10).

Muslim researchers who are trying to understand the rise of this new Islamic feminism identify this ideology as “a new consciousness, a new way of thinking, a gender discourse that was feminist in its aspiration and demands, yet Islamic in its language and source of legitimacy” (Mir-Hosseini, 2006, p. 640). Adding to this discussion are Hughes (2013) who not only confirmed the new consciousness, but believed Islamic feminism offers a more balanced approach to interpreting Islam and Al-Sharmani (2014) who believed Islamic feminism, which is based on Islamic ethical and theological principle, is an alternative approach to criticise patriarchal interpretation on religious knowledge.

Islamic feminism is an ideology which reinforces women’s rights according to the Quran and hadiths/record of the prophet Muhammad’s daily practices (Piela, 2012). Some argued that Islamic feminism can lead to “(1) the re-visioning of Islam; (2) the constitution of new modernity in the twenty-first century; and (3) the transformation of feminism itself” (Badran, 2008, p. 4 of chapter 9). These approaches present Islamic Feminism as a new paradigm in terms of approaching women roles from women’s perspectives, and it means that Islam and feminism cannot be viewed as an oxymoron. When combined, Islamic feminism pursues the similar purpose of a better quality of life for women.

Feminism in Indonesia Feminism in Indonesia started with the colonial era in the 17th century. The first most famous feminist was Raden Adjeng Kartini (1879 – 1904, even though she was labelled a woman emancipation fighter rather than a feminist). She focused on giving girls the same chance for 39 education as boys and wrote about her aspirations in several written forms such as letters and publications (Taylor, 1976). She fought not only for equal education but also against the practice of polygamy and woman seclusion, an issue she was familiar, having been forced to become a third wife. Significantly she succeeded in opening the discussion about the importance of education for woman and the concept of gender equality (Najmi & Ofianto, 2006).

The development of women’s rights was slow with women's organisations started to become established around the 1920s with Indonesia’s pre-independence. The first Kongres Wanita Indonesia (Indonesian Women Congress) was held in December 1928 and formulated the mission to keep Indonesia’s unity in diversity, improve women's rights, and fight for independence. Following independence in the 1950s, women's organisations were no longer established (Djoeffan, 2001) particularly since the concept of feminism was always associated with the West and did not reflect Indonesian culture. Moreover, while Many Indonesian non- profit organisations, for example, voiced their concerns regarding women issues and gender equality, only some accepted the label of feminist (Rinaldo, 2010a), a term which by the majority of Indonesians was interrogated to be a “nonindigenous concept” that irrelevant to Indonesian values. It was difficult for women to take on the term feminist when “certain assumptions remain common: feminism is a Western or Northern concept; it is anti-men; it perceives men to be the source of all gender inequality; it promotes the acceptance of lesbianism” (Sadli, 2002, p. 80-81). The slow development of women’s movement reflected on the high level of gender inequality in Indonesia (Human Development Index, 2015).

Indonesians have developed a unique interpretation and expression of a feminist movement. Feminism has evolved in Indonesia, particularly since the 1950s which researchers are categorising types of feminism’s philosophy as socialist, secular liberal and Islamic (Blackburn, 2010). Socialist feminism emerged during the 1940-50s in affiliation with the Indonesian Communist Party, the PKI and led by Gerwani (Indonesian Woman Movement) whose mission was to stop the oppression of woman, particularly sexual harassment and rape, and heavily punishing rapists. Gerwani later was dissolved because it also spread the values of PKI. Women organisations were then restricted during the New Order era with the government concerned they may develop like Gerwani. It was then that feminism became labelled as communism. Soeharto’s regime tried hard to domesticate Indonesian women and forbid their activity in public roles by establishing the Pembinaan Kesejahteraan Keluarga(PKK- Family 40

Wealthy Training) and Dharma Wanita (Women Service) with the aim of spreading the doctrine of male-domination in a patriarchal system by propagating the ideal women’s figures as a good wife, mother, family caretaker who obeyed their husband. (Djoeffan, 2001).

Secular liberal feminism was intertwined with nationalism which started in the 1930s and continued to after 1945. Although the New Order regime strictly forbid any organisation that tried to mobilise grassroots, by 1990 new feminist NGOs began to form under the leadership of well-educated young women who aimed to promote women’s reproduction health and to stop sexual harassment. Meanwhile, Islamic feminism began in the colonial period. The two largest modernists Islamic organisations, Muhammadyah and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) established their women’s wing called Aisyiyah (1917) and Muslimat NU (1946), respectively. However, being subordinate to male-dominated Islamic organisations, these women’s group felt constrained by the views of the male leadership, which for many decades were very conservative on women’s issues. Islamic feminist activism, therefore, emerged as an “emancipatory project at the periphery of political Islam” (Blackburn, 2010, p. 88). Moreover, when women could not articulate their ideas of “empowerment and emancipation in Male- dominated religious organisations,” (Blackburn, 2010, p. 88), Indonesian Muslim feminists rose to “endorse women’s issues in Indonesia’s public sphere” (Parvanova, 2012). It is through this lens of feminism that this study investigates how young Indonesian Muslim women today, consider their veiling practices and whether it forms a part of their preference in supporting feminism ideas.

Piety Movement and Pious Agency Another point to consider is, the aims of feminism are always changing, depending on the problem faced by women, in a particular place, at a particular time, and could articulated in the local term (Badran, 2008). In that way feminism formed various women activisms and activists who committed to change the social and political circumstances according to their thought and believes (Rinaldo, 2010a). The definition of activism or activist which is tends to be associated with a political movement could be attributed to someone or some group of ordinary people, who advocates their values in order to create changes.

Activism has also created new performances of piety movement (Rinaldo, 2010b). Piety is defined as “the acts involve self-control and bodily practices concerning diet, attitudes,

41 clothing, and bodily discipline” (Tong & Turner, 2008, p. 43). Piety is not only a form of expression, but also a mode to cultivate a pious habitus (Tong & Turner, 2008).

The most prominent scholar who located the paradox of piety movement is Saba Mahmood (2005). In her book Politics of Piety, Mahmood (2005) explored how Muslim women in Egypt organised a movement to educate each other and to advance the ideal virtous self. She argued that the subjectivity of her participants is developed within and through social norms. The Egyptian women’s piety movement demonstrates that agency is not merely a subject of liberation or submission, but also the effort of constructing a self. Adding to the discussion of piety movement, Rinaldo (2010b) suggested piety movement as “a religious revival, seek to reinvigorate religious teachings and practices, and have appeared within all the major religious traditions” (p. 584). It means women can develop their agency or their capability to make choices and take actions by participating in the piety movement (Rinaldo, 2010a, 2010b), therefore, women will develop more power to act for herself.

Furthermore, Mahmood (2005) suggested that “agency not simply as a synonym (equal) for resistance to relations of domination, but as a capacity for action that specific relations of subordination create and enable (make possible)” (p. 18). The Egyptian women movement in Mahmood’s study demonstrate agency through their purposeful attempts to develop appropriately devout selves. Referring to Mahmood’s (2005), Rinaldo (2010b) mentioned that “consideration of agency has therefore been especially important in reminding scholars that agency in the feminist literature has too often been conceptualized simply as resistance” (p. 599). Mahmood (2005) also proposed that as not simply as resistance or submission, the agency should be extensively understood as the capacity to develop a self from predominant norms.

Another general conceptions of agency are “being able to intervene in the world, or to refrain from such intervention, with the effect of influencing a specific process or the state of affairs. This presumes that to be an agent is to be able to deploy (chronically, in the flow of daily life) a range of causal powers, including that of influencing those deployed by others" (Giddens, 1984, p. 14). Moreover, agency could be affected by religion called ‘pious agency’ which centralised in becoming religious persons (Rinaldo, 2010a). In other words, women could advance their pious agency in order to create change and to counter male-domination in interpreting religious scriptures and disseminating religious values. Therefore, this research will be used the concepts of piety movement and pious agency to explore how young 42

Indonesian Muslim women engage with activism within their hijab community in order to create change.

2.3 Islamic Fashion New technology and accelerated information flow, combined with urbanisation and the growth of prosperity have led to new forms of religious expression (Fealy and White, 2008). Since new media and communication technologies have entered into Muslims everyday lives, they are increasing their expression of religiosity in various ways and generating new ideas, images, and meaning about Islam through Islamic popular culture in the form of “film, music, television, radio, comics, fashion, magazines, and cyberculture” (Weintraub, 2011, p. 1).

Islamic popular culture has gradually become a culture industry that focuses on the production, packaging, and distribution of religious products within many media platforms (i.e., traditional print media, cassette sermons, online fatwas) (Gökarıksel & McLarney, 2010). Women’s magazines that initially spread fashionable veiled photographs also have become a style mediator and offer a space to generate and articulate new images of Muslim women (Lewis, 2010). Veiled Muslim women increasingly become demanding consumers (Deniz, 2014) as well as producers of the Islamic culture industry as active shoppers, buyers, models, designers, entrepreneurs, or, fashion bloggers (Moors, 2009; Gökarıksel & McLarney, 2010). Therefore, Islamic fashion has also become a niche market which fuses faith and fashion and targets the Islamic culture industry to specific consumers (Lewis, 2010).

Veiled women often navigate Islamic fashion as “a chance to learn about fashion as they transition to a new wardrobe, or to wear an externally required form of dress to their greatest personal advantage” (Bucar, 2012, p. 3 of chapter 8), in a process of expressing their Muslim- ness. Though the increasing market of Islamic fashion could be driven by capitalism, it could also be a good reason for the increasing Muslim women’s participation in public expression.

This growth of an Islamic culture industry, which is constructing particular relations between religiosity and fashion has encouraged Muslim women to be both modest and fashionable (Kiliçbay & Binark, 2002; Gökarıksel & McLarney, 2010; Gökariksel & Secor, 2010; Lewis 2007; 2010). For example, in Turkey where veiling practices have been stigmatised and regulated under secular tradition, Islamic fashion has been changed into new patterns of consumer culture, a change influenced by the representation of veiling practices in several 43 publications media such as advertising, magazines, and branded fashion catalogues (Kiliçbay & Binark, 2002). Turkish women who are wearing tesettür (“pious fashion” in Turkish) have to think thoroughly about their appearance in order to please the public expectation, therefore “this allows a Turkish woman to represent Islamic piety in the best way possible, as well as to avoid the harsh critiques of the secular elite that veiled women are ugly and unfashionable” (Bucar, 2017, p. 6). Therefore, Islamic fashion has developed into a symbol of Turkish women’s Muslim-ness as well as a marker of elite class and social status (Bucar, 2017).

A decade after post-authoritarian Indonesia, Islamic fashion has become popular with various types of hijab outfit, inner clothes, accessories, and hijab tutorials could be found in the market (Bucar, 2012). She argued that for Indonesian women, veiling is a fashion statement, veiling is worn due to its aesthetic value, and veiling could increase women’s beauty (Bucar, 2016, 2017). “Jilbab has become associated with women who are educated, upwardly mobile, and stylish, a stunning shift when we remember that until very recently jilbab was a symbol of provinciality” (Bucar, 2017, p. 122). While Islamic Indonesian popular culture may be understood as a critical feature of post-authoritarian life, and therefore rooted in local political histories, it is also undeniably linked to the global growth of Islamic popular culture of which the commodification of Islamic fashion is an important part.

Another point to consider is how modesty is endorsed with hijab and Islamic fashion beecause “modesty is not strictly defined, a wealth of interpretations on compliance with hijab have emerged” (Shirazi-Mahajan, 1995, p. 39). Indeed, the concept of veiling practices as Muslim women modesty depends on historical, political, and socio-cultural contexts therefore it is difficult to determine which is proper or improper ‘pious’ fashion (Bucar, 2016, 2017). For example, in Iranian women could be modest if not wearing tight clothes that reveal body’s curves, but in Indonesia, modesty means cover aurat with clothes, even though in the form of tight mansets (inner sleeves) and leggings (Bucar, 2016, 2017). Bucar’s studies have given groundworks for understanding the unique development of Islamic fashion, different conceptualisation of aesthetic, and modesty which is useful to identify how Indonesian veiled Muslim women in this present research have given meaning to their appearances and modesty.

Islamic Fashion as Identity Expression Over a century ago, sociologist Georg Simmel (1904) authored a notable manuscript entitled ‘Fashion’ which is cited by many scholars who are studying fashion and cultural studies. 44

Simmel made the arguments that fashion is a way to be both individually unique yet conform to social norms. “Fashion is the imitation of a given example and satisfies the demand for social adaptation; it leads the individual upon the road which all travel, it furnishes a general condition, which resolves the conduct of every individual into a mere example. At the same time it satisfies in no less degree the need of differentiation, the tendency towards dissimilarity, the desire for change and contrast, on the one hand by a constant change of contents, which gives to the fashion of today an individual stamp as opposed to that of yesterday and of tomorrow, on the other hand because fashions differ for different classes-the fashions of the upper stratum of society are never identical with those of the lower; in fact, they are abandoned by the former as soon as the latter prepares to appropriate them. Thus fashion represented nothing more than one of the many forms of life by the aid of which we seek to combine in uniform spheres of activity the tendency towards social equalisation with the desire for individual differentiation and change”. (Simmel, 1957 [1904], p. 543)

Simmel’s Fashion, 1904, remains the more precise explanation of fashion as a tension between how to become similar with others and at the same time how to become unique with personal preferences. While people wear fashion to indicate their relatedness to particular groups, at the same time they negate if their fashion is duplicated (Entwistle, 2015). In an effort to become similar, people commonly signify their fashion preferences into their social system. “Fashion is based on adoption by a social set which demands mutual imitation from its members and thereby releases individual of all responsibility – ethical and aesthetical—as well as of the possibility of producing within these limits individual accentuation and original shading of the elements of fashion” (Simmel, 1904, p. 558). It means individual fashion preferences are determined by a shared value within the social group because “individuals are located within communities, and their style of dress expresses this belonging” (Entwistle, 2015, p. 2 of chapter 4).

Simmel’s notion also mentions how fashion is shifting ‘top-down.’ Fashion is created by people from higher class. The new fashion styles that are adopted by higher class communities will be mirrored by lower classes causing the higher class communities to progress towards wearing another new style (McNeil, 2015). For example, a replication of a leather jacket that is worn by a runway’s top model will be available in a rural fashion store a few months later.

Besides the contradiction between conformity and individually, the ‘top-down’ fashion flows; Simmel also argued another important notion of fashion as a “voice or agency” for women (McNeil, 2015, p. 74). Through fashion, women can communicate their ideas and values that

45 signify existence of their selves. Indeed, over a century after Simmel’s notion, his nuanced concept of fashion as voice and agency is evident in modern Islamic societies.

How Simmel’s notion is informing the development of Islamic fashion, can be found in studies conducted by Moors (2007), Tarlo (2016) and Peterson (2016a). Moors (2007) found Muslim women’s intention to don the style of Islamic dress in San’a is driven by their social circles which are aligned with “the dialectics that Simmel pointed to as central to the development of fashion, that is the need to belong to a community and to aspire to some sense of individuality, are obviously at play” (p. 329). Meanwhile, Tarlo (2016) studies on the negotiation of fashion and religion in the case of Jewish wigs and Muslim women’s sportswear. Tarlo argued both the wig and sportswear are reflected in the elements of conformity and individuality in fashion. She also noted that women have been navigating their religion, which is associated with rules and limitation, and fashion as creative practices.

In addition, Peterson (2016a) agreed with Simmel’s ideas on fashion as voice and agency for women. In her study on hijab fashion’s tips and tutorials from two famous Muslim women (Amena Khan and Dina Torkia) on YouTube, she argued that both women have shown their ability to create new visuality of Muslim women. These new images then contested the stereotype of “oppressed and lacking individuality” (Peterson, 2016a, p. 5). Resonate with Simmel’s notion; Peterson (2016a) further explained, “the voices of Muslim women are often unheard in public discussions, then they find opportunities to express themselves visually through their fashion” (p. 5). Therefore, in Muslim communities, Islamic fashion could offer the opportunity for Muslim women to share their cultures, religious values, and their unique identities as well as to express and communicate their ideas and voices.

Lastly, Simmel’s analysis of conformity and individuality is argued by Entwistle (2015) to be relevant to how people attempt to understand the relation between fashion and identity. She suggested further discussion on “how fashion and dress articulate group identities, in particular, how they are deployed in order to mark out distinctions between classes and groups of people” (Entwistle, 2015, p. 2 chapter 4). In my research, Simmel’s (1904) notion could be brought to explain the tension in relation to how veiled Muslim women are displaying their religiosity while at the same time, they are also expressing their fashion preferences, conforming their identity and challenging stereotypes of being oppressed and backward.

Moreover, Simmel’s notion is further explained by Barnard (2002, 2011) who noted that fashion has facilitated people in creating a cultural entity and constructing particular ideas and beliefs. Fashion is not merely clothing that covers and protects the human body from the weather. Fashion indicates identity expression (Entwistle, 2000) and signifies as meaningful non-verbal communication tools (Barnard, 2002, 2011). Fashion not only conveys messages about people’s appearances but also makes a statement about their self-concept. In terms of non-verbal communication, fashion reflects people’s identity and covey messages about both their outer (physically) and inner characteristics.

As an identity statement, fashion is also “part of the expressive culture of a community” (Entwistle, 2000, p. 66). In Muslim communities, Islamic fashion has given a chance for Muslim women to share their cultures, values, and identities. Islamic fashion is also helping Muslim women to challenge stereotypes about Islamic practices, Muslim women, and veiling by limiting visual barriers between Muslim and non-Muslim women (Tarlo, 2010) as well as amplifying Muslim women’s visibility and voice (Moors & Tarlo, 2013). “Through experimenting with style and adopting mainstream fashion, innovative young hijab women develop and project assertive and attractive self-images which correspond to their complex backgrounds, interests, and concerns whilst simultaneously challenging and combating dominant negative stereotypes of Muslims” (Tarlo, 2010, p. 74). In another word, Muslim women (specially in Muslim-minority countries) use Islamic fashion as a means for changing the perception of veiling practices as women’s oppression.

Muslim women could, therefore, use Islamic fashion as Barnard (2002) argued, “fashion as ideological weapons” (p. 44). The Islamic fashion and veil not only transmit a religious message but also symbolise a public consideration for appreciation of the right for equality of diversity (Kulenović, 2006). Through Islamic fashion, veiled women could develop their identity and be able to empower themselves. Nevertheless, limited studies have tried to work between and across Islamic fashion as a faith-based consumer culture and the veiled woman’s identity expression, especially in the Indonesian context. Therefore, there is a need to investigate how young Indonesian veiled women who do adopt Islamic fashion, do so to express themselves and to challenge stereotypes.

Islamic Fashion: Negotiate Modernity Western culture, especially from the US, has become the standard of modern life for many people globally where the image of the West is perceived to be more superior, and in some cases has become an obsession for many non-Western people (Sairin, 2011). In an effort to resemble the West and its modernisation through technology (Hassan, 2002), Muslim societies are impacted both positively and negatively. Muslim scholars and organisations, for example, have tried to deal with the adverse effects of westernisation by introducing a new form of Islamism as “a modern political movement whose aim is to win the power and shape the society according to the Islamic ideal – the creation of unified Muslim modern identity” (Kulenović, 2006, p. 717).

How these Islamic and Western modernity interacts with each other is explained by Göle (2000) as “not simply rejected or adopted but critically and creatively reappropriated by new religious discursive and social practices in non-Western contexts” (p. 93). How Muslim women negotiate their Islamic identity through their veiling and Islamic fashion to reframe their version of modernity is critical therefore to understand.

Establishing the identity of the modern Muslim women could be seen through their veiling practice, which is a part of the new Islamism movement. Islamic veiling is inextricably associated with “development, reform, and progress, and women’s garb is the key measure by which to judge a society’s modernity” (Amer, 2014, p. 4). However, acknowledging veiling as a ‘modern identity statement’ is still a controversial issue. This controversy could be explained by early twentieth century behaviours where Muslim-majority societies viewed the unveiling of Muslim women as the indicator of modernity (El Guindi, 1999). While the veil has become an influential fashion commodity and has generated the trend of a fashionable veiling style, the issue is increasingly controversial because veiling and fashion are understood by traditionalist to be “two incompatible symbolic systems: veiling, which references tradition and divine revelation, and fashion, which is ever-changing, consumer-based, and decisively modern” (Niessen, 2003, cited in Bucar, 2012, p. 1 of chapter 8). Such controversy, in fact, encourages Muslim women to strive in verifying whether their veil could be justified as a modern attribute.

One way veiled Muslim women express their veil as part of their modern identity is by associating their appearances with the Western feminine concepts of fashion and beauty. For example, they can be seen wearing a mixed and matched long flower-patterned top, blue jeans, 48 high-heels, a colourful hijab, with red lipstick, and long-lasting makeup (see; Beta, 2014; Saraswati, 2015; Annisa, 2016; Bucar, 2016, 2017; Peterson, 2016a, 2016b; Jones, 2017). The trend in blending Islamic fashion with Western styles is based on the assumption that “fashion is a Western experience and that Muslims are not part of the West” (Lewis, 2015, p. 12). And because of the veil, Muslim women are aware that “as a marked category, they can never escape the burden of representation,” and therefore they want to portray Islam in a favourable light (Moors & Tarlo, 2013, p. 20). The approach of modernity by veiled women, through the assimilation between Islamic veiling with Western feminine styles, seems in line with Barnard's (2007) argument that “the existence of fashion in a society is a good test of whether that society is modern, or western” (p. 4). At that juncture, many veiled Muslim women adopt Western fashion styles to be identified as modern women.

This assimilation between Islamic veiling with Western feminine styles has created a group of young, stylish Muslim women who are now referred to as hijabistas and hijabsters (Williams & Nasir, 2017). The hijabistas (hijab and fashionistas) who live in the Middle East, UK, and North America are dedicated supporters of fashion who produce and consume beauty content for and from both print and digital media. Meanwhile, the term hijabsters (hijab and hipster) is mostly used in Malaysia and Singapore and to indicate young women whose appearances purposefully broadminded identity.

In the Iranian context, veiling practices developed post-revolutionary in 1979 after thousands of veiled women protested against the Shah who banned the veil in his modernisation program. Now under the Islamic regime, veiling is an obligation even for non-Muslims and foreigner visitors (Bucar, 2012, 2017). As a form of protest to the Islamic regime control toward a woman’s body, young wealthy Iranian women choose to wear colourful knee-length coats combined with a short hijab that is showing some hair and a full makeup and is called as bad hijab by Iranian authorities. This bad hijab phenomena in Iran has been portrayed in Western media as a “resistance to local Islam norms through the adoption of Western concepts of beauty and sexuality into traditional practices of religious dress” (Bucar, 2012, p.6 of chapter 8). This bad hijab phenomenon has started the new trend of veiling which was previously formed by Islamic law and politics (Bucar, 2012).

In Indonesia, the veiling practice has also become a way of how Indonesian Muslim women are approaching modernity (Brenner, 1996; Sairin, 2011). In the early 2000s, the assimilation 49 between Islamic veiling with the Western feminine in Indonesia leads to the creation of the term trendy veil (jilbab gaul) and hijabers. For example, a study among Indonesian university students (Nef-Saluz, 2007), where one might expect to see young women adopting the trendy veil or jilbab gaul demonstrated how veiling practices by participants resonance the dynamic interaction of the personal and the social. These young Indonesian Muslim women were seen to be assimilating the Western and global Islamic culture within their Javanese (the most populous ethnic in Indonesia) traditions. Here, Nef-Saluz (2007) makes a point that the trend of jilbab gaul was an attempt by young Indonesian women to negotiate their traditional selves into more modern selves. Nef-Saluz (2007) claims these new forms of jilbab gaul and another form of Islamic pop culture, to be “an expression of hybridisation as a process of cultural interactions between the local and the global” (Nef-Saluz, 2007:1). This glocalisation is seen as a process of cultural transactions between locality and global trends.

While the study by Nef-Saluz (2007) generally claims that young Javanese women wear the jilbab gaul to be identified as modern, Kusciati, Susilorini, and Febriary (2013) observed how young Javanese women, living in Java, speaking Javanese, and identifying as ethnically Javanese, used the jilbab gaul to occupy a social position that identified them as modern and located at the intersection of Javanese norms and Islam. Students in Kusciati et al.’s study also considered wearing jilbab gaul as a negotiation between Javanese culture, Islamic culture, and modern lives.

Following on from the popularity of the jilbab gaul, several young Indonesian Muslim fashion designers created a new hijab fashion trend at the end of 2008 by mixing long colourful hijabs with a fashionable loose outfit. In doing so, they created the term hijabers, a new fashion design that gave not only new nuances to the image of veiled women at that time as ‘old and unfashionable.’ They adopted the term hijab to distinguish their style of veiling from practices associated with the jilboobs (jilbab and boobs) and deemed ‘improper.’ The so-called ‘jilbab gaul’ (trendy veil), and later ‘jilboobs’, phenomenon, by which women combined jilbab wearing with tight-fitting jeans and tops showing their curves and sometimes their skin - was criticised by Islamic scholars, who deemed it failed to qualify as Islamic dress (Beta, 2016). The hijabers’ use of the term hijab worked to differentiate the style from jilbab gaul, but it also worked to mark it with global nuances. Since 2010 the term hijab and hijabers have become more popular than jilbab, especially with the young generation. Designers have chosen the

50 term hijab as it initially comes from Arabic and so makes their designs recognised internationally and emphasizes its association in presenting modern veiling.

At the end of 2011, young Muslim fashion designers such as Dian Pelangi, Jenahara, Ria Miranda, and Ghaida Tsuraya along with 30 young Indonesian Muslim women from various backgrounds formed a community known as the Hijabers Community (HC). This HC attracted Muslim women to follow their style in choosing fashion for Muslim women. Recent studies by Agustina (2015) and Saraswati (2015) claim the Hijabers Community as the first and most prominent hijab community in Indonesia.

Agustina (2015) found that many young women are being inspired by the HC to don the hijab while Saraswati (2015) discovered the identity of young Muslim women in HC illustrates the dynamics in representing an ideal Muslim identity. Agustina (2015) and Saraswati (2015) both offer an understanding that HC has accommodated the trend of Islamic veiling and fashion which supports the formation of a modern identity for Indonesian hijabers. However, both Agustina (2015) and Saraswati (2015) only addressed the hijabers’ modernity from their fashion statement and did not explore other aspects of modernity to challenge the of backwardness stereotype of the veiled Muslim women’s images. The interconnectedness of piety and modernity of these Indonesian hijabers is worthy of further investigation because, from all the Indonesian practices of veiling, the hijabers are those most closely associated with modern Islam. Therefore, the research contributes to this under-researched field by examining the interconnectedness of veiling practice, Islamic fashion, and modernity in Indonesia.

2.4 Identity on Social Media Identity is a complicated personal and social concept, containing in part “who we think we are, where we think we came from, and where we are going” (Storey, 1999, p. 135). It means people attempt to develop self-concepts by consuming particular products to intentionally or unintentionally communicate personal characteristics to others. Identity is not only constructed in the real world but also in the digitally mediated online world. An important aspect of identity is how people present themselves to others. In fact, research from Bargh, McKenna, and Fitzsimons, (2002) argued that people have better ability to express and have others observe their authentic selves online than offline. Evidence continually reveals how the online self is merely an extension and reflection of their offline self (Schau & Gilly, 2003) and where the internet not only allows a portal for information and interaction but also creates a connection 51 whereby self-expression and self-representation can be enacted in a way that has not been experienced before.

Instagram as Computer-mediated Communication (CMC) Changes and developments in technology have given people a variety of options to communicate in a process known as computer-mediated communication (CMC). The definition of CMC has changed over time and two decades ago was described as “synchronous and asynchronous electronic mail and computer conferencing by which senders encode in text messages that are relayed from senders’ computers to receivers” (Walther, 1992, p. 52). Knapp and Daly (2002) defined CMC as the process of how the process of communication through computer technologies enable people to relate and engage with each other in the particular medium with varied purposes. As the purposes of CMC have developed, CMC signifies to “a wide range of technologies that facilitate both human communication and the interactive sharing of information through computer networks, including e-mail, discussion groups, newsgroups, chat, instant messages, and Web pages” (Barnes, 2003, p. 4). Wood and Smith (2005) more recently positioned “CMC research within the realm of communication studies” (p.5) highlighting how CMC can be thought of as an experience of online interaction, where human behaviour and the exchange of messages are mediated through the machine.

CMC studies have explored the influence of media technology in constructing communication, connection, and a sense of identity (Barnes, 2001) with some proposing that CMC may also assist individuals in presenting their identity in a way that seeks to be truthful (Bargh et al., 2002). In general, CMC addresses identity formation, presentation, distribution and other issues, where individuals may have an online presence expressed by what we choose to share with others and ourselves. This phenomenon demonstrates that self-presentation, enacted in online space can influence users’ self-concepts (Gonzales & Hancock, 2008).

CMC happens within the broad context of social networking sites (Lipschultz, 2015). In this study, CMC is limited to the communication channel of Instagram I am aware of the plethora of literature on the CMC platform (such as Facebook, Twitter, blogs, etc; see Kaplan & Haenlein, 2011; Murthy, 2013). Nevertheless for clarity, this thesis focuses on Instagram as the most active social media used by the Indonesian youth (Hidayat, 2016).

Instagram is a visual platform with a mission to strengthen relationships through shared experiences. Instagram marks itself as “a medium that allows users to transform an image into a memory to keep around forever through photographs and short videos” (Instagram, 2016). “Unlike Twitter and Facebook, text-only content cannot be created on Instagram which serves to create a strong visual-oriented culture” (Lee, Lee, Moon, & Sung, 2015, p. 552). Instagram as a visual-based media platform, affords extensive visual connection and interaction between its users (Serafinelli, 2017). The eight different types of photo categories found on Instagram include “friends, food, gadget, captioned photo, pet, activity, selfies, and fashion” (Hu, Manikonda, & Kambhampati, 2014, p. 597). While Words describe the way of thinking, perspectives, and feelings, images, on the other hand, speak a thousand words, making Instagram the communication medium to communicate what words are unable to describe. Communication through words and images in Instagram advance narratives to people to describe connections between the users/Instagrammers and the digital world.

As a visual-based social media platform, the capacity of Instagram is set on its visual affordances. The term of affordance is used to explain the attribute of an object that could exemplify how the object should be used (Gaver, 1991; Mcgrenere et al., 2000), and the outcome “from the mental interpretation of things, based on our past knowledge and experience applied to our perception of the things about us” (O’Riordan, Feller, & Nagle, 2012, p. 3). The affordance concept explains why similar technology could generate different meaning and interpretation. Communication studies, however, refer to affordance as putting the control of technologies to its users rather than to the technologies itself or to their creators, and as noted by Nagy and Neff (2015), “most frequently refer to what users and their sociality get from a technology” (p. 2). This research examines what veiled Muslim women may be able to do and get from Instagram and how they engage with the affordances of Instagram to manifest the modern Muslim self.

With the advent and popularisation of web-based image-sharing, such self-making increasingly proceeds through strategic manipulation and posting of photographs. Alluding to the rise of Instagram as evidence of the increasing importance of visual texts in contemporary culture, Highfield and Leaver (2016) pointed to the urgent need for greater attention to images in the study of online identity performances, and Marwick (2015) argued that images offer qualitatively different resources for identity construction and calls for new frameworks for understanding identity construction online. 53

Self-presentation on Social Media The internet not only provides a portal for information and interaction but also creates a connection where self-expression and self-representation can be enacted in a way that has not been experienced before. Erving Goffman in The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (1959), proposed a notion of identity construction through the concept of dramaturgy a theatre metaphor that engaging in both front stage and back stage. For Goffman (1959) front stage “may include insignia of office or rank, racial characteristics, clothing, sex, age, and racial characteristics, size and looks, posture, speech patterns, facial expression, bodily gestures and the like” (p. 34). In front stage, people are conscious of “being observed” and will perform following particular values, norms, and rules while back stage (personal) presentations occur when people visibly turn out to be themselves. Goffman (1959) stated that the identity performance can be affected by two things: the appearance (physical look) and the manner (behaviour).

Goffman’s framework is still applicable for understanding self-presentation on social media platforms either on text-based platforms such as Twitter (Marwick & boyd, 2011; Papacharissi, 2012), blogs (Bullingham & Vasconcelos, 2013) or on a visual-based platform of Instagram (Smith & Sanderson, 2015; Geurin-Eagleman & Burch, 2016). Social media users are able to purposefully present themselves and adjust their presentation based on responses and the interactions with their audiences on social media (Hogan, 2010).

It is long established that the internet expands opportunities for what Goffman (1959) refers to as front stage self-making, and what Sundén (2003) refers to as “typing oneself into being” (p.13). On Facebook, the front stage’s analogy can be observed through photo browsing, monitoring status updates, and newsfeed (Sas, Dix, Hart, & Ronghui, 2009). Referring to Sas et al.’s (2009) explanation, the front stage of Instagram can be examined through the photographs, captions, and hashtags. The front stage has become a space where Instagram users use their technology devices to perform their photographs, captions, and hashtags.

Back stage is the process of managing the self to become presentable in the online public space including the process of choosing, editing, censoring, changing, or deleting the posts (Sas et al., 2009). This back stage gives ability for social media users to create and alter how they want to present themselves and how they want to be viewed (Sas et al., 2009; Smith & Sanderson, 54

2015). As Goffman (1959) noted that “while people usually are what they appear to be, such appearances could still have been managed” (p. 77). At that point, Instagram users could manage their selves in several tactics such as posing in particular styles, using photo editing applications, editing the captions, and so on.

Goffman’s (1959) dramaturgical framework also proposed the arts of impression management as he noted that “when an individual appears before others he will have many motives for trying to control the impression they receive of the situation” (p. 26). Schmidt (2013) further elaborates Goffman’s (1959) concept as: “When interacting, people always engage in ‘impression management’ and provide others with information or cues about their own identity. These include ‘cues given’ (information that is deliberately or even strategically communicated) as well as ‘cues given off’ (which are provided unconsciously – e.g., aspects of nonverbal communication). … This impression management is not always conscious and reﬂected but often habitualised and based on social scripts that include certain routines of behaviour in speciﬁc situations” (Schmidt, 2013, p. 366).

In other words, Instagram users could actively and carefully organise their self-images on the online public space to create a desirable impression for their followers, as mentioned by Zevallos (2007) “social actors still need to balance, readjust, and reflexively reconstruct their identities as a consequence of their social interactions with other people” (p. 86). However, it does not mean they intentionally want to manipulate their self-presentation because users cannot control nonverbal aspects (i.e. gesture, posture, facial, clothing) that communicated through their images.

In relation to veiled Muslim women, Goffman’s dramaturgy concept could be used as a framework to investigate how veiled Muslim women projected their hijab and appearances on the public space (Shirazi-Mahajan, 1995). For example, self-presentation of veiled Muslim women in Australia emphasise their Muslimness and at the same time properly pointing Australia’s values of multiculturalism by promoting inclusivity (Zevallos, 2007). Also, Goffman’s self-presentation concept also applied by Tarlo (2010) to explore how Muslim women in London involve in the hybridisation of veiling and fashion which reflecting impression management and increasing their visibility. Veiled Muslim women in London who engage with fashion could manage their self-presentation by highlighting their identity depends on different circumstances (Tarlo, 2010).

Additionally, the visual context of Instagram will generate different interpretation of self- presentation as pointed out by Marwick and Boyd (2011) “front stage and back stage are always relative as they depend on the audience, context, and interpretation” (p. 144). Since then, Goffman’s notion on the self-presentation is helpful when discussing the performances of veiled Muslim women on the Instagram. Therefore, this study will employ Goffman concept of self-presentation to investigates how fashion-conscious Indonesian veiled Muslim women use the visual affordances of Instagram to express an Islamic-themed corporeal aesthetic and then how their performances could build another understanding of modern Muslim self.

Selfies culture on social media A ‘selfie’ is “a photograph taken of oneself, typically with a smartphone or webcam and uploaded to a social media website” (Oxford Dictionaries). The increasing popularity of the ‘selfie’ meant it became the word of the year in 2013 (BBC News, 2013). Senft and Baym (2015) define the concept of selfie as a “cultural artefact and social practice… a way of speaking and an object to which actors (both human and nonhuman) respond” (p. 1588). The human face is the most important means of communication to express and to reveal emotions, feelings, and thoughts. However, the digital self-portraits that mostly display human face provide more than just self-expression and have modified and formed a new way of communication. Self-portraits, selfies or other forms that expose the photographs of the self, are a meaningful communication process (Cruz & Thornham, 2015; Iqani & Schroeder, 2016; Pounders, Kowalczyk, & Stowers, 2016) used as a communication tool, where digital self- portraits convey both intended and unintended messages. This visually and digitally communication also adjusts how the self is curated, identified, and perceived.

Some studies associate selfies as the act of narcissism (Sung, Lee, Kim, & Choi, 2016; Weiser, 2015; Moon, Lee, Lee, Choi, & Sung, 2016) with Burns (2015) noting that “the western female is the most narcissistic demographic on earth who flooding the internet with inconsequential pictures of their selfies (as) an evolved form of attention whoring” (p.7). However, Senft and Baym (2015) argued that the selfie is “not acts of the vanity of narcissism, selfies consist of far more than stereotypical young girls making duck faces in their bathrooms” (p. 1590). Current studies also noted that selﬁes represent and extend visibility (Duguay, 2016), identity, agency, permission, authenticity (Senft & Baym, 2015; Iqani & Schroeder, 2016), and empowerment (Murray, 2015; Vivienne, 2017). Together, these studies indicate how the practice of taking and sharing digital self-portraits cannot merely be described as evidence of narcissism. And 56 while many studies have examined the growing popularity of selfies, the investigation of selfies in different contexts and perspectives is still required (Iqani & Schroeder, 2016)

As a self-consumption practice (Belk, 2014), selfies also cultivated the microcelebrity, a global phenomenon where ordinary people use online affordances to develop a popular following among niche audiences, typically using performative strategies that demonstrate an authentic self to reach their fans (Senft, 2008; Marwick, 2015; Abidin, 2016). For Abidin, microcelebrities capitalise on post-feminist ideology and extend ownership over the means of production by using social media platforms to stage disintermediated relationships between their performances of femininity labour and those who gaze upon it (Abidin, 2016). In a selfies, the effort to provide the perfect shot of facial impressions, physical appearances, and environmental settings are parts of backstage that compose the performance at the front stage (Çadırcı & Güngör, 2016). These concepts of selfies will be used to investigate how Indonesian hijabers present their selfies on Instagram.

Authenticity on Social Media Authentic means genuine and natural, or “sincerity, truthfulness, originality, and the practice of being true to one’s self or others” (Vannini & Franzese, 2008, p. 1621). Umbach & Humphrey (2018) also noted that “to be authentic is to identify with or claim ownership of, a narrative of origins, or a sense of original and unadulterated selfhood” (p. 1). Authenticity could represent the idyllic self, making it hard to justify the level of authenticity when everyone has their own standard of genuineness (Vannini, P., & Williams, 2009). Therefore, authenticity is a complex fluctuate concept depends on the contexts and conditions in which authenticity is affirmed (Bloustien & Wood, 2013, Umbach & Humphrey, 2018).

Goffman’s (1959) analogy of front and back stages also related to the authentication of the self. Tseëlon (2015) further noted that “it can easily lead one to believe that the front stage is a public mask, and back stage is where the ‘real face’ is revealed. In fact, for Goffman one stage is not more authentic than the other. Both are different kinds of the stage, with different expectations, and played to different kinds of the audience” (p. 157). This understanding of authenticity as the process of representing the real self -consciously or unconsciously- depends on contexts and conditions.

Adding to the discussion of authenticity, Goffman’s concept shows “a complicated cycle of interaction between an individual’s unique sense of self, other people’s understandings of who they think we are, and public discourses about what constitutes acceptable and unacceptable ways of representing our identities” (Zevallos, 2007, p. 86). In other words, humans tend to manage their behaviour and presentation, but it does not mean that ‘managed behaviour’ signifies inauthenticity.

The use of the internet by girls and young women to express themselves has enhanced the possibility to manage authenticity through self-branding (Banet-Weiser, 2012). Banet-Weiser (2012) defines these media-savvy girls and young women as an ‘interactive subject’ who actively engages with the production and circulation of digital media content. As media-savvy, they use digital culture to “find a self and broadcast that self” (Banet-Weiser, 2012, p. 56). Banet-Weiser (2012) also described that the authentic self-brand as “innovation, production, and consumption charged with ideally producing a unique, ‘authentic’ self” (p. 73). This self- branding makes the selfie culture a new evolving practice of presenting authenticity of self.

Additionally, Banet-Weiser (2012) argued “as branding becomes normative for all products, including the self, it makes sense within this logic for branding to be the mechanism by which religion seeks to make itself relevant to the current population” (p. 210). Therefore, Banet- Weiser (2012) offers an understanding of how our lives are surrounded by brands, as a self we consciously or unconsciously have set up a persona branding that is influenced by our culture, particular life values, and religion.

Drawing on Banet-Weiser’s work, Kanai (2015) argues the increasing of self-branding on social media could create unique expression of authenticity. Meanwhile, Peterson (2016a) also uses Banet-Weiser’s work of authenticity in the post-feminist context in her study on two of the most famous Muslim women on YouTube, Amena Khan and Dina Torkia. She found her participant, Amena Khan “overemphasised a more traditional form of femininity; this allows her to achieve success in the postfeminist moment by performing as an attractive feminine self and tapping into the contemporary cultural obsession with the authentic” (Peterson, 2016a, p. 16). As young Muslim women, Peterson’s participants contended dichotomies of authentic as opposed to commercialised by presenting their positions within those dichotomies through their aesthetic videos. She argued “rather than assuming that no authentic cultural or politic work can come out of these lifestyle videos, I take up Sarah Banet-Weiser’s (2012) assertion 58 that the ambivalent spaces of brand culture are productive spaces that allow for cultural and political actions” (Peterson, 2016a, p.16). In other word, the contradictions of modern and traditional could emerge new representation of authentic selves.

Another point to consider is “Selﬁes reﬂect the image people want to project to the world” (Gye, 2007, p. 282), therefore authenticity builds on a continuous interpretation rather than set permanently within oneself (Beverland, Farrelly, & Quester, 2010; Lobinger & Brantner, 2015). Adding to this argument, Kwon and Kwon (2014) noted that “What people attempt to present through their selfies is based on who they think they are and who they want to be and are shaped by their social interactions with others” (p. 302). Though people can never confirm purely that they know other’s intention, it is still possible to evaluate when someone performs as his or her authentic self based on the consistency of how he or she presents and represents themselves. For example, a woman with full make-up cannot be judged as a fake person because might be her make-up is her way to represent her accurate ‘confident’ self. Investigating how veiled Muslim women participate in performing, interpreting, and pointing their authentic selves through the selfies culture and how this practise is subject to the consumer practice is worthy research. Therefore, this research study will address this need by examining the degree of authentic selves within Indonesian hijabers’ self-presentation on Instagram.

The Representation of Muslim Women on Digital Media The number of Muslim women engaging with the online world is increasing. Bastani (2001) explored the participation of Muslim women in a women-only online discussion group named the Muslim Women’s Network (MWN) where the women came together because of their shared Islamic faith and “to engage in intellectual discourse on significant contemporary issues that impact on Islam, especially those pertaining to, or affecting, women” (p. 42). Her statement indicates Muslim women use the internet as a medium to confirm their understanding of Islam. Similarly, Akou (2010) found that many participants have been able to use thecanadianmuslim.ca as a support group or even as a second family. This platform has been useful to help Muslim women in a Muslim-minority country like Canada to exchange their views and opinions about the hijab and to expand their understanding on veiling practices from a local to global context (Akou, 2010).

Adding to the discussion about veiled Muslim women on digital media is the scholar Piela (2010, 2012, 2013a, 2013b, 2016) who examined Muslim women’s online activities through 59 several platforms such as Muslim women’s newsgroup discussion forum and photography- sharing websites. In her book Muslim Women Online, Piela (2012) investigated Muslim women from various cultural backgrounds and their perspectives in an a woman-only online newsgroup discussion. The women used this space to discuss gender-related issues in relation to their activities in private and public roles, such as marriage, sexuality, polygamy, employment, dress-code, mobility, and sisterhood. She found that although these women have different thoughts on gender, race, and class relationships they helped each other by talking, discussing, and finding solutions about those issues. This newsgroup has played an essential role as a new communication channel to create two categories of Muslim women: “those who have adopted the Islamic framework to challenge patriarchy in Muslim communities, and those who refuse to acknowledge that this patriarchy exists” (p. 143). Piela’s participants were able to shift their position between those binaries depending on the discussion topic, and were encouraged to express their views, and avoid seclusion. That is, such online discussion forums can create a study group and give opportunities for Muslim women to increase their Islamic knowledge.

In another study, Piela (2013a) further found that online newsgroups could enable Muslim women to “not only engage with Islamic sources but also to participate in a collaborative (albeit very messy and fragmented) project of creating a bank of Islamic solutions to problems that can be too personal to share in mixed-gender groups. They are also able to participate on their own terms, without being challenged by men” (p. 136). Piela’s (2012, 2013a) studies both show how online discussions could help Muslim women to engage with the online world actively and develop a digital space to find a better interpretation and understanding of Islam.

Muslim women also engaged with an interactive platform like YouTube to express themselves, ideas, and femininity (Peterson, 2016a). These women blended their veiling fashion with a mainstream fashion aesthetic to emphasise their power on “their own appearances and in the process, to shift the larger sensory regime of what is considered attractive, stylish and enjoyable” (Peterson, 2016b, p. 16). digital media has therefore helped create the Muslim woman’s new image of being both Islamic and inspired.

Muslim women’s self-presentation on visual-based digital media platforms was also researched by Piela (2010) who analysed how Muslim women view themselves through their photographs on a photography-sharing website. She found that her participants not only independently and

60 confidently chose the arrangements of the photographs including “technical settings, techniques of photographing, angles, accessories, colours, background, objects, people and animals in the photographs, their position, face expression” (p. 93) but also decided their preference platforms to post the photographs. Piela (2010) argued that those photographs created “religious identity narratives of powerful, direct, serious, but also funny, poetic, subversive, and intimate” women which thereby challenge the label of “the Other, a stranger, a threat, a religious fundamentalist, a victim of patriarchy” (p. 102).

In her study Piela (2013b, 2016) examined the self-presentation of niqabis (face-veiled women) in photograph-sharing platforms, arguing how niqabis have emphasised their agency by creating ‘visual references’ to their everyday lives (such as posting a photo in a bedroom) as well as building connections with their audiences on Flickr. These niqabis have presented modestly, constructed intimacy, and established a dialogue with their audiences, and in so doing “disrupt the normalised associations of the niqab with passivity, otherness, and violence by establishing intimacy with the audience” (p.788).

Meanwhile, Piela (2016) more recently found there are blurred boundaries between the public and private space of the niqabis on a photograph-sharing website. For example, one participant posted her photograph in a full body covering dress, as she would usually wear in public, but was taken in her private home space. Piela argued “publication of self-portraits online, and subsequent discussions about them are an important step in the self-identification of women who wear the niqab, as they are then able to create safe spaces for appreciation and positive discussion of the niqab. This platform is a space where they are able to resist dominant discourses about the niqab and Islam and construct their own expressions of religiosity. Furthermore, they act as ‘educators in diversity’ tailoring interactions with different groups and educating members of the public about their understandings of Islam” (p.11). Piela’s (2010, 2013b, 2016) studies have established a groundwork for studying Muslim women’s activities in the photograph-sharing website, although in some studies it is unclear what kind of visual- based platform(s) was chosen for research. The research I present as follows extends the research into Muslin women and their online identity by investigating how veiled Muslim women express their selves and identities on Instagram.

The online self-expression of face-veiled women has also been examined by Nisa (2013) who explored how the cadari (face-veiled women from Salafi group) in Indonesia use the internet 61 in their everyday lives. She found that the cadari who are hardly visible in the offline public sphere, in contrast, actively participate in online activities such as in a mailing list and discussion forum (As-Salafiyyat), and online business (The house of Bunda and Worksheets for Kids). With limited opportunities to present themselves in the public space, this cadari have gained visibility through their online activities with some eager to have a career in online businesses and community services (Nisa, 2013). Nisa provides new insights into how the cadari: 1) create platforms to increase their visibility without compromising their belief on the restriction to be seen in the public eyes; 2) perform their self-actualization by participating in online forums and managing an online business; and 3) challenge the stereotype as oppressed face-veiled women. However, Nisa’s research did not classify her involvement in the study or whether she became a member of the online discussion forum.

Muslim Women’s Identity on Instagram The trend of using Instagram by middle-class young veiled women has been discussed by several scholars such as Waninger (2015), Kavakci and Kraeplin (2016), Peterson (2016b) who explore the hijabistas in America, Europe, and the Middle East, as well as Beta (2014), Aisyah (2016), Jones (2017), and Nisa (2018) who focus on Indonesian veiled women. All of these studies investigated how Instagram could shape the online representation of young Muslim women who were social media influencers, fashion designers, entrepreneurs, and well-known bloggers.

A study of five Kuwaiti and American hijabistas bloggers by Waninger (2015) demonstrates Instagram as a new space for marketing and networking for Muslim women fashion bloggers. The accessibility of Instagram allows users to manage identity-making, specifically among marginalised groups like hijab-wearing women. More recently, Kavakci and Kraeplin (2016) identified the identities of three high-profile hijabistas and lifestyle bloggers (Kuwaiti, British, and American) who have negotiated and been heavily influenced by Western secular norms. The motivations of these hijabistas in displaying themselves through Instagram is often to gain a profit for their brands, demonstrating how Instagram is used to perform their ‘fashionable’ selves rather than to present their religiosity.

In contrast, Peterson (2016b) found that well-known hijabistas could negotiate the ambivalences between promoting Islamic values and implying postfeminism. She argued that these hijabistas’ images on Instagram have displayed their unique experiences in following 62

Islamic teaching (such as praying and veiling) while at the same time creating stylish appearances. These hijabistas enable the settling of those ambivalences and challenge the stereotype of being oppressed and hyper-sexualised (Peterson, 2016b). Peterson’s argument presents a deeper exploration of Muslim women and their online identity by including Indonesian hijabers in the discussion.

Though young Indonesian Muslim women are active users of Instagram, only a handful of scholars have explored the interrelationship between technology and hijab-wearing women in Indonesia. The first scholar who investigated the participation of Indonesia hijabers on Instagram is Beta (2014) who found two patterns of the hijabers digital-photographic mapping. First, Instagram has become a platform for middle-class hijabers where they are pleased with the branded products they bought from famous designers and talk about it proudly. Second, the hijabers present images of vibrant, frivolous women, which helps in navigating the modern Muslim self. Indeed, Beta (2014) also argued its discursive construction as a sign of middle- classness and consumer power. She contends that the hijabers proffer a tame alternative to both the vulgar style of ‘jilbab gaul’ and the “gloomy Arabic veils”; they flaunt “their ability to adjust to a level of colorfulness —the fun, safe Muslims—that requires respectable financial means and in turn accretes as cultural capital: an ability to be accepted as global and cosmopolitan” (Beta, 2014, p. 385). In Beta’s analysis, the taming of the veil is presented as a consequence of the expansion of Islamic consumer culture in Indonesia.

Aisyah (2016) investigated top Indonesian modest fashion designers and Indonesia Creative Economy Agency. She found the Indonesian designers, bloggers, Instagrammers use the blog and Instagram to promote their brands that eventually expand the trend of modest fashion. Instagram continues the movement of personal branding, sales promotion, #OOTD or outfit of the day inspirations, fashion advices, hijab tutorial, and hashtag for brand information descriptive purposes. Accordingly, Beta (2014) and Aisyah (2016) argued Indonesian hijabers have been used the visual affordances of Instagram to accentuate their sense of fashion.

In a short essay, Carla Jones (2017) provided another view on the displaying of feminine beauty of Indonesian influencers and fashion designers on Instagram. She argued that the participation of those fashion-conscious veiled women in the selfies culture has become an example of how the tensions in using social media in Indonesia situated on the features of “religious and gendered” (para. 2). These selfies have created the dilemmas between its benefits and risks, on 63 the one hand through their selfies those women want to circulate their modest images (and fashion) but on the other hand, those women stigmatised as narcists which are classified as a sinful behaviour by some male preachers (Jones, 2017).

Another point to consider is Nisa's (2018) study which examines the Instagram accounts of UkhtiSally (Sister Sally) and Duniajilbab (World of jilbab). She argued that Indonesian Muslim women are using the platform to develop a “soft” form of da’wa or dakwah – i.e., a form of proselytising imparted by way of glossy images, depicting women as key actors in the consumer economy, and woven into lucrative social media-based businesses. Nisa further explains that Instagram has become a platform not only to enhance identity formation of pious young Muslim women but also to increase the involvement of Indonesian veiled young women in achieving their agency through creative dakwah and business (Nisa, 2018). This study is helpful to identify how young Indonesian Muslim women participate with the visual affordances of Instagram. Since Nisa’s (2018) study did not focus on Indonesian hijabers as a substantial portion of the fashion-conscious middle-class young women, my research will expand Nisa’s study by investigating how Indonesian hijabers present their religious identity on Instagram and this is related to their effort in disseminating Islamic teaching in order to become pious young Muslim women.

Those studies all conclude that Instagram has been used to perform the commodification of hijab fashion by high-profile Instagrammers who are leading influencers, bloggers, entrepreneurs, fashions gurus, and fashion designers. Those studies also present the hijabers and hijabistas Instagrammers as a brand and market-driven Muslim woman who tends to be seen as glamorous, high-profile young women. Their visual presentations, helped by Instagram, have changed the interpretation of hijab from out-of-date fashion into a “modern” artifact but how these visual affordances of the ordinary young Muslim women on Instagram are yet to be established. This limitation will be addressed by this study by bringing the case of Indonesian hijabers and investigating how these hijabers present their modern identity through Instagram.

2.5 Conclusion Through reviewing the literature related to the four areas of veiling practices, Islamic feminism, Islamic fashion, and identity on social media this chapter outlines several research gaps. First, veiling practice does not exclusively belong to Muslim societies, but until now this practice is 64 still adopted by many Muslim women. There were many interpretations of veiling practices in terms of when Muslim women should be veiled, which part of the body should be covered, what kind of materials and styles that are appropriate or inappropriate, and even what term is used to point out veiling practice. These differences arise because of the wide-ranging interpretations of the exegesis of Quran verses that remark about headcover, as well as the differences in politics, economics, and socio-cultural context of each Muslim woman. Due to these differences, each Muslim woman has their own unique experiences in wearing the veil. However, limited knowledge about veiling practices by young Muslim women in Indonesia exists, despite Indonesia is has the largest Muslim population in the world.

Second, Indonesia is characterised by a patriarchal system which resists notions of feminism due to the association of feminism with Western cultures. Additionally, it is believed that feminism does not reflect Indonesian culture and the Islamic way of life. Therefore, it is worthwhile to explore whether the activities of Indonesian hijabers are arising based on the ideology of feminism. As Badran (2008) explained that feminism could emerge in the local term, it is noteworthy to examine whether Indonesian hijabers generate their own terms of feminism and activist movements in Indonesia.

Third, recently Islamic fashion has been developed into a valuable commodity due to the increasing nature of Islam popular culture. The rising importance of the commodification of the hijab prompts debates among Muslims about the normative role of fashion in religious practice. On a number of fronts, then, the negotiation of modern identity of Indonesian veiled Muslim women is contentious and worthy of investigation.

Lastly, Instagram is a relatively new visual-based platform with more than 200 million users in 2017. This platform has attracted many young people to express their selves with various images. This study looks at what Indonesian hijabers may be able to achieve and obtain from Instagram, and how they engage with the visual affordances of Instagram to manifest their modern Muslim self. Several studies have discussed the engagement of Muslim women on the internet which aimed to understand the motives of Muslim women in expressing their Muslim identity. However, little knowledge exists of how Indonesian hijabers engage with Instagram. Based on these gaps, this research further investigates the self-presentation of Indonesian hijabers on Instagram in relation to their framing of piety and modernity.

CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH DESIGN

This research aims to expand the understanding of how the visual affordances of Instagram shape the modern Muslim self by examining the case of Indonesian hijabers in terms of the hijabers experiences using Instagram in their daily lives. This chapter presents the ontological and epistemological reason for this investigation and then presents the research design, method of data collection and data analysis.

3.1 Ontological and epistemological stance In order to explain the design of this study, I first need to declare my ontological and epistemological stance. This study is based on interpretive ontology and social constructivist epistemology. Interpretivism is an ontological stance which “asserts that social phenomena and their meanings are continually being accomplished by social actors. It implies that social phenomena and categories are not only produced through social interaction but that they are in a constant state of revision” (Bryman, 2001, p. 16). Meanwhile the constructivist epistemology is “predicated upon the view that a strategy is required that respects the differences between people and the objects of the natural sciences and therefore requires the social scientist to grasp the subjective meaning of social action” (Bryman, 2001, p. 12).

This research is constructed on the premise that there is no singular certainty by which to view the world and that truth depends on who is observing the phenomena. Therefore, based on those ontological and epistemological stances, this research used a qualitative methodology underpinned by interpretive ontology and constructionist epistemology (Lindlof & Taylor, 2011). This qualitative approach is used to understand the complexities of the world through interviewing key people, learning their activities and experiences, and analysing documents or other cultural artifacts. This approach is the key strategy used to attain an understanding of the Indonesian hijabers unique experiences in using Instagram to present their modern Muslim identity.

3.2 Methodology I applied an ethnography methodology in this study. Ethnography as a methodolody characterises by its activities in “paticipating overtly or covertly in people's daily lives for an extended period of time, watching what happens, listening to what is said, asking questions - in fact, collecting whatever data are available to throw light on the issues that are the focus of

66 the research” (Hammersley and Atkinson, 1995, p. 1). Creswell (2014) explained that ethnography is a research design to study “the shared patterns of behaviours, language, and actions of an intact cultural group in a natural setting over a prolonged period” (p. 14). The Internet, which changes the way people behave, interact, and communicate with each other, has attracted scholars to understand this changing behaviour with various methodologies including ethnography.

As one of an established methodology to explore cultural phenomena, ethnography can be used to investigate how people are involved and experienced with internet technology as argued by Hine (2000), “ethnography can be used to develop an enriched sense of the meanings of the technology and the cultures which enable it and are enabled by it” (p. 8). This methodology can be used to observe the everyday practices of internet use which can be considered as a new cultural artefact.

Hine (2015) also emphasized that, “ethnography for the Internet has to proceed quite cautiously in finding out what the phenomenon “Internet” represents for the particular group of people who are the site of interest in any given study” (p. 8). Although the standard ethnographic procedure of data collection such as interview, observation, and archiving documents still applies, ethnography of the internet needs creative adaptation (Hine, 2015). Hine also stated that the Internet, and social media provide a “means of establishing co-presence with research participants and extending a field site in time and space beyond a notion of a specific bounded online or offline site” (p. 73).

Ardévol and Gómez-Cruz (2013) noted that various labelling like “virtual, connective, hypermedia, netnography, or digital ethnography have been proposed as categories in terms of ‘adapting’ the ethnographic method to Internet research” (p. 2). They suggest the term “digital to embrace these varieties of internet-based research approaches because it is more semantically neutral and more useful to refer to the different practices and contexts mediated by digital technologies” (Ardévol & Gómez-Cruz, 2013, p. 3). As digital media becomes part of people’s daily lives, ethnographers could use digital ethnography to digitally observe what people do in the online world (Pink et al., 2016), digital ethnography seems useful to examine how people’s online experiences.

Building on the research work of Hine (2000, 2015), Ardévol and Gómez-Cruz (2013), and (Pink et al., 2016) this study applied a digital ethnography approach to investigate the unique everyday experiences of Indonesian hijabers in using the visual-based platform of Instagram. This investigation was critical to understand how the hijabers construct and present their identity as modern Muslim selves.

This research employed digital ethnography (overlapping) practices including catching up, sharing, exploring, interacting, and archiving (Postill & Pink, 2012). Through catching up activity, I kept up with their postings. This activity gave me the senses of the habitually Instagram usage by the hijabers.

Postill and Pink (2012) mention that sharing is not only about reposting but also about following “because following opens you directly to the sharing of others” (p.128). As Instagram does not provide a repost feature in its menu (users should install different application to re- share Instagram’s content), then in the sharing activity, I followed the hijabers and hijab communities’ Instagram account. By following their accounts, I could also lurk their posting updates. Moreover, this catching up and sharing made possible to the exploring activity. Within this activity, I explored their photo gallery, captions, hashtags, and comments from their followers in order to delve into angle, composition, colour, setting, and narrative in their postings.

Another activity involves interacting with my participants. Besides online interaction, I conducted face-to-face interactions with my participants through interview process and participant-observations. Meanwhile the archiving activity refers to how I documented the Instagram archives. Detail rationalisation on how I conducted both of interacting and archiving activities is explained in the following sub-chapter ‘Methods of Data Collection’.

Before I further explain this research’s methods of data collection and data analysis, I illustrated the diagram of research design. The research design, presented in Figure 3.1, addresses the overarching research question of “How do the Indonesian hijabers construct their modern Muslim self through Instagram? As the study progressed and data were collected, this question was then broken down into the three sub-questions: 1. How do the Indonesian hijabers present their selfies on Instagram? 2. How do the Indonesian hijabers present their religious identity on Instagram? 68

3. How do the Indonesian hijabers present their collective identity on Instagram?

Figure 3.1 - Diagram of research design

As mentioned in Figure 3.1, I employed a digital ethnography to address this study’s research questions. Meanwhile, the data were collected through interviews, participant-observations, and Instagram observations which was then analysed using thematic analysis and iconography analysis.

3.3 Methods of Data Collection Purposive sampling was the sampling approach used in this research. The justification for this nonprobability approach has been explained by Schwandt (1997) as “sites or cases are chosen

69 because there may be a good reason to believe that ‘what goes on there’ is critical to understanding some process or concept, or to testing or elaborating some set theory” (cited in Lindlof & Taylor, 2011, p. 128). Purposive sampling provides a strategy to generate potential participants that could give useful data for the research (Patton, 1990; Creswell, 2007). This sampling strategy allowed participants to be chosen according to their suitability as the hijabers who are active in their hijab community program and who are social media users who are chairwomen/president, committee, or just ordinary members. Moreover, as Mason (2002) explained, “ Theoretical or purposive sampling is a set of procedures where the researcher manipulates their analysis, theory, and sampling activities interactively during the research process, to a much greater extent than in statistical sampling” (p. 137). Referring to Mason (2002), by using purposive sampling strategy, I was able to decide when to make sampling decisions and when to stop sampling. I decided to stop sampling when the data is being saturated while it reached the twenty-sixth woman.

The participants were twenty-six hijabers aged 20-34 years, middle-class, urban women and well educated. These characteristics were chosen following the hijabers’ charateristics that mentioned by Beta (2014) and Faiz (2017). One participant was a Ph.D. student, one had a master’s degree, two women were working on their master degree, and the rest had bachelor degree and were still university students. Eight participants were entrepreneurs, and most of them are employed in the private sector. They each accessed the internet daily and used their mobile phone to access social media, primarily ‘Path’ (for family and close friends) and Instagram (for public).

The participants came from Indonesia’s large cities; Jakarta (the social, economic, and political centre of Indonesia and the 9th most-Instagrammed city in 2017), Bandung (the centre of Indonesia’s fashion industry and awarded a UNESCO creative city), Yogyakarta (the basis of Muhammadyah -- the second most significant Islamic Organisation in Indonesia, and where previous hijab research has been conducted ) and Gresik (in East Java as basis of NU -- the most significant Islamic Organisation). All cities are influence the culture, fashion, and politics of other Indonesian cities.

I contacted several hijab communities via email and SMS that I found on Google, but only six communities responded to it. Therefore, I determined the participants were young women who active in hijab communities, such as Hijabers Community (HC), Hijaber Gresik (HG), Hijaber 70

United (HU), Yayasan Hijab Indonesia/Indonesia Hijab Foundation (YHI), Hijabie Community (HY), Syar’i Lifestyle (SLS). Key participants included twenty-one members of the Hijabers Community as the first and the most prominent hijab community in Indonesia. However, the other five women gave additional insight and contributed to understanding the dynamic growth and influence of the hijab community in Indonesia.

This study used three methods of data collection including interviews, participant-observations, and visual archiving by screenshot of Instagram images. This data was systematically processed to obtain three types of data; interview transcripts, field notes, and Instagram archives (images and captions) to shape the understanding of the Indonesian hijabers unique experiences in using Instagram.

Interview Purposive sampling was first used to find participants through the chairwoman of the Hijabers Community, Syifa Fauzia. Her profile and contact details are publicly available. After sending an introduction email to her and receiving a reply, I asked her to recommend further participants. The face-to-face interviews with the hijabers were conducted between 45 and 90 minutes at the times and places suitable for the participants such as cafés, restaurants, or in mosques after pengajian (Islamic learning and discussion).

To avoid leading questions, the interview questions were structured as general queries such as experiences in using hijab, their habits of using Instagram and for what purposes, and their involvement in the community. These semi-structured interviews were recorded using a voice recorder and backed up with a mobile phone. Before starting the interviews, the participants filled in the consent form and chose whether they wanted to use their name or to remain anonymous in the research report and publications. Out of twenty-six participants, only one chose to use a pseudonym. All interviews were conducted in Indonesia and transcribed into Indonesian.

Participant-observation The ethnography of the Internet does not essentially include physical movement, as Burnett (1996, cited in Hine, 2000, p. 45) suggested, “you travel by looking, by reading, by imaging and imagining”. This suggestion is making it doable for an ethnographer to sit at a desk and explore the social spaces of the Internet. However, I also conducted participant-observations 71 in the offline world to get a sense of being a part of the community where they are engaging and observed participants’ Instagram activities.

As a Muslim woman who wears a hijab, I intended to connect with the participants and socialize more naturally in their community events and get an insider’s observations about the hijabers’ unique experiences on Instagram. The benefit and disadvantage of becoming an insider will be further explained in sub-chapter 3.5 The Researcher’s Role.

I conducted participant-observations by attending Hijabers Community events in Jakarta and Bandung including the monthly pengajian (Islamic study), Hijabers Day Out, and member gatherings. In the observational setting, I analyzed the situation, location, and surrounding of the community events. This analysis served to answer queries like: what are the settings of community events; where and when community events take place; what materials are part of the setting and play a role in events. These observations also concerned codes (e.g. language, dialect, style) used and components related to attitude, atmosphere or spirit in the Hijabers Community events. These observations were essential in providing guidelines and a basic understanding that was useful for interpreting the hijabers unique cultures and experiences in using Instagram.

Field notes were created from participant-observations as these “provoke reflection on the meaning and encourage an active interpretation that guards against the ethnographer slipping into a passive form of presence” (Hine, 2015, p. 74). My field notes allowed me to record what happened, interpret what the observations meant, form my provisional view and reflections, and determine how these observations related to my research question. Table 3.1 presents a summary of this study’s field notes (see Appendix C for further details).

Table 3.1- Summary of Fieldnotes

NO DAY/DATE PLACE EVENT ATTENDEE ORGANIZER 1 Sunday, 25 Al-Mutaqin Monthly Pengajian, 400 women* Hijabers September Mosque, Theme: Hang out with Community 2016 Bandung good people to avoid Bandung being ‘stupid’ (HCB) 2 Thursday, 29 Trans Studio Pengajian HIJUP, 100 women* HIJUP (e- September Mall Theme: Starting a new commerce 2016 Mosque, chapter in life and company) with Bandung HCB as a

welcoming the beauty community of Muharram partner 3 Saturday, 22 Baitul Ihsan Monthly Pengajian, 100 women* Hijabers October 2016 Mosque Theme: The Chosen Community (basement Leader Official (HCO) room), Jakarta 4 Sunday, 23 Al-Mutaqin Monthly Pengajian, 200 women* HCB October 2016 Mosque, Theme: Inspire without Bandung Deprave 5 Sunday, 30 Estubizi Hijabers Day Out: 40 women HCO October 2016 Grha, Islamic Parenting Class and men* Jakarta Theme: Discipline with Affection 6 Sunday, 13 DS Gathering HCB: 30 women* HCB November Equestrian, Archery and Horse 2016 Bandung Riding 7 Sunday, 20 Trans Studio Monthly Pengajian, 200 women* HCB November Mall Theme: 2016 Mosque, Make It Halal or Leave Bandung It *Approximately

With the participant-observations collected, the next step was to reflect on the attitudes, atmosphere and spirit in the Hijabers Community non-profit events. First, I respect the committees’ effort, spirit, and consistency in organizing this routine monthly event as well as their quarterly and annual events. These communities are non-profit community. The committees show their sense of belonging to the community and enhance the communal spirit by studying Islam together from a young age. I observed the enormous effect and power that might result from these women who are gathering together in one place every month in several cities in order to increase their knowledge and faith. Furthermore, these young women have shown a sense of ‘girl power’ in promoting Islam far beyond the Western media stereotype who view hijab-wearing women are oppressed and backward. These young women’s spirit and power to improve their religiosity also challenged the stigma that comes from some Indonesian people who label the hijabers as a group of teenagers who just love fashion and only care about their appearances as a ‘fashionista’.

Second, I also like their creative way of organizing and managing the event. For instance, in pengajian there are always two sessions. The first session is lecturing from an ustadz (male Islamic teacher) or ustadzah (female Islamic teacher). The second session is a sharing session with young influencer, or motivator who talks about their experiences related to the theme that

73 already explained by the ustadz/ustadzah. This combination of lecturing and sharing seems to close the gap between the source of knowledge (the speakers) and the knowledge seeker (the attendees). In the meantime, the Indonesian education system still contains values of feudalism that creates a significant gap between teacher and student. Closing this gap becomes essential because it shows a new way of conveying Islamic knowledge. Moreover, the theme of those events is conveying the message about how young women should be eager in looking for knowledge and being influential without neglecting Islamic code of conduct.

Third, by inviting Shirin Al-Athrus, the youngest girl who was awarded ‘Top Social Media Influencer’ in the monthly pengajian on 23 October 2016, this community raised awareness of the power of social media in influencing people. This community wants to spread the message of the positive impact of social media if it is being used for useful purposes.

Fourth, the horse riding and archery has become a favorite sport for middle-class Indonesian Muslims, including this community. This is due to the spreading of hadith of “teach your children swimming, horse riding, and archery”. These male-driven types of sport are starting to be appreciated by female Muslims. To accommodate this the horse riding coach in DS Equestrian said that soon there would be female coaches, so the female participants could be more comfortable to be coached by a female. By participating in these ‘male’ sports, this community has created an opportunity for their members to learn about strength, focus, and confidence as well as to gain experiences in doing male-dominated sports.

Besides positive atmospheres, I also feel some negative impressions from the observations such as in the pengajian organized by HIJUP on 29 September 2016. HIJUP is the most significant hijab fashion e-commerce company in Indonesia. At that pengajian, there were many HIJUP logos such as on the backdrop of the mini stage, on the standing banners nearby registration table and the speaker’s chair. The Masters of Ceremony also frequently mentioned HIJUP and announced the photo challenge that also must mention the social media tag ‘@hijup’. Therefore, I did not feel a sense of belonging to the event. It seemed the organizer, and the attendees did not blend well. The aim of this event should be to increase the attendees’ Islamic knowledge, but on the other hand, there is a possibility that the intention behind this event is to increase consumerism and profits. I requested an interview with members of the HIJUP management but was unsuccessful.

Screenshot of Instagram posting The next step in this research after conducted the participant-observations at the community events, was to observe and follow hijabers’ personal as well as their community Instagram accounts. This online observation began after gaining participant consent in September 2016 to April 2018. Instagram data was archived manually by taking screenshots of the posts. These Instagram archives provide a useful guideline to build analysis around the key themes and to complement and support the interview transcripts.

By using these methods of data collection; interview, participant-obsevations, and screenshot of Instagram posting; this study investigated both the content and also the context of the hijabers online practices in order to understand the hijabers construction of identity and modernity that might be difficult to examine by implementing Instagram analytics software or a big data crawling system.

3.4 Methods of Data Analysis The process of data collection was followed by evaluating and interpreting data, or data analysis, which is a process of making sense. It is the process to interpret the data in the context of theory and make a persuasive argument about what the data means. The two data analysis methods applied in this study are; thematic analysis and iconographical analysis and these are explained in the following sections.

Thematic Analysis As a method of data analysis, thematic analysis proposes “an accessible and theoretically- flexible approach to analyzing qualitative data” (Braun & Clarke, 2006, p. 77). Holloway and Todres (2003) defined “thematizing meanings as one of a few shared generic skills across qualitative analysis” (p. 347). Thematic analysis (TA) is “a method for systematically identifying, organising, and offering insight into patterns of meaning (themes) across a data set and allows the researcher to see and make sense of collective or shared meanings and experiences” (Braun & Clarke, 2012, p. 57). Braun and Clarke (2012) described six phases of TA as: “1) Familiarising yourself with the data, 2) Generating initial codes phase, 3) Searching for themes phase, 4) Reviewing potential themes phase, 5) Defining and naming key themes phase, and 6) Producing the report” (p. 60-66).

Following Braun & Clarke's (2012) phases, therefore, in this research the first phase was to listen to the recordings, transcribe them, and read the transcripts more than once to become familiar with the data. Then, in the second phase, similar key words were grouped within a table and the process then continued by locating the patterns from ﬁeld notes, participant observation, interview transcripts, and artifacts. A pattern may be a physical behaviour or a statement repeated over time by one participant or a variety of participants. It may also be a theme that arises again and again in the content of what the participants said. In this phase I focused on the keywords of ‘social media,’ ‘Instagram,’ and ‘modern’ to answer my main research question “How do Indonesian hijabers construct their modern Muslim self through Instagram?” In Figure 3.2 below presents the subtheme of similar words, as identified in the second phase.

After conducting the third phase (searching for themes) and fourth phase (reviewing potential themes), I categorized eleven themes including being real, being empowered, being fashionable, being humorous and fun, being faithful (as shown in Figure 4.2), being righteous, being grateful, being patient, being agents of knowledge, being generous, being modest fashion icons. The fifth phase served to identify those eleven themes into three key/critical themes namely: being authentic (chapter 5); being pious (chapter 6); and being community activists (chapter 7). These three critical themes explained how the hijabers in this present study engage with the visual affordances of Instagram to construct and present modern Muslim self.

Figure 3.2 - Example of thematic analysis process 76

Iconographical Analysis Iconographical analysis was used to explore the Instagram images posted by the participants of this study. Panofsky (1955) provided three steps of iconographical analysis: Pre- iconographical description, is merely an explanation of what is in the picture. The second step, iconographical analysis, denotes not only the specific people or items signified in the image, but also the ideas, or the secondary or conventional subject matter attached to it. The third step, iconological analysis, is locating intrinsic values and interpreting meanings of the images.

The term iconology and iconography are different according to Panofsky (1982) who said that “Iconography's suffix ‘graphy’ is derived from Greek ‘graphein,’ meaning to write, and as such is descriptive method aimed at an objective and neutral description and classification of depicted motifs. Iconology, on the other hand, relates etymologically to the more encompassing concept of logos” (cited in Müller, 2011, p. 285). Müller (2011) later emphasized Iconography to be a “method of determining meaning in an image, or a qualitative method of visual content analysis and interpretation, influenced by cultural traditions and guided by research interests originating both in the humanities and social sciences” (p. 285). Iconographical also could be approached by identifying what is in the image by looking at the title, referring to personal experience, doing background research, considering intertextuality, or reading the image’s verbal description (Leeuwen, 2004). This study applied iconographical analysis not iconological because visual data was not the primary data collected from this study, thus the images were supporting data. Iconography in this research is concerned with categorizing visual motifs then giving that visual object a certain meaning.

Iconography was first used in many historical and art studies related to woman, for instance the exploration of black and white women’s sexuality in late 19th-century art (Sander, 1985). Besides its applicability in historical and art studies, iconography has also started to be used in the media and cultural studies (Leeuwen, 2004). These examples mean iconography is applicable to analyse the meaning of Instagram images of the hijabers in this studyand in particular the symbolism of veiling practices on the media. Saktanber (2006) argued how the iconography of head-covered Mona Lisa on the cover of Time Europe magazine, February 28, 2005, headlined “Europe’s Identity Crisis” symbolized the fear of Europeans with the growing Muslim population in Europe. Adding to that discussion is Kiliçbay and Binark (2002) who argued the religious iconography of the veiling practice in advertising, Islamic fashion 77 magazines, and fashion cataloguess in Turkey have shown veiling as a sign of devotion and political Islam.

Based on those previous studies and the hijab as an identity icon for Muslim women, I used an iconographical analysis to explore participant Instagram images as visual data and arranged in key themes that resulted from the thematic analysis. Analysis of these Instagram images included questioning what is being shown, what is the ideas behind the image, what is the social, political, and cultural context pointed by the image. The following paragraphs illustrate the examples of how iconographical analysis was conducted in this research. I chose three examples for representing this study’s three sub research questions.

Example 1 of iconographical analysis Sub RQ 1: How do the Indonesian hijabers present their selfies on Instagram?

Figure 3.3. Selfie

What is being shown: A selfie of a young woman and a caption. She wears a turquoise hijab, a pair of earrings without showing her ears, a brochette blouse, and a wristwatch while her hand supports her chin. She uses natural makeup. Her smile shows her lovely dimple. What is the ideas behind the image: She looks at the camera confidently and display her stylish appearances. What is the social, political, and cultural context pointed by the image: This photo displays her happiness and self-confidence. In the caption, she writes “Fall in love with yourself first. Love yourself enough so when someone treats you wrong, you notice”. Besides her interesting posting, she is also using noteworthy hashtags #makeup #adalah #topeng which means #makeup #is just a #masquerade.” These words indicate she is not only posting regular selfies, but she tries to motivate her audiences to love themselves in order to respect themselves and to gain respect from others. In other words, this young woman represents herself on Instagram as a young woman who not only has strong confidence but also appreciates herself. This self-

78 appreciation is essential to building a constructive self-concept and to achieve agency. this photo opposes the cynical thought about selfies as merely a narcissistic picture without aims, as well as the hijabers as a fashionista. By inserting a meaningful caption, this selfie provides insight into the representation of the hijab-wearing woman in Indonesia.

Example 2 of iconographical analysis Sub RQ 2: How do the Indonesian hijabers present their religious identity on Instagram?

Figure 3.4. Allah is Watching You

What is being shown: A picture with the caption. What is the idea behind the image: A CCTV camera pointed at the Arabic word for Allah (the Arabic word for ‘God’ in Abrahamic religions) and the words ‘is watching you.’ What is the social, political, and cultural context pointed by the image: The caption notes “Muraqabah is applying the consciousness of Allah always sees and watches ourselves in every condition. Allah always knows what we feel, say, and do”. A CCTV camera is a technological monitoring system to observe every movement. Relating to the caption, it means, Allah has a magnificent system to watch every movement in the world more than an actual CCTV camera can observe. Every aspect of the world, without exception, will be known by Allah. This participant uses this meaningful message to remind others through her posts. Through this image, she also tries to express her religiosity.

Example 3 of iconographical analysis Sub RQ 3: How do the Indonesian hijabers present their collective identity on Instagram?

Figure 3.5. A Photo Group of Hijabers Community Official

What is being shown: A group photo. What is the ideas of the image: twenty-one young women in colorful hijab and well-dressed. Their postures and positions reflect a group of elegant women who know their capability and their silky and glossy dress could be perceived as the symbol of classiness. This photo is pleasing to the eye not only because they were wearing colourful outfits but also because they were smiling joyfully and presenting self-confidence that important to spread the messages of women’s agency. What is the social, political, and cultural context pointed by the image: The intention to post this group photo is not to focus on the picture, but to place an emphasis on the caption “We are the living proof of ‘Hijab never limits you.’ So be proud of your hijab and boost up positive vibe!” As the first and the most prominent hijab community in Indonesia, the Hijabers Community (HC) has promoted the use of the hijab. Their efforts to promote the hijab is referred to as hijabisation (refer chapter 6) Through this photo, HC wants to give their followers evidence that a ‘hijab never limits you’ which means that by wearing the hijab a girl or woman can be anything she wants and can achieve her dreams. They also want to expose their collective identity as hijab-wearing women who are proud of their hijab and their community. Their action in the hijabisation, broadly expanded through Instagram, is to boost the meaning of hijab in Muslim minority countries, like the USA or Muslim-majority countries, like Indonesia.

The implementation of iconographical analysis in participant Instagram images in chapter 4, 5, and 6 follows the format of those examples. These analyses of textual narratives and images aim to look at how expansively the hijabers reproduce a discourse about the representation of the modern Muslim self. It is essential to look for meaning in what the hijabers try to convey in Instagram, and to understand how Indonesian hijabers engage with the visual affordances of Instagram to reframe the nexus of piety and modernity.

3.5 The Researcher’s Role The researcher in a qualitative study has a significant role as the primary data collection instrument that required she/he to state her/his personal values, assumptions, and biases at the outside of the study (Creswell, 2014). I was drawn to the hijabers because I liked their fashion style. Then, I commenced this study with the perspective that the hijabers are fashionistas middle-class young women who are stigmatised as immodest due to their appearances. However, in contrast, I found that the hijabers were also active in religious activities and organised important events (such as charity, social campaign) through their communities. Over time and unexpexted I began to understand their strong religiosity as a guide to their social media use

In addition, my perceptions of the hijabers have been shaped by my personal values as a hijab- wearing woman and a moderate Muslim. My values have set my role in this research as an insider. As an insider, I benefited not only in gaining trust and access to build interaction with my participants but also in understanding my participants’ cultures and experiences in using Instagram as described by Maynard (1989): In doing ethnography, researchers attempt to draw a picture of what some phenomenon ‘looks like’ from an insider’s account of the phenomenon and for some audience who wants to know about it. The ethnographer, in general, is in the business of describing culture from the members’ point of view (p. 130, cited in Mason, 2002).

My understanding of the context and participants’ cultural backgrounds created a strong reflexivity which Spencer (2001) explained as: “A strong reflexivity …recognises that the ethnographer and his or her language are inevitably a part of the phenomenon that is being investigated…Linked to this reflexivity is a sense of responsibility for the consequences of a particular way of representing the words and practices of other people; in this case a responsibility to recognise complexity and difference, rather than hide them beneath a veil of homogeneity and generalization… This sense of responsibility can be a source of liberation, rather than simply an unwelcome burden; it is now possible to write extraordinary rich, and even sometimes extraordinary readable, ethnographies which are quite open about their limitations and partiality, and which manage to acknowledge the complexity of the world, and thus the difficulty of rendering it through words on page, without sacrificing coherence or clarity” (p. 450).

However, due to strong reflexivity, I could bring some biases to this study such as difficulties to step out of the research setting and to interrogate the data critically. These biases may shape

81 the way I view and understand the data I collected, and the way I interpreted it. Nevertheless, after acknowledging my personal experiences on my topic choice and sampling location, I did everything I could to be aware of my potential biases as an ‘insider’ and to ensure my objectivity including applied multiple strategies of validation and reliability which will be explained in the next sub-chapter.

3.6 Validity, Reliability, and Generalisation The necessity to include and to evaluate validity and reliability in a qualitive research is still arguable (Mason, 2002; Gibbs, 2007). Mason (2002) proposes two ways of validity, validity of methods and validity of interpretation, that “must be demonstrated through a careful retracting and reconstruction of the route by which you think you reached them, and there are no easy answers or shortcuts in this process” (Mason, 2002, p. 194). Meanwhile, Gibbs (2007) defines qualitative validity as the process of how a researcher checks for the accuracy of the findings by employing certain procedures, while qualitative reliability indicates that the researcher’s approach is consistent across different researchers and different projects.

Creswell (2014) has elaborated several categories of validity and reliability based on Mason (2002) ad Gibbs (2007). Referring to Creswell (2014, p. 201-203), this research combined multiple strategies of validity such as: 1. Triangulation of data – data collected through multiple sources. The data in this researach is collected through several methods including interviews, participant-observations, and Instagram analysis. 2. Used member checking to determine the accuracy of the interview results by explaining the summary of the interview to my participants. All my participants stated that the summary of the interviews were acurate with their statements. 3. Used a rich, thick description to convey the findings. The rich and thick description of this resaerch’s findings could be found in the Chapter 4 - 6. 4. Clarified the bias the researcher brings to the study, that I already explained in previous sub-chapter of ‘The Researcher’s Role’. 5. Presented negative or discrepant information that runs counter to the themes. Some contradictory findings are discussed in Chapter 4-7. For example, I argued that the beauty pageants organised by several hijab communities as the objectification of women’s body. 6. Spent prolonged time in the field. This research used digital ethnography approach that allowed me to stay in the online field to observe my participants’ Instagram accounts. 82

7. Used peer debriefing to enhance the accuracy of the account. This research has been presenting in front of peer group several times. 8. Used an external auditor to review the entire project. Several examiners have been reviewed this Ph.D. thesis

Meanwhile, this research followed Gibbs’s (2007, p. 10-12 of chapter 7) qualitative reliability procedures (p. 203) which consist of: 1. Listened to the interview recordings more than one time and checked the transcripts to make sure that they do not contain obvious mistakes made during transcription process. 2. Compared data with the codes and wrote memos about the codes. These attempts aimed to make sure that there was not a drift in the definition of codes or a shift in the meaning of the codes during the process of coding. I compared data with the codes and wrote memos about the codes.

Additionally, theoretical generalisation in qualitative research is more constructive than empirical generalisation (Mason, 2002). Moreover, Greene and Caracelli (1997) argued the importance of particularity rather than generalisability in determining the quality of qualitative research (cited in Creswell, 2014). Therefore, this research allow for, which are reflected in the reported results and conclusions. My findings of how the hijabers presented their front stage on Instagram by managing it on the back stage could be generalised as part of their dramaturgy strategy as claimed by Goffman (1959). However, managing the front stage not always refers to presenting inauthenticity.

CHAPTER 4: BEING AUTHENTIC SELVES

Figure. 4.1 Way-finding diagram of chapters

4.1 Introduction Similar to their Western counterparts, the hijabers in this present study also use Instagram to express themselves. Although according to more conservative groups, a Muslim woman is forbidden to overexpose their faces both in the offline and online public sphere, inevitably Instagram has offered an opportunity and access for the hijabers in Indonesia to represent themselves. They took close-up, half or full body photographs of themselves in the form of selfies and OOTD (Outfit of The Day) then shared it on Instagram. They undeniably have engaged with the globalised selfies’ cultures.

Interestingly, not all participants in this study firmly adhere to the selfies culture and allow the exploitation of their faces on Instagram. As Ghina described in the interview session, “It is not suggested to post selfies because it overexposed the face” (personal communication on 20 November 2016). Similarly, Addina who started to reduce posting selfies since she often came to pengajian (Islamic studying) said: “Sometimes I was feeling guilty after I posted my selfies, then I decided to delete the post and put #apologizeformymistake… I realised selfies could cause adultery for men’s eyes” (personal communication on 20 October 2016). While Tami also explained, “I started to use photographs that not give arisen to lust” (personal communication on 5 October 2016). Addina and Tami both expressed their concern regarding how other people will perceive their selfies in sexual or sensual ways.

However, they did not wholly reject the culture of taking and sharing photographs on Instagram; they only altered their photos. For example, Ghina still posted OOTD, mostly without including her image. Addina aimed her selfie postings at women only audience and locked her social media accounts describing, “I am feeling discomfort when I got comments and loves in Instagram from men then I intended my postings for women audiences and locked most of my social media accounts” (personal communication on 20 November 2016). She also chose to share her selfies with just her close Instagram friends. Moreover, Tami decided to make her account private, so she could control to whom she shared her postings. This control raises the question why these hijabers are still compelled to use Instagram to share their selfies, when they feel constrained by certain cultural or religious norms? What affordances does Instagram provide them? What does sharing their images through Instagram mean to them?

Reflecting on those questions makes it important to investigate further how these hijabers participate in the culture of taking and sharing self-portraits and to understand their self- 85 presentation on Instagram. These hijabers’ images are predominantly complemented with thoughtful narratives, rather than just short captions such as, ‘today selfies’ or ‘stylish #OOTD.’ The texts and captions the hijabers included in their Instagram posts have augmented the meaning or purpose of their photographs. Therefore, this chapter explores their narratives from the interview transcripts and the photograph captions to address this study’s first sub research question: “How do the Indonesian hijabers present their selfies on Instagram?”

Through qualitative thematic and visual analysis, I respond to this question. I identified four themes of how the hijabers represent themselves on Instagram including being real, being empowered, being fashionable, and being humorous and fun. ‘Being real’ is the predominant theme because the majority of participants in this study stated their willingness and effort to be the same individual both in the offline and online world. Meanwhile ‘being empowered’ resonates with ‘being authentic’ because these hijabers cannot empower themselves without knowing who they are and be true to themselves. ‘Being fashionable’ describes how these hijabers participate in sharing their stylish daily outfit. Lastly, ‘being humorous and fun’ explores how these hijabers express their comical personalities. These themes reveal the visibility of the hijabers in the digital public sphere and display their determination to represent themselves which in Figure 4.2 notes as ‘Being Me on Instagram.’

Being Being Empowered Fashionable

Being BEING Being Real AUTHENTIC Humorous and Fun

Figure 4.2 - Being authentic

4.2 Being Real Through the analysis of interviews, Instagram postings, and participant-observations, I found that ‘being the real me’ was the predominant rationale for taking and sharing ‘selfies.’ Majority of participants were very conscious of their leadership role within their community and were

86 aware that many young Muslim women viewed them as role models. For example, the participants tend to be community leaders who have over thousands of followers who are predominantly young Indonesian women. Thus, they made conscious choices to share their real selves; whether this was photographs without makeup, with chubby cheeks, with curvier and heavier bodies, or simply sharing the day-to-day realities of their lives. For example, Ifa said, “There is no intention to build a fake image in my social media posting” (personal communication on 7 October 2016). She snapped a black and white picture of herself at a photography exhibition, acted a surprise face above a photograph of a boy jumping into the river with her mouth forming an O letter with her two arms held above her head and later commented that she had tripped and fallen over. As a model, news presenter in a government TV station, and finalist of a Muslim women (Muslimah) beauty pageant 2014 (Finalis Putri Muslimah 2014), Ifa performs as she is. This authentic reflection resonates with followers and differentiates how these hijabers use Instagram.

Figure 4.3 - Selfies after being an MC

In some respects, this honest sharing of lives is a conscious juxtaposition against the idealised images that dominate mainstream media, including Instagram. In the interviews, these hijabers described their disappointment, anger and general tiredness with the fake images of celebrities, politicians, and social media influencers on Instagram. For example, Ghaida explained how she was sick of people creating false self-images to sell products or visions of idealised, unobtainable lives and standards of unrealistic (often Western) beauty. In response, therefore, she was purposely and conspicuously living and sharing her authentic life on Instagram. As well as expressing her true self, as a public figure (fashion designer, daughter of well-known

Islamic leader with 406,000 followers on Instagram) she felt an obligation to share her self- development journey with her followers honestly. As she explained in the interview, “I just want to be who I am…(and) of course I have to continue to improve myself to be a better person” (personal communication on 6 October 2016). It is this focus on improvement, and the sharing of this journey, that is inspirational and quite exceptional on Instagram. For example, Atika laughingly described how a follower negatively commented on her ‘weird dancing’ after she posted a video; Atika just answered, “It is ok, ‘this is me’ … I am enjoying using social media to express the truly who I am” (personal communication on 20 October 2016).

Similar with Ghaida, Fitri who is also a public figure who owns several national fashion brands realised she has brands to manage, but she chose to post a real version of herself. In her view, “Pencitraan (planned self-images) or image setting is really exhausting” (personal communication on 17 November 2016). As she admitted, rather than posting a forced image, she preferred to set an ‘alarm’ for herself in selecting what she can and cannot post. This is her way to be alert, to avoid being fake, that not only wastes her valuable time and energy but could also causes negative perceptions. In a similar line, Udhe noted that she was not a famous person, not a president nor an actress who needs to build pencitraan. As an ordinary person, she believed “Good people do not need to declare ‘I am good’!” (personal communication on 20 November 2016). In other words, she just let her followers compare what she was posting with what she was doing, and then judge it consistently.

Pencitraan is a term that is usually used to accuse politicians who propagate their exaggerated programs to gain voters but then ignore the programs after elected. As most Indonesian politicians have negative self-images, pencitraan has a negative connotation in Indonesia because this term is used to point out counterfeit behaviour that exposes insincere attitudes, especially in social media. Related to the hijabers in this present study, they negate in creating pencitraan because it is impractical, and it is in contrary with their self-consciousness to show their authenticity, just as most of participants strictly stated: “I just want to be who I am both in the offline and online world, and I do not have intention to build pencitraan (planned self- image).”

Though some participants said, “It is important to keep the good image” , their statements did not indicate pencitraan. According to them ‘a good image’ meant posting proper photographs 88 that did not lead to the humiliation or the possibility of damaging their family’s reputation because many of their extended family members also follow their accounts. It is common in Indonesia’s culture to know each other activities through social media updates. As Melisha stated, “Now I am not posting too often because my husband’s family, such as my husband’s uncle, have started to follow my account” (personal communication on 21 October 2016). Moreover, Ayu explained that since she was married and had a baby, she had become more cautious with her postings. She said, “when I was still single, I used to post and repost emotionally everything that I want, but now I have a family to consider what the impact of my postings on them” (personal communication on 17 November 2016).

My participants described the importance of being authentic and ensuring that their online persona matched who they truly were. Therefore, they do not follow the Western concept of ‘free to be me’ culture which is based on the freedom to express everything liberally and explicitly. The interpretation of ‘being authentic’ here does not indicate they disregard for their Eastern culture and Islamic norms. By avoiding the posting of fake images, these hijabers do not overlook their system of social values. In contrast, it is very likely that they reflect their Muslim women identity on Instagram.

The authenticity of these hijabers could also be seen in how they built their own concept of beauty and body image. For instance, Addina who likes to groom and experiment with makeup also encouraged her followers to blush their inner beauty without makeup. She also explained, “I do not mind posting photos of my face without any makeup on it because I want to inspire that it is ok to show yourself without make-up” (personal communication on 22 October 2016). She collaged two photos into one frame with one photo on the left showing her face in full makeup and the other on the right showing her face without makeup (see Figure 4.4). In the caption, she wrote, “Voila...the power of makeup. However, if I have to choose the one that I like; I prefer to appear as natural as possible. That is why even though I like to experiment with makeup, but I prefer no makeup in daily life.”

Her statement and posting revealed her preferences to have a natural appearance that highlighted her honesty, without any enhancement from the effect of makeup. She preferred to appear as it is when many other young women curated their images using an application such as Photo Editor, InstaBeauty, Beauty Camera and so on. Indeed, these applications could digitally make over appearances starting from removing acne, pimples, whitening the skin and 89 teeth, improving the eyes, nose, lip shape and colour until thinning the cheek and heightening the cheekbone. While Western-based companies create most of these apps, it is not a surprise if the beauty standard they apply is very Westernized. Many non-Western women have used these apps and applied these Western beauty standards that contrast with their unique real beauty. For example, people from Indonesia tend to have natural looks that are indicated by a broad nose, black or brown eyes with light brown skin tones, but many Indonesian women, young and adult, tend to obsess with the Westerners’ characteristic of a sharp nose, blue eyes, and white skin. Certainly, these beautify apps could be used to easily arrange their desired appearances and contribute to propagating the Western beauty standard. It is acceptable if a woman wants to look beautiful, but it is improper in Indonesian norms and cultures when she becomes obsessed with the beauty of Westerners that contrast with her nature and identity. By posting a ‘no makeup face’, it is very likely that Addina keeps her authentic self and identity.

Figure 4.4 - Prefer no makeup

While other women obsess with slim and skinny body shapes and trying to hide unproportional shapes of their body, in contrast, Wanda posted her chubby cheeks (see Figure 4.5) and Shafira (see Figure 4.6) showed her weight gain. Wanda seemed proud of her cheeks saying “Chubby cheek already to be seen! Indonesian foods treat me well.” She was also using hashtags such as #gainweight #chubby #selfie #reflectionselfie #sunnies #glasses #shades. Her post is in line with her statement, “I post to express not to impress, I do not expect how much like I will get from my posting” (personal communication on 30 October 2016).

Figure 4.5 - Proud of chubby cheeks

Meanwhile, in the interview session, Shafira admitted that she liked eating and then posting the foods and sharing her honest experiences about the foods and the places where she has eaten. In one of her posts, she just put numbers and an arrow “50kg→56kg”, adding the three emoticons of ‘cold sweat face’ that could be interpreted as an anxious face, without any words. Her picture shows her as being fine with her increasing body weight by smiling and not showing frustration. Instead of looking stressed about her weight gain, she poses like a model on a runway. Her face focuses on the camera; her hand reveals her pink outer shirt to show her blue pants while her knees are slightly bent forward. This posting got 100 ‘likes’.

Figure 4.6 - Don’t worry about weight gain

Being honest with body weight is hardly revealed by most of women both in the offline or online world and in some cultures, it could be considered impolite behaviour to ask someone about their body weight. However, both Wanda and Shafira seem happy to disclose their body image. They accept their body sizes, are proud of it, and then publicly share it on Instagram. Self-acceptance is an essential stage of being authentic.

4.3 Being Empowered The majority of hijabers postings signify how they were being empowered. Empowered here means how they appreciate themselves and have the power to love and believe in themselves. They also help spread messages regarding how women have to value themselves, to know what they want and to recognise their identity. Through their Instagram postings, these hijabers indicated the importance of recognising themselves in order to achieve self-belief as the basis of being empowered. By taking on their own power, these hijabers could become role models who encourage their followers to build self-esteem and so create a ripple effect when these positive vibes of self-belief are transmitted from one woman to another. Thus, their empowered selves could amplify their presentation as young Muslim women who embrace the digital public sphere of Instagram for essential purposes.

For instance, Wanda described her full makeup portrait as a masquerade and concealment to highlight her view on the importance of self-worth rather than outer beauty by writing “Fall in love with yourself first. Love yourself enough so when someone treats you wrong, you notice” (see Figure 4.7). Wanda used Instagram as a platform to express not to impress; then her post indicates her consideration to motivate her followers to love themselves in order to respect themselves and to gain respect from others.

Figure 4.7 - Fall in love with yourself

Sarah also explained self-love and being comfortable with ourselves is crucial to achieving self-confidence. As she stated in the interview, “Feeling comfortable about ourselves will raise our self-confident.” In her posting she wrote, “Love yourself, accept yourself. Forgive yourself and be good to yourself.” She confidently stands up in front of a large majestic door, probably a mosque door. Her full body portrait shows her red medium size hijab, a black and white striped blouse, and an A-line skirt (see Figure 4.8). Her post indicates a power to appreciate herself in order to love herself.

Figure 4.8 - Love yourself Similarly, as a public figure who is involved in several organisations as well as the chairwoman of Hijabers Community, Syifa likes to push herself to the limit because she believes she could achieve whatever she wants as long as she strives for it. She posted a mirror flip selfies’ technique with two different portraits. The left portrait showed her close smile, and the right portrait showed her wider smile. She stands in front of an art painting, wearing a white medium sized hijab and a blue blouse and applies a natural makeup colour to her face. She posted a self- belief word by quoting the lyric of Mary J Blige’s song, Just Fine (see Figure 4.9), “Feels so good when you are doing all the things that you want to do. Get the best out of life, treat yourself to something new. Keep your head up high in yourself, believe in you, believe in me.” This lyric expressed her aspiration to do what she loves and to love what she does and reflects her willingness to persuade her Instagram followers to advance their self-esteem.

Figure 4.9 - Believe in yourself

Being empowered is also reflected in how the participants viewed their hijab. As the hijab is part of these hijabers’ identity, then it has been embedded in their persona. Furthermore, all participants choose to wear the hijab as their own desire. In other words, the decision to wear hijab as part of their empowerment. For instance, in the interview session, Sarah said: “If a woman is wearing hijab because she likes it, eventually it will flourish her inner beauty and confidence” (personal communication on 18 October 2018). Meanwhile, Maya who has only been wearing the hijab for a year is always convinced shef will wear it. She said: The intention of wearing the hijab should not be because someone orders it or not because we want to be famous, but it has to be a calling from our heart... Hijab is not a trend or a fashion model, the hijab is protection, and for me hijab is cool (personal communication on 10 November 2016). In Figure 4.10, she is drinking a cup of tea, standing in front of a retro kitchen board and wearing a black hijab, black vest and black and white striped long sleeves. In the caption, she wrote: “Hijab is not only talking about an obligation. Hijab identified who you are and what your call is.” This caption amplified her statement and emphasised how she is being empowered by wearing the hijab and spreading it through Instagram.

Figure 4.10 - Hijab identifies who you are 94

4.4 Being Fashionable Besides being an authentic and empowered self, the hijabers in this present study also displayed their visibility in public as fashionable selves through hashtags OOTD (Outfit of The Day). While most participants posted OOTD, they also admitted that their OOTD is not merely just about a fashion showcase and preferred to show their visibility as inspiring selves through #OOTD. That is, their postings do not look like a fashion catalogue which merely describes what they wear and the brand or price of their outfit. By writing the narratives within their OOTD, the hijabers tried to not only share fashion statements but also to highlight their self- presentation as inspirational young women rather than as fashionistas. Their inspiring images and captions could encourage their followers and motivate more women.

For instance, Ghaida who owns a fashion brand sometimes has to post OOTD for sponsors. However, she wants to give more value other than just talking about ‘fashion’ within her posts and said, I prefer to post useful and valuable updates rather than just fashion because I realise social media has supported the creation of self-images of Muslimah (a term for Muslim women). Social media influencers also have generated new visual presentations of a hijab-wearing woman; then I want to find a new strategy to make my accounts have more significant influences rather than as fashion catalogues (personal communication on 6 October 2018).

In Figure 4.11 below, Ghaida sits in a pink chair and wears a soft-coloured outfit, including soft purple hijab dangled into below her shoulder and chest, a soft pink blouse, and a white cross-body bag. Her two palms are placed on her cheek with her head tilted around 15 degrees to the left, and her eyes are cast down. In her caption, she wrote: “Stay focus and be thankful, all is well in sha Allah.” She also mentioned her brand, GDAS. Even though her post is part of the promotion material of her brand, her caption indicates calm and positive vibes. These vibes seemed to fascinate her followers and reached 1,729 likes. Her photograph and caption accentuate her simple outfit and her beauty charm in natural way.

Figure 4.11 - Stay focus and be thankful

In Figure 4.11 below, Syifa applied a photo editor application software to create a flip mirror or double image of her half body portrait. She looks modest yet glamorous by wearing a satin gold colour hijab that is tied like a ribbon under her chin and a dark brown cloak with a skin coloured tone inner sleeves. She faced the camera and showed a pretty smile. She explained in her caption that this portrait was a photo shoot for Noor magazine. She also wrote a caption: “Count your blessings, be grateful and give more.” She mentioned one Indonesian hijab brand and put #hijab #hijabchic #hijabers #hijabi #hijabfashion #ootd #hotd #muslima #modest. Her photograph indicates her principles in wearing hijab: I consider three aspects of hijab-wearing: ethics, norm, and aesthetic. Ethics mean we have to follow proper standards for modest dress. Norm is the appropriateness of the dress with the situation. The aesthetic is how our appearances are pleasing in the eyes but not over accessorised” (personal communication on 18 November 2016). Indeed, she follows a proper ethic of veiling practices in Indonesia, which is covered the hair and the neck. She wears this glossy hijab in order to take a photo shoot for a magazine, then she follows her second principle of norm. Meanwhile in the term of aesthetic, her double mirror selfie is signified her beauty and simplicity.

Figure 4.12 - Count your blessings

Similar to Ghaida, Fitri is a famous hijab fashion designer. She hoped her posts could become the inspiration for her followers. She stated, “I have a fashion brand, so my posting including OOTD should aim to inspire (not just fashion showcase)” (personal communication on 17 November 2016). In figure 4.13 below, she wrote an English caption: “Dare to wear bright colour? Confidence makes you look stunning!” Indeed, she looks stunning with a long brown hijab, cream-coloured hat, long sleeves and skirt combined with the white-flowered yellow outer shirt. She took the photo probably on a jetty while travelling. Her right index finger and middle finger clasp the edge of her hat, and her left arm is placed on the hip and elbow turned outward. The position of her head is tilted around 20 degrees to the right with her eyes staring at the camera. The wind blows her outer shirt and skirt and dramatises her appearance like a photograph for a cover of a fashion magazine. From the hashtags she used, this portrait is also a promotional tool for her brand, Kivitz, but her caption has given it a more meaningful message. She highlights the importance of being confident to become remarkable person. Therefore, her #OOTD is not only a showcase of her brand but also a conveyer of messages. Her posting gained 724 likes from her followers.

Figure 4.13 - Confidence makes you look stunning

Another example of a cover girl look alike photograph was shown by Ghina and Lera. Ghina took a picture in a retro coffee shop and described her style of a simple black abaya with a stylish satin vest tied loosely around her waist as an informal look. Her style as a young middle- class woman was also accentuated by a satchel handbag. She adds a text watermark of her account name ‘ghinaafaa’ in the right edge of her vest to sign her style and to inform her identity because she did not show her face. She also put many hashtags such as #muslimahapparelthings #hijabstyle_lookbook #stylingtips #hijab_fashioninspiration to stress her intention in giving inspirational style. Moreover, the use of #modestwear #modestyisgorgeous #hijabiselegant could be interpreted as her passion for promoting a modest style. Her fashionable yet straightforward style successfully gained 551 likes from her followers.

As Ghina said, she prefers to post OOTD than selfies. She said: “If I posted OOTD, at least my followers can take the fashion’s ideas from my posting” (personal communication on 20 November 2016). As shown in Figure 4.14, it seems she wants to inspire her followers through her OOTD because she believes it is more useful to emphasis her outfits than to focus on her face. In order to reduce exposing her face, she posted #OOTD by capturing her outfit only from her shoulder to feet.

Figure 4.14 - Fashion Ideas

As with Ghina, Lera also admitted in the interview session that she is not courageous to post selfies, “I am rarely posting selfies, just posting OOTD because I do not have the guts… because I am worried too be seen as an over stylish girl” (personal communication on 23 October 2016). For example, in Figure 4.15 below, she posted a photograph with an ice cream theme.

Figure 4.15 - Ice cream themed outfit

Lera’s portrait is focusing on her outfit and style rather than her face and displaying her creativity in dressing herself and composing her photograph. She utilises a colourful patterned wall as a background to lean on. She wears a similar tone pink hijab and long cardigan combined with a black shirt with ice cream pictures and white spotted black pants. Her cross- body brown bag also has an ice cream-shaped handle. Her pose resembles a catalogue model or a magazine cover girl with her left thumb and index finger gently holding her black hat while her right-hand grabs an ice cream. Her face tilts around 15 degrees to the right with her eyes

99 looking far away from the camera lens, and her mouth looks like she is enjoying her ice cream. Therefore, Lera presents a cosmopolitan chic style which indicates herself as artistic, creative and inspirational hijabers.

4.5 Being Humorous and Fun Although only a handful of the hijabers described explicitly engaging in humorous posts like applying slang words, parody abbreviations, mimicking famous jargon and having fun by replicating ‘duck face’ and mirror selfies on Instagram, it is interesting to observe their unique Indonesian irreverence. The two Instagram posts below highlight this unique humour that uses slang words; first, Melisha made fun of her baby’s thigh which is in a similar shape as a loaf of bread, Figure 4.16. She also refers to her pregnancy weight in Figure 4.16 with the funny hashtag #prayfordugonk, using a slang word ‘dugonk’ instead of ‘dugong’ (the marine mammal). This underlines her pleasant personality. To better understand her intention, I point out that it is familiar in Indonesia to change the last English word with similar phonemes, such as ‘thanks’ to ‘thanx.’

Figure 4.16 - Thigh vs. Bread

These examples illustrate how, the hijabers in this present study, draw on local norms and cultural references to highlight how wearing a hijab does not mean living a humourless life or not having fun. In fact, in the interviews, they described how expressing their unique and comical personalities online and visually was a way they could portray how to live as a Muslim woman. This intentional use of Instagram was not without its critics, with Melisha describing how sometimes she is mocked by her friends on Instagram due to her funny captions. She took the first shot regarding living life on her terms, comparing her baby’s thigh to a loaf of bread,

100 or in other posts, describing herself as a whale. She admitted, “My captions sometimes make people want to ‘bully’ me (laughing)” (personal communication on 21 October 2016). In Figure 4.16, she posted a caption “Sari Rotiii.Roti Sari Roti (imitating a salesperson of a bread brand called Sari Roti). I am sorry kid…my mistake.” Sari Roti is a large bread company in Indonesia whose salespeople usually ride a cart along housing blocks and call the brand through a loudspeaker.

In another post Figure 4.17, Melisha combined a stylish studio photograph with a funny hashtag #prayfordugonk to make fun of the change of her body. She wears an outfit of a cream hat, black hijab, and bright yellow turtle-neck withlong sleeves for a particular maternity photo shoot in a studio. Her face is groomed with full makeup with a big smile exposing her high cheekbone that blushes her happiness. While her hat highlights her black hijab, which looks like hair placed on her left body, it is probably placed to conceal her body curves. With one hand on her waist and the other on her baby bump, her pose seems beautiful. She seems to enjoy her pregnancy and is not worried about being thought of as a silly woman. Her narratives could encourage her followers to be happy with their body whatever its size and shape.

Figure 4.17 - #prayfordugonk

As well as engaging with slang and contemporary culture, these fun images push boundaries about expected behaviours. Aez, who is an extrovert and usually talks frankly, designated Instagram as “a memory keeper and visual documentary of my life” (personal communication on 20 November 2016). This photo, Figure 4.18, was taken when she went snorkelling in Bali. Aez also uses the slang word Dayum for damn to express her amazement while snorkelling

101 with her hijab. She tried to look at the camera and enjoy being surrounded by corals and little fish. She wrote “The world so dayum amazing, how can u spend ur whole life just stay in one place? Hope a new story in jejaklangkahaez.blogspot.com can make your feet itchy.” Meanwhile, ‘itchy’ means encouraging her followers to explore the beauty of nature. She enjoyed herself by travelling and then sharing her experiences on her blogs. She still wears a full covered swimming cap, and a long armed swimming wear while she takes underwater selfies. It means hijab-wearing women still could do various kinds of physical activities including water-related ones. Aez demonstrates through her post that wearing the hijab is not a reason to become an inactive person. Also, she inspires her followers to express themselves through various platform like she did through her blog.

Figure 4.18 - The world so dayum amazing!

In Indonesia, slang words are usually used in informal conversation with close friends or family. The use of slang words in these Instagram posts indicate how these hijabers build intimacy with their followers. They also use Instagram not only as a platform to capture their daily activities or personal stories such as a pregnancy, baby’s shape, travel and activities, but also to express these events with their unique style of humour.

Besides using slang, these hijabers also used a parody abbreviation and mimicked an anime figure’s jargon by posing a ‘duck face’ selfie (Figure 4.19) to engage with global trends. As Muslim women, they also consume and take part in popular culture, other than Islamic popular culture, and share it on Instagram. For example, Wanda makes a funny body shape to mock how she catches public transport. In the interview session, she stated: “I am expressing not impressing” (personal communication on 30 October 2016). In Figure 4.19, she wears a blue-

102 themed outfit starting from a blue hijab, a blue and white striped shirt, blue vest, denim pants, and blue shoes. Her left arm swings forward, with her left foot is bent forward. She entitled her pose as ‘the style to stop the public transport.’ In her caption, she also described her parody abbreviation of OOTD which initially stands for Outfit of The Day into Ogah-ogah Tapi Dandan or ‘reluctantly grooming’. She meant to make herself into an anecdote of the OOTD trend that has become a trendy way to exhibit personal fashion statements.

Figure 4.19 - The style to stop public transport

Lera is a graphic designer who likes to post her own designs, using Instagram as her design portfolio. In Figure 4.20, she posted a caption “I want this I want that I want all” with a tilted photo of her face surrounded by pictures of pizza, cherries, doughnuts, burgers and ice creams. Her caption mimicked a famous Doraemon’s song from a Japanese anime series that has been aired since the 1990s. Doraemon is a round blue cat from the future who has a magic pocket on his belly that can give his owner everything he needs. The song from this anime is quite popular in Indonesia, especially the part that is captioned by Lera.

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Figure 4.20 - I want this and that

She is also posing a bit of a natural pout of a duck face with her hand supporting her chin. A duck face is a typical selfie pose with lips slightly pressed and pouted resembling a duck's beak to accentuate the cheekbones, and to look thinner or to attract attention. In contrast with the attempt to be alluring, Lera’s natural ‘duck face’ tends to express her hunger for food. She seems unashamed in showing her craving for food by using #huntingdeliciousfoods. Her creative way of curating the images and capturing popular culture reflects her adoption of globalised ideas.

Another interesting finding is that some of these hijabers express their apologies by posting a selfie with an exclamation of ‘pardon my selfie’ or ‘one selfie will not hurt.’ On the one hand, these hijabers follow a trend of selfie culture; on the other hand, they do not want to disrupt or displease their followers. Acknowledging that their postings could be perceived as a form of narcissism, they tend to use the captions to apologise about their selfies and demonstrate a sense of humility.

The two posts below are examples of how they emphasise ‘apologetic’ narratives within their selfies as part of their self-expression on Instagram. In Figure 4.2, Shafira posted four selfies photos in various styles taken in her office. In her selfies, she captioned “Pardon my office selfie” which means she apologies if her post interferes her followers’ time line. For her, Instagram is a public platform where she did not know all her followers. She then decided to use this platform to just have fun and not for attention seeking, admitting, “As it is open publicly, I tend to post something just for fun” (personal communication on 13 October 2016).

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Figure 4.21 - Pardon my office selfie

Syifa took a mirror selfie using a digital camera, see Figure 4.22. In the photo she has one hand on her chin, the other holding the camera while facing the mirror, and her eyes focused on the camera lens. She uses a red lipstick that contrasts her white hijab. Her appearance emphasises her bright personality. In that post, she mentioned captions, “Good morning. Ready for being an MC (Masters of Ceremony) on Indonesia Halal Lifestyle Expo Conference at Ciputra Artpreneur. Before it starts, one selfie hopefully won’t hurt ya.” It seems she wants to share her daily activity and hopes that taking one selfie to capture her activity as an MC in a prestigious event will not upset her followers.

Figure 4.22 - One selfie will not hurt

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4.6 Discussion The importance of performing and displaying authentic selves (rather than merely stylish selves) is a theme expanded on in this chapter, where I explored how these hijabers use Instagram for being real, empowered, fashionable, humorous and fun young Muslim women. In her study on Hijabers Community, Beta (2014) contends that the hijabers proffer a tame alternative to both the vulgar style of ‘jilbab gaul’ (trendy veil) and the “gloomy Arabic veils”; they flaunt “their ability to adjust to a level of colourfulness —the fun, safe Muslims—that requires respectable financial means and in turn accretes as cultural capital: an ability to be accepted as global and cosmopolitan” (Beta, 2014, p. 385). My thesis affirms this finding, but images portraying the hijabers’ selfies as a passive beauty are not typical in the corpus of posts I collected, and therefore extend the interpretation and representation of these hijabers as authentic selves. This thesis offers three main contributions in term of how the hijabers present their authenticity on Instagram that explain in the following sections.

Change the Understanding of Selfies This research finding challenges the mainstream understanding of how selfies are used. While some authors (e.g., Sung et al., 2016; Weiser, 2015; Moon et al., 2016) argued selfies are the product of narcissistic young Western women, Senft and Baym (2015) pointed out that the emerging body of scholarship on selﬁes should not always pathologise the practice as merely an act of narcissism. The extensive practices of taking and sharing digital self-portraits or selfies have modified and formed a new way to express and communicate.

The hijabers display their selfies as stylish images, while at the same time complement their photographs with narratives of self-consciousness and humility. These hijabers are consciously creating and sharing images of themselves living modern yet modest lives while wearing the hijab (a known symbol of their piety). The narratives within their selfies and OOTD (Outfit of The Day) expressed positive messages (e.g., self-acknowledgment, self-empowerment, and self-encouragement like those written by Fitri, “Dare to wear bright colour? Confidence makes you look stunning!” in Figure 4.13), rather than just using simple tags like #selfie or #OOTD. As they explained in their interviews, there was an aspiration to attach more meaningful messages to their selfies and OOTD, rather than just to present self-portraits with the caption #selfie or #OOTD that merely depict their appearances (“If I posted OOTD, at least my followers can take the fashion’s ideas from my posting”, Ghina, interview data, 2016). Therefore, my finding shows that the hijabers in this research valued being authentic selves 106 because they display self-portraits of their real everyday lives, and not only use their Instagram as a fashion catalogue.

Conversely, this research’s findings differ from a recent study of Muslim women’s self- presentation on social media, as studied by Kavakci and Kraeplin (2016). Kavakci and Kraeplin (2016) investigated the self-presentation of Kuwaiti, British, and American high-profile hijabistas and lifestyle bloggers on Instagram who were mostly shaped by Western norms then tended to emphasise their ‘fashionable body’ as their identity performance.

What distinguishes the Indonesian hijabers from those in Kavakci and Kraeplin’s (2016) study is these Indonesian hijabers interest in presenting not only as ‘beautiful’ but also empowered and independent young Muslim women. This self-presentation requires a particular kind of setting in a broader social world featuring performances of bodily and intellectual strength. Such strength is communicated in their Instagram posts in several ways. Some post images of themselves engaged in a vigorous physical activity like snorkelling; others include posts that show them to be intrepid travellers; and others still, that highlight their roles as equal partners in marriage.

A comparison of the screenshots of the Instagram account of Dina Tokio (@dinatokio) and Fitri Aulia (@fitriaulia) emphasise the differences in presenting selfies. Both of Dina Tokio and Fitri Aulia have enhanced the possibility to manage authenticity through self-branding as mentioned by Banet-Weiser (2012). Dina Tokio is a London-based Muslim fashion designer and fashion blogger, and one participant in Kavicki and Kraeplin’s (2016) study. Dina Tokio, who has 1.4 million followers, seems to employ her Instagram for displaying her styles and designs where her captions relate to descriptions of her outfits (Figure 4.23). As described by Kavakci and Kraeplin (2016), London-based Dina Tokio used her Instagram to present her ‘fashionable identity’ as a modest fashion trendsetter for Western countries. Although Dina Tokio promotes modest fashion, I sense that her images and captions tend to be business- driven, thus intentionally creating a particular self-image centred on business development.

Similar to Dina Tokio, Fitri Aulia, a participant in this study, is a public figure, fashion designer, and fashion blogger. She has 131000 followers and owns the brand KIVITZ with the slogan ‘Syar’i and Stylish’, which means dressing in a way that follows the Islamic sharia code but still is fashionable. Fitri’s images also display her products, but most of her images do not 107 show her face and instead focus on her designs (Figure 4.24), while also conveying motivational messages. For instance, in the image of plants, she wrote a message about how every morning is a new hope and that we have to feel happy every morning to boost our moods and attitudes for the rest of the day. Fitri realised that her new gardening hobby makes her happier every morning.

Figure 4.23 - Screenshot of @dinatokio Figure 4.24 - Screenshot of @fitriaulia_

While this is just one digital comparison, of two female Muslim Instagramers at one moment in time, it highlights a key point identified in my research: my participants while respecting the artistic filters, beauty and affordances of Instagram, are also sharing the more mundane moments of their everyday lives within the confines of trying to live a pious life as a modern Muslim woman in Indonesia – and sharing positive, motivational outlooks.

Layer of Authenticity This chapter also highlights that there is always a layer of modesty or appropriateness in terms of authenticity. On the one hand, these hijabers perform authenticity to their main audience, 108 which is their peers and followers, showing the fun, modern Muslim self who is feminist and feminine. On the other hand, they also perform modesty to other audiences, for examples, as daughters and wives. All their Instagram posts are layered with this awareness about the audience, and what are appropriate behaviours.

Most of my participants carefully choose appropriate photographs According to them ‘a good image’ meant posting proper photographs that did not lead to the humiliation or the possibility of damaging their family’s reputation. For example, Syifa considers if she should be careful with her posts because she is not only presenting herself but also many organisations that she is involved in and her family’s good reputation.

Moreover, it is common in Indonesia’s culture to follow relatives’ social media account and to know each other activities through social media updates. For example, Melisha stated, “Now I am not posting too often because my husband’s family, such as my husband’s uncle, have started to follow my account” (interview data, 2016). Also, Ayu explained that since she was married and had a baby, she had become more cautious with her postings. She said, “when I was still single, I used to post and repost emotionally everything that I want, but now I have a family to consider what the impact of my postings on them” (interview data, 2016). Therefore, my participants aware and cautious with their postings.

Indeed, my participants set rules, values, norms which involving expectations about appropriate or inappropriate behaviour. They have some guidelines and boundaries about what they may and may not to present in social media by referring to the Islamic way of life. They carefully draw attention to their postings then regulate which message is appropriate and inappropriate to share.

However, their selfies did not necessarily imply fake images or pencitraan (planned self- images). As per mentioned by Zevallos (2007) that Instagram users could actively and carefully organise their self-images on the online public space to create a desirable impression for their followers as a consequence of their social interactions with other people. Their effort in presenting selfies is, consciously or not, engaged with their impression management strategy to build ‘appropriate’ images as per stated by Schmidt (2013) that impression management not always intentionally to manipulate self-presentation because users cannot control nonverbal aspects (i.e. gesture, posture, facial, clothing) that communicated through their images. 109

Therefore, through their selfies, my participants endorse authenticity in a way by identifying appropriate and inappropriate postings to keep their modesty rather than to manipulate their self-presentation.

Curation of Authenticity There is always a curation process behind every social media posting, including the curation of ‘authenticity’. Duffy and Hund (2015) in their study of fashion bloggers on Instagram claimed their participants had curated their postings to accentuate their self-branding and authenticity. The curation has started from how they took the photograph which usually in many shots with a different angle, technique, pose; decided which is the best photograph; arranged the best caption; edited the photograph then posted it; or any other efforts to repolish the photograph. The different way of curation could lead to different interpretation of authenticity as authenticity has not a fixed classification (see Banet-Weiser, 2012; Salisbury & Pooley, 2017). I acknowledge most of my participants have been curated their performances on Instagram. Nevertheless, in doing so, they aim to represent unique authenticity.

To further illustrate how the curation of authenticity, I present a screenshot of the Instagram account of the Queen of Selfies, Kim Kardashian (see Figure 4.23). Kim Kardashian, who pioneered ‘belﬁes’ (taken a photograph in a mirror that shows herself from behind with buttocks centre-stage), is an icon for sexy selfies and in 2015 released a selfie book entitled Selfish that contains 352 pages of her selfies. She told her fans that she posted topless or naked selfies to campaign for and supported the freedom of expressing her sexuality (Saul, 2016). Figure 4.23 shows Kim’s postings consist of her cosmetics brand, her family pictures, and a bathroom selfies.

As a comparison to Kim’s selfies, here is Ghaida’s Instagram screenshot (Figure 4.24). Ghaida, one participant in the research presented here, is a famous public figure and fashion designer in Indonesia. Ghaida’s number of posts is higher than that of Kim Kardashian, who as of April 2018 had 4,264 posts. Ghaida has 406,000 followers with 6,122 posts as of April 2018, which made her as the participant in this study with the most followers and the most postings that comparable with the queen of selfies, Kim Kardashian.

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Figure 4.23 - Screenshot of @kimkardashian Figure 4.24 - Screenshot of @gdaghaida

Figure 4.24 shows how Ghaida uses her personal Instagram accounts to share her daily life experiences with her friends and families. Nine of her recent postings display her visit to New Zealand. Her captions not only state where she was and what she was doing but also describe her spiritual reflections and contemplations from her journey. For example, a portrait with her daughter looking at a herd of cattle walking in line was posted with a caption noting how cows can be patient walking in a queue while humans do not exhibit the same behaviour.

Unquestionably both of Kim Kardashian and Ghaida have been curated their photographs. For Kim Kardashian, Instagram is a medium to display her body-centric mindset, with her face and body seemingly enhanced with makeup, implants, or surgeries. Although, it could also be interpreted that Kim was revealing too much skin in her photographs to expose her curated authentic self. Meanwhile, for Ghaida, her travelling photographs with self-reflection captions are also curated through how she selected beautiful scenery of New Zealand, displayed her intimacy with her daughter, and posed beautifully in every photograph. Indeed Ghaida has

111 curated her postings but does not necessarily she becomes inauthentic. Both of them carefully acted this process to present a photograph that resembles their values, individuality and personality. In other words, in performing selfies on Instagram, both Kim Kardashian and Ghaida have curated their personae to represent their unique aura of authenticity.

Another point to consider is, as described by Salisbury and Pooley (2017), Instagram establishes a ‘creative authenticity’ that highlights users’ artistic self-expression. Most of these hijabers accentuate their creativity on posting selfies. For example, Wanda in Figure 4.5, shows her chubby cheeks through a reflection of her sunglasses. Another example of creative authenticity also could be shown on their #OOTD postings. Therefore, these hijabers elaborate their artistic self-expression to personalise their authentic selves.

They definitely could not post their ‘wake-up’ faces, because they do not wear their hijab while sleeping. Nor they could post ‘bathroom’ mirror selfies like Kim Kardashian because they cannot display their aurat (body parts that should be covered). Such action could question whether these hijabers’ images are less authentic than Kim Kardashian since they keep their head and body covered? Or by showing nude selfies then does Kim Kardashian become a fake person? In fact, these questions are hard to answer given that we will never accurately know others’ intentions and the concept of authenticity is very subjectively “in the eye of the beholder” (Lobinger & Brantner, 2015, p. 1848). Then, these hijabers’ reflection of authenticity does not have to be similar to others’ interpretation of authenticity.

However, I am not claiming that these hijabers selfies are the reflection of impeccable selves. These hijabers, as fashion-conscious young women, create stylish images of young Muslim women through their selfies. Indeed, these hijabers construct poses, such as looking into the camera, choosing a setting, prop, or selecting the type of shot (close-up, etc.), much as young Westerners do. They are not only putting clothes on their body; they are creating enough variable, so they can look in it and imagine themselves in the photograph then it is a typical domain of fashion where fashion improves not only one’s appearance but also one’s identity. The hijabers are presenting their fashionable selves as a form of self-improvement while they are purposely expressing inspired modest fashion. Therefore, they are not merely fashionistas (someone, who dedicates their selfies and lives to nothing but fashion) but present their selfies as personalised authentic selves, showing primarily favourable and well-composed images.

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Adding to the difficulty in defining authenticity, self-presentation on Instagram tends to display an amplified reality or selves that are different from the ‘real’ situation (Çadırcı & Güngör, 2016). However, I argue the selection process of what we want to post, and share is our mechanism -consciously or unconsciously- to protect ourselves, i.e. from online bullying, mocking, hate speech, or misinterpretation, that it is not automatically planned to manipulate our audiences. I also believe that digital media still could be used for good reasons, not merely to intentionally produce false and planned impressions (pencitraan).

Additionally, like Peterson's (2016a, 2016b) study, these hijabers create the opportunity to be heard in the public sphere by expressing themselves visually through their fashion. My findings also resonate with recent research by Piela (2013b, 2016) who noted that face-veiled women (niqabis) use the photograph-sharing website to increase their visibility. In this study, the hijabers’ images and captions from Instagram and their narratives from interview transcripts indicate one critical motive for increasing the space of visual expression and visibility in the digital public sphere. Similar to the niqabis in Piela’s (2013b, 2016) study, these hijabers could challenge the stereotype of being oppressed and backward by expressing self-narratives on Instagram. This, then, reveals the particular visual affordances of Instagram as a medium to spread narratives of unique authenticity. It is ‘unique’ because authenticity is a complex fluctuate concept depends on the contexts and conditions in which authenticity is affirmed and performed (Bloustien & Wood, 2013, Umbach & Humphrey, 2018).

Of course online ‘authenticity’ is a contested term, as social media users are always aware that they are posting to, and speaking to an audience, and have (to a degree) an online persona. As Thumim (2012) explained “social media users may be unable to control their own representations as these proliferate, change, and are changed by others” (p. 150). In this thesis, I argue these hijabers personas and Instagram postings are part of their expression of authenticity, but I am aware that others would contest this and the degree of authenticity is debatable.

4.7 Conclusion The hijabers in my research display their digital self-portraits as being authentic, empowered, and fashionable as well as humorous and fun selves. They indicate their digital self-portraits are the authentic version of themselves in their daily lives. They maintain a proper image as their effort to stay modest and prevent inappropriate perceptions that might harm their family 113 reputation, not as a form of pencitraan (planned self-images). They were also being empowered due to their recognition of the importance of creating positive self-concepts.

Indeed, like other Millennials, they do not mind displaying creative selfies and inspirational OOTD (Outfit of The Day). Indeed, they were posting attractive selfies, but it does not automatically typify them as narcissistic women. They perform selfies and OOTD to express their true selves, to highlight their self-awareness, and to communicate their fun yet thoughtful selves. However, these hijabers use Instagram as a stage to perform persuasive narratives within their digital self-portraits.

In addition, this chapter includes a discussion section that explained how the finding of ‘being authentic selves’ relates to the previous literatures. In doing so, this research elaborates how this research findings contrast with Kavakci and Kraeplin (2016); resonate with Senft and Baym (2015), Peterson (2016a, 2016b), Piela (2013b, 2016), and Sallisbury and Poolley (2017) as well as expand Beta (2014).

This chapter also explore two comparisons of Instagram images of Dina Tokio (Londoner fashion designer and one of Kavacki and Kraeplin’s (2016) study case) with Fitri Aulia (fashion designer and my participant) to accentuate how the hijabers’ selfies are different from others selfies experiences. My participants also display layer of authenticity through their awareness about the audience and what are appropriate behaviours. Meanwhile, the comparison of Kim Kadarshian (as queen of selfies) with Ghaida Tsurayya (as my participant with the most followers and posts) display the curation of authenticity.

Digital media could be used to manage visual representation to increase positive impact on the public presence of Muslim women. My participants’ selfies accentuate their unique authentic representation. Through Instagram, they display themselves as ordinary young women who enjoy the selfie culture while still consider providing additional benefit rather than just as fashion images. Therefore, these hijabers’ selfies contest the perceptions of Muslim women who are typically portrayed by mainstream media (mostly Western) as dull, sombre, gloomy women, as well as opposed the label of fashionistas. Eventhough they curate their postngs, it does not mean they share unrealistic selves. Their unique ways of self-expressing through well- composed photographs and captions are their statements of authenticity and personal branding.

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CHAPTER 5. BEING PIOUS SELVES

Figure 5.1 - Way-finding diagram of chapters

5.1 Introduction Besides using Instagram as a platform to present their authentic selves, the hijabers in this study were also using Instagram to present their religious identity. This chapter explores how these

115 hijabers have adopted the visual capabilities of Instagram to showcase their devotion to Islamic values to broader audiences. This chapter addresses this study’s second research question: How do the Indonesian hijabers present their religious identity on Instagram?

After analysing these hijabers narratives from the interview transcripts and their Instagram post captions, this study identified four themes of how these hijabers presented their pious selves including being faithful, being righteous, being grateful, and being patient. These themes are shown in Figure 5.2 below. These themes illustrate how their Instagram posting is dominated by their everyday experiences, interpretations, and enactments of their religious beliefs. These hijabers expressed their religious identity on Instagram by sharing the Quran verses, hadiths, or religious quotes to present themselves as pious young women.

The first theme, ‘being faithful’, was the main theme because the majority of these hijabers shared posts to preach Islam and increase their faith. Meanwhile ‘being righteous’ relates to their boundaries in using Instagram. ‘Being grateful’ describes how these hijabers realise their countless favours from Allah (the Arabic word for ‘God’ in Abrahamic religions). Lastly, ‘being patient,’ articulates their steadfastness to Allah’s plans.

Being Being Righteous Grateful

Being Being Patient Faithful Being Pious Selves

Figure 5.2 - Being Pious Selves

5.2 Being Faithful Most of the hijabers in this study often posted the Quran verses or hadiths (record of the prophet Muhammad’s daily practices) in order to spread Islamic knowledge and express their faithfulness to Allah. They posted Quran verses or hadiths for being faithful. It seems they

116 applied the Islamic principle stated by Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him), “Convey from me even if it is one verse” (HR Bukhori). In other words, Muslims’ responsibility in life, besides the obligation to worship Allah and to honour humanity, is to preach, advocate and disseminate the Islamic values, which in Indonesian is known as dakwah or syiar Islam.

Unlike jihadists or other hardline Muslims who tend to spread dakwah on social media using provocative words in the form of anger or hate speech, these hijabers opted to combine simple quotes, famous slogans with images, or insert beautiful self-portraits as their substance of dakwah on Instagram. Therefore, their gentle dakwah and syiar approaches could elevate the concept of Islam as a peaceful religion. As a participant, Tami, described, her aims in using Instagram for hijrah (continual self-improvement to become more faithful) and to ask other Muslimah to hijrah, then she also likes to post Islamic content. Furthermore, in the interview session, she explained, “even though I did not say frontally ‘let’s change to become a better person’ but I encouraged them to change through my updates or my discussions about Islamic studies on social media, this is what I called as dakwah” (personal communication on 5 October 2016). In Figure 5.3, she posted a simple quote about the presence of God; “And Allah will be there for those who want to approach Him.”

Ifa also admitted that she preferred to learn Islamic knowledge without being indoctrinated and she tried to convey Islamic knowledge without being patronising. She displayed an example of using a meaningful yet straightforward message by posting a CCTV camera pointed at the Arabic word for Allah and the words ‘is watching you’ (see Figure 5.4). She also wrote, “Muraqabah is applying the consciousness of Allah always sees and watches ourselves in every condition. Allah always knows what we feel, say, and do”. The caption means Allah has a magnificent system to watch every movement in the world more than an actual CCTV camera can observe. Every aspect of the world, without exception, will be known as Allah.

Meanwhile, Sarah realised the importance of syiar in Islam. She said, “I want to keep learning and doing syiar, and I want my postings to give benefits to others” (personal communication on 18 October 2016). In Figure 5.5 below, she posted a reminder, “Whoever prays Fajr is under the protection of Allah.” Fajr is the obligatory morning prayer before dawn and is a form of obedience and faithfulness to Allah. In that post, she also reversed the greeting ‘Good Morning’ into “Morning good, if Allah wills.” It means every morning will be good if Muslims pray.

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Similar to Sarah, Adinna also considered her postings should benefit others. In the interview session she explained, “Before posting, I should think what kind of dakwah that I have already conveyed and ask myself: will my posting give benefits to others?” (personal communication on 22 October 2016). She tried to benefit others by posting “Keep Calm and Carry On” dictum – in this case, amended to refer to Read Al Kahfi and a hadith from An-Nassa’ I and Baihaqi; Whoever reads Surah Al-Kahfi on Friday, will have a light that will shine from him from one Friday to the next” (see Figure 5.6). She adopted the famous slogan originally from the UK, to convey a self-reminder in order to advance faith.

Figure 5.3 - Allah will be there Figure 5.4 - Allah is watching you

Figure 5.5 - The protection of Allah Figure 5.6 - Keep calm and read Al-Kahfi

Interestingly, these hijabers developed their faithfulness by posting the Quran verses and hadiths, which incorporates their self-portraits in various spaces such as panorama, graveyard, and outdoor sports site. They seem to generate their own version of dakwah or syiar Islam with more exciting and creative modes by engaging with the culture of taking and sharing digital self-portraits. For instance, as the daughter of a famous Indonesian kyai (Islamic leader), Ghaida used Instagram as a channel for dakwah. She firmly stated: “Muslim women should be preaching of Islam (dakwah), no matter how we are doing it, even though if we still in the

118 process of improving ourselves, we still should convey what we could convey” (personal communication on 6 October 2016).

In one of Ghaida’s posts, she stands under a bamboo tree, wears fashionable pastel-coloured outfits and smiles, all echoing a tranquil milieu (see Figure 5.7). She cited a Quran verse: “ He who emigrates in the way of Allah will find in the earth enough room for refuge and plentiful resources. Moreover, he who goes forth from his house as a migrant in the way of Allah and His Messenger, and whom death overtakes, his reward becomes incumbent on Allah. Surely Allah is All-Forgiving, All-Compassionate (QS Annissa:100). Happy Friday everyone! She tried to convince herself and her followers that hijrah (continual self-improvement to become more faithful) will lead the way to Allah’s blessings. She got 910 likes on that post, which indicates she can reach hundreds of people. Indeed, she recreates her posting, but her narrative emphasises her faithful self.

Figure 5.7 - Migration for the cause of Allah

Similar to Ghaida, Aez also liked to post beautiful self-portraits with Quran verses or hadiths. In Figure 5.8 below she wears sunglasses with a chic hijab that accentuates her graceful facial expression and gesture in front of a scenic bridge in Dompak Island, Indonesia. She hopes she could avoid the hypocritical situation then cited the verse of Al-Munafiqun, “They have taken their oaths as a cover, so they averted, [people] from the way of Allah. Indeed, it was evil that they were doing, QS (63:2).” She poses and looks to the camera to highlight her unique self while her caption displays her fear in taking no notice of Allah’s command. Then her caption shows how she is being faithful.

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Figure 5.8 - Keep us away from hypocrites

Sometimes the message of ‘being faithful’ was not only displayed in the Quran verses or hadith postings but also in the form of motivational words regarding reverence to Allah. As Syifa described, “We have to continually improve ourselves until the end of our lives as a form of our devotion to Allah” (personal communication on 18 November 2016). Most of her postings related to Allah’s command, as in Figure 5.9 below. She believed that Muslims should make amanah (fulfilling or upholding trusts) and honesty as principles of their lives. She also explained if someone becomes untrustworthy and dishonest, he or she will lose his or her friends, faith, and opportunities. At the end of her caption, she emphasised a rhetorical question “If we do not fear Allah, then who will be we fearful of?” She wrote this caption as a selfreminder as she put #selfreminder #notesformyself. Even though she conveys a thoughtful message about fearing God, from her photograph below it seems she sends her message in a comforting way. In her semi-close-up portrait, she wears a patterned hijab and makeup with bright-coloured lipstick. She sits in the back of a car, looks away from the camera and out of the car window with light falling on her cheeks, and smiles while her hand held is delicately placed under her chin.

Figure 5.9 - Fear of Allah

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Ghaida also believes in amanah, that everything people have done in their lives should be accountable to Allah, including their postings on social media. She said, “the more followers we have, it means the larger amanah we should take because our followers will be following our behaviour and our behaviour should be accountable to Allah” (personal communication on 6 October 2016). As shown in Figure 6.10, she wrote, “Allah always with the people who straighten up their intentions, endeavour earnestly and rely on Allah”. Ghaida displayed an essential message about reliance on Allah with an eye-catching portrait, as did Syifa. Her outfit and the photo background are dominated by a pastel colour. Moreover, her smiling face emphasises a friendly manner and a calm atmosphere. Both Syifa and Ghaida indicate a gentle approach in dakwah or syiar Islam.

Figure 5.10 - Reliance on Allah

Wanda, who likes to express herself through her posts on Instagram, wrote about her journey by train in Spain. She posted scenery from the train, but the caption did not describe the views. She used hashtag ‘self-introspection’ with the caption “The farthest travel is the travelling to a mosque. Many people are wandering, going to school and working around continents, but never going to the mosque not even for once a week. Please, God, forgive me. #selfintrospection” (see Figure 5.11). In this post, she wants to remind herself and her followers to come to a mosque as often as they travel to far destination. Her caption emphasises her willingness to keep her faith by always remembering Allah.

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Figure 5.11 - The mosque should be the first destination

Meanwhile, as Ifa mentioned previously, she preferred to learn Islam without feeling patronised then she also wanted to spread Islamic knowledge without condescending others. Figure 5.12 below shows Ifa in her collaboration project where she appears to have six hands while praying. Her two hands rest on her stomach, as if praying, while the four other hands hold a phone, a 99.9% sale sign, a make-up brush, and a selfie stick. Through this photo, she wants to exhibit a satirical message of distracted praying and remind others to keep thinking and concentrating only on Allah while praying. She captioned her image with “Things that distract us in our prayer.” This photograph indicates her concern about keeping focused only on Allah while praying.

Figure 5.12 - Distraction in praying

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This study also found that these hijabers are showing of being faithful by posting reminders about death that not necessarily delivered through ghostly photos. For instance, Udhe, who uses Instagram to post Islamic knowledge, uploaded a photo with a grave and a red-flowered tree as the background. In Figure 5.13, she posted a caption “have you ever stopped for a while and asked yourself, what’s going to happen to me the first night in my grave?’. This posting served to remind herself through ‘#selfreminder’ as well as send a noteworthy message to others to contemplate death more intensely. Although her ‘death reminder’ seemed menacing, her photograph softens the image of a ‘scary graveyard.’ Her red hijab and her pose, holding a flower basket, portrays a solemn rather than a spooky atmosphere. Her posting could also change the association of a graveyard as a place of horror in a place to be mindful of faith in God.

Figure 5.13 - Imagine death

Meanwhile, Ghaida posted an image of a beautiful sea scenery with a hadith from Ali bin Abi Thalib "Let go of your pride, put down your arrogance, and remember your grave" (see Figure 5.14). In this post, she pointed to the fact that every living creature will be dead and will be responsible for their behaviour to God. Thus, there is no need for a human to feel superior or ‘big-headed’ because, in the end, we will be dead. This post displays her belief in death and her faith in the Judgement Day.

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Figure 5.14 - Remember death

The hijabers were also using a hadith from Ummar ibn Khattab: “Teach your children swimming, archery, and horse riding.” They seem to enjoy these kinds of ‘masculine’ sports. Archery and horse riding are becoming popular sports recently in Indonesia. By being involved in these sports, the hijabers were supporting and spreading the message from that hadith. In our interview session, Ghina said, “I try to write a caption related to dakwah, even though when I just posted the photos of my daily activities” (personal communication on 20 November 2016). In the photo below, she describes the hadith about the importance of archery. Figure 5.16 shows Ghina at an archery range and in Figure 5.15 Ghina confidently rides a horse. The image of the hijabers as Muslimah in possession of agency is further reinforced by her posts showing her engaged in sporting activities. These posts, too, contrast those focussing on the veiled Muslimahs’ physical beauty – rather than resting on her face, the camera pans back to enframe the hijaber in social settings attesting to her independence and physical vigour. In both images, too, the hijabers appear alone – unaccompanied by a man – and in both, they also wear practical, sporty outfits – mid-length hijabs, long shirt, training pants, and sneakers to accentuate her sporty yet modest self. In addition to physical exercise, both sports train hijabers to be focused, brave, confident, and to build trust.

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Figure 5.15 - Archery Figure 5.16 - Horse riding

These hijabers also preferred to recite the Quran verses and hadiths that relate to their moods and thoughts. For example, Bunga (pseudonym) said she wants to remind her followers by posting hadiths. “I post hadiths when I want to flashback or remind others. For example, if my students were arguing with their parents, I post hadiths about how to respect elderly” (personal communication on 8 October 2016). Ayu also likes to post quotes that relate to what she felt. She said, “Sometimes I was searching at Google for wise words, and if I think the quotes are good and in line with my mind, then I will post it, so it depends on what I feel” (personal communication on 17 November 2016).

5.3 Being Righteous ‘Being righteous’ means doing the right things, which are morally justified by Islamic rules. Being righteous and implementing Islamic teaching within their daily lives are important considerations for these hijabers. Kiki realised that she uses social and Islamic norms as guidance on Instagram and others shared their attempts and practices of being righteous in order to express their religious identity on Instagram. In terms of ‘being righteous,’ these hijabers impose several boundaries when using Instagram, such as not showing off, not exposing aurat (body parts that should be covered), avoiding intimacy between unmarried men and women, and thinking before posting. By showing themselves as righteous, these hijabers indicate their determination to self-improvement in being pious selves.

Most of these hijabers believe that Muslims are taught not to become a riya (arrogant/show- off) person. Riya in Arabic, literally means ‘shows off.’ Someone is categorised as riya when he or she worships to expect others’ tributes, or to be seen as a devoted Muslim, rather than in order to please Allah. The narratives of not being arrogant and showing off (bukan riya)

125 emerged from these hijabers digital self-portraits and is important because in Eastern culture, the act of showing off, even in the context of expressing or making an argument, could be interpreted as superiority, which could be considered rude and unacceptable behaviour.

In the same way, Ghina and Syifa both realised the importance of explaining their genuine intentions, which were not for showing off, when they posted a Quran recitation. In the interview session, Ghina said, “I cannot post something that makes me become riya (arrogant).” (personal communication on 20 November 2016). Her statement was reflected in her caption explaining her goodwill in participating in a movement of ‘act for humanity’ and using the hashtag ‘share millions of goodness,’ which means she has to share verses that she read to distribute the messages from the Quran.

Similarly, Syifa also contributed to a campaign promoted by the Hijabers Community of “do not let our worship slack off” and captured an image of herself in the middle of reciting the Quran. She wrote “Everyday our community try to share spirit and inspiration of kindness. So let’s start it by reciting the Quran then we can finish it this month.” She was using ‘#bukanriya’ to emphasise her intention, which is for sharing the spirit of reciting the Quran instead of showing off. Both Ghina and Syifa’s intentions were not showing off. They instead tried to motivate their followers to love reading the Quran.

Figure 5.17 - Share millions of goodness Figure 5.18 - Let’s share the spirit

According to Ghaida, social media has created a particular image of Muslimah (an Arabic term for Muslim women), and social media influencers have generated new visual presentations of a hijab-wearing woman. Although she owns her hijab fashion brand and an endorser for sponsors, she wants to give more value to followers other than just talking about ‘fashion’ in her posts. In Figure 5.19, Ghaida looks naturally beautiful and composed, while her fingers display the symbol of peace. The discourse of bukan riya is also found in her caption:

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Believing Allah is a countless blessing. If everytime we feel Allah is watching us, then we will ignore what people think about us, and we will be afraid to do blatant or hidden sins. If everytime we believe Allah is always listening, then we do not need to manipulate the words to fascinate others, and we will only have the straight intention and say nothing but the truth. If we conceive our conscience knew by Allah, then we will be terrified, and shame to be arrogant, show off, envy, prejudice.

Figure 5.18 - Fear of appearing arrogant

The concern to avoid being a ‘show-off’ not only applies in worship-related activities but also is implemented in daily life in general. For example, Elita rarely used Instagram for personal purposes. Even though she recognises the positive aspects of social media, which is very useful for gathering information, sometimes the information is overstated. She, therefore, decided to no longer focus on updating her personal life on social media. She firmly said: Personally, I instead use social media for some useful manner and not for giving the perception of showing off or exposing as if I am the greatest, the best, the most successful. No, I definitely do not want to display myself like that (personal communication on 20 October 2016).

My participants also avoided showing-off, which usually appears when someone showcases their new things or styles. As Ayu stated, “I do not want to look like elite socialites who are wearing hijab but showing off their new watches, bags” (personal communication on 17 November 2016). In a similar tone, Tami also understood her postings should provide benefit for others rather than make her become arrogant. She said: Social media should not disturb other. I do not want to show off/arrogant like some women who are wearing hijab just as a fashion item and tend to use social media to show-off their styles by saying ‘Hey look at me, I am wearing the hijab, and I am stylish’ (personal communication on 5 October 2016).

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The worries of becoming riya or arrogant also relate to the expectation of getting ‘like’ or ‘love’ responses from followers. For instance, Sarah said, “I do not want to become show-off…I realised, if we are posting something, there is a possibility to make us arrogant” (personal communication on 18 October 2016). It shows how Sarah prefers her postings to not be liked or loved, rather than she fall to the deeds of riya. By writing bukan riya, these hijabers announce to their followers that there is no intention to show off or be arrogant. Through their postings, they suggest ‘let’s be devoted Muslim women’ by consciously not becoming riya.

Additionally, Fitri also did not want to post something that exposes aurat (body parts that should be covered), even it was only a nude statue. She said, “I have to cover the statue with fabrics before I take a photograph.” Similarly, Udhe also indicated being righteous by obeying Islamic teachings regarding the prohibition of showing aurat. In the interview session, Udhe described: I use Instagram to post my daily activities and to share Islamic Knowledge, but I do not want to be patronised. So, my post about Islamic knowledge was intended for myself. For example, I post ‘Do not expose your aurat’ then this message also a reminder for myself (personal communication on 20 November 2016). In her post below, she discusses Islamic dress. According to Udhe, her hijab is protection. It physically protects her body from the sun, weather, pollution and notably, it protects her soul. Figure 5.20 shows her long hijab and abaya with the caption “wearing modest dress might not guarantee the wearer automatically will become a pious woman but wearing modest dress is certainly one form of appreciation to Allah.” This post accentuates her righteous self.

Figure 5.20 - Hijab as protection

As Islam manages the relationship between men and women, these hijabers also avoided posting images of intimacy between unmarried men and women. Echa understood that rule, so

128 she tried to avoid taking photos with a man too close to her. These photos on social media could mislead her followers. She asserted, “Social media is easily misinterpreting. For example, if we photographed with a man, it will reflect the closeness (between unmarried man and woman), so I will avoid it.” (personal communication on 20 October 2016). Udhe also stated that her community (Hijabers Gresik) has a rule regarding relationships between men and women. For instance, she said, “We will not approve a friend request from males” (personal communication on 20 November 2016).

Another example of how these hijabers indicated they are ‘being righteous’ is by taking a lot of thought before posting. Fitri admitted that as a fashion designer, one of the founders of Hijabers Community and now chairwoman of the Syar’i Lifestyle community, her followers expect her to be more selective in deciding what she will post on social media. For example, she cannot post images of sushi without a halal label or drinking without taking a seat. She believed all of Allah’s commands are intended to protect people. She stated, “My followers know my brand as syar’i and styles, they think I should become syar’i (obeying sharia law) including about food, so if I post a photo of sushi, my followers will directly be asked: is the sushi halal or not?” (personal communication on 17 November 2016). Fitri, along with her community, Syari Lifestyle, hosted a halal food event, as shown in Figure 6.21 below. In this post, Fitri explains that the chef, who demonstrated how to cook halal sushi, changed some ingredients to meet the requirement of halal meals.

Figure 5.21. Halal Sushi

Meanwhile, Syifa carefully considered her posts because she was not only presenting herself but also many organisations and her family name. She said, “I organise many institutions, I have an employer, I have children and husband, so, I represent many things then I cannot

129 spontaneously post everything I want” (personal communication on 18 November 2016). It is very likely that these hijabers displayed religiosity by being righteous around their boundary setting on Instagram.

Posts are calling on Muslim women to enact acts of kindness during the fasting month, organised around the hashtag “ibadah jangan kendor” (Do not let your worship slack off). The two images below were posted during a Ramadhan challenge program organised around the hashtag #ibadahjangankendor (#donotletyourworshipslackoff). Figure 5.22 illustrates an image of a pair of thongs (flip-flops), adorned with the words #ibadahjangankendor across the toe- line, which @dafinamaalina donated to her office musholla (prayer room), and identifies her as a white-collar worker in a clean, carpeted office. Figure 5.23 depicts an image of prayer mats at the top of a washing machine. In the comments, @meiswari explains that these are the prayer mats she has taken home from the office to wash, in her expensive front-loader washing machine – an item that marks her as a privileged woman of means while most Indonesians hand wash their clothes in a bucket. These posts also represent these hijabers as middle-class young women.

Figure 5.22 - Thongs donation Figure 5.23 - Washing pray mats

5.4 Being Grateful Besides using Instagram to increase their faith and to do virtuous deeds, these hijabers also showed their gratitude and appreciation to Allah in numerous ways, such as through images of travelling, relationships, and food. Some expressed their amazement of beautiful scenery, relating to it with Quran verses and hadiths. Their photos below show how they did not merely upload beautiful travel photographs but actively spread Allah’s messages through commenting and reflecting the scenery. They felt blessed because they had the opportunity to enjoy the

130 perfect creation of Allah. Their images illustrate how their post is used to create a sense of the hijabers’ empowerment from her mobility. Sarah for example posted a beautiful panorama of the sunset and expressed her gratitude. She pretends to touch the sun by citing a hadith from Sahih Muslim. The hadith said “What is the example of this worldly life in comparison to the Hereafter other than one of you dipping his finger in the sea? Let him see what he brings forth”. This post displays her awareness in always considering her uncountable blessings.

Figure 5.24 - Countless favours from Allah

In the same way, Syifa also posted beautiful scenery of the Grand Canyon (see Figure 5.25). In the photo, she sits on a rock and is wearing a simple, modest long sleeve shirt and skirt, and sunglasses to block the sunshine. She cited a Quran verse “Who has created the seven heavens layering one upon the other; you can see no fault in the creations of the Most Beneficent. Then look again: Can you see any rifts? Then look again and yet again, your sight will return to you in a state of humiliation and worn out.” By citing this verse, she wants to pay tribute, as a grateful person to the perfection of Allah’s creation. Her modestly dressed body is positioned in the forefront of the well-recognisably rugged landscape of the Grand Canyon. This framing directs the viewers gaze away from her beautifully veiled face, and toward her placement in an iconic exotic setting.

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Figure 5.25 - The perfection of Allah creation

Similarly, Wanda’sposts depict sites in her European tour and appends a caption expressing her mobility and humility as a subject of Allah. Wanda, who got her master’s degree from the University of Leeds, UK, travelled to several European countries, which she marked with a white star (Figure 5.26). In line with her statement in the interview session, she explained that her intention to post this starred map of Europe was not to impress others because she did not mind if her post was getting likes or not1. She felt blessed and hoped her trips would always lead her to keep Allah in her mind. Wanda adds a caption in expressing her humility as a subject of Allah: Allah, please allow me to add other stars as many as possible on Your blessed earth. It is not only about taking pictures to feed my Instagram, but it is more to feed my soul. Because little that I knew, a tinie-tiny human like me needs to learn more from other creatures in other places. I go somewhere as no one; then I come home still as no one but with many stories to tell. May all this map always (leeds) to You. #alhamdullilah #travelgram #traveling #solotravel #backpacking #tourist #europetrip #map #lessonlearned #terimakasihlpdp

Figure 5.26 - Feel blessed

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For married hijabers, Instagram is also used as a reminder of how grateful they are for their marriages. The examples from Fitri and Ghaida below show their efforts to become a happy couple and their feeling of being blessed to have a lovely husband. Based on Islamic teaching, marriage is a form of devotion to Allah. The purpose of marriage is to create sakinah, mawaddah, and warahmah family. Sakinah means honesty, faith, and obedience to Allah. Mawaddah means affection. Warahmah means forgiveness, grace, mercy, compassion, and fortune. Thus, by posting photographs, they want to remind others of the purposes of their marriage.

Udhe in Figure 5.27 posted her gratitude to be with her husband while they were dining at a fancy restaurant. Udhe and her husband gaze into each other’s eyes. She emphasises the importance of keeping the harmony and intimacy between husband and wife: It becomes difficult if both parties do not make an effort. If one person has already tried to be romantic but the other person does not even try, everything starts to fall away. Try to make a habit of doing little things for each other, like opening the car door, eating from the same plate, feeding each other, being gentle with each other, giving each other presents, or going out once in a while…. From the simple to the complicated things, the important thing is that both put in equal effort to keep the relationship happy and romantic until old age.

Similarly, Ghaida showed her happiness and gratefulness in having a lovely family. She married in her early 20s, and by the end of her 20s, she was pregnant with her fourth child. This photograph was taken in her fourth pregnancy while they were travelling to Istanbul, Turkey. She seems happy while taking a pose with her husband in front of colourful stairs. Her husband who looks as happy as she is, touches her belly with a big smile on his face. He presents as a supportive and pleased husband. They also wear matching blue and brown clothing which further highlighted their intimacy as a husband and wife. She cited a Quran verse “Then which of the favours of your Lord will you deny?” with #gdasfamilybaitijannati which means her family and home are her heaven. Through her post, she wants to display how she is really blessed because she has a happy family (see Figure 5.28).

As these hijabers appear side by side with their husbands, it is their posts that posit the ideal marriage as one in which husband and wife enjoy equal status. In the posts below, Udhe and Ghaida sit or stand at the same height as their husbands. Both couples are shown holding each other’s hand, suggesting a common purpose, supportive, intimacy, and reciprocity. They are also courageous to express their love and affection in the offline public space (restaurant, tourist

133 spot) and online space. These public posts contrast with more stereotypical labels of Muslim women being oppressed by Muslim men.

Figure 5.27 - Keeping the harmony

Figure 5.28 - Blessed with a happy family

Additionally, the hijabers in this study not only posted quotes or self-portraits to spread the messages of Islam, but they sometimes posted food photos, called ‘instafood’. In Figure 5.29, for example, Wanda posted a photo of Japanese food to express how grateful she is because Allah gives her this delicious food. She also feels sad for people who live on the street and who cannot afford a proper meal like her. She hopes she can be a mediator of sustenance to others. Food posts similar work to identify the hijabers as members of a middle class. By posting an image of ramen, Wanda is able to register her presence at a Japanese restaurant – a setting surely well beyond the reach of any ordinary Indonesian. Indeed, Wanda suggests as much on the caption she writes to accompany the post:

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I am so grateful that Allah has blessed me with the ability to eat delicious food. I can buy anything I want. All my cravings can be satisfied. When I got home, I felt so full I could barely stand. This turned my mind to people who live on the street – do they forget what it feels like to have a full stomach? Thank you, Allah, please allow me to pass on your blessings to others.

Figure 5.29 - Grateful for the meal

5.5 Being Patient Being patient is another part of Islamic principles and this study some postings, for example Ghina who took a photograph in Stone Garden, West Java, Indonesia. She quotes a hadith about being patient from Ali ibn Abu Talib, “Be sure that something is waiting for you after much patience, to astonish you to the degree that you forget the bitterness of the pain.” She chooses to focus her photograph on the stone mountain in front of her. The stone could symbolise the hardships of being patient, and then how being patient brings joy just as the stone eventually creates a beautiful mountain.

Figure 5.30 - Be sure about patience

Single hijabers used Instagram to remind themselves and others to be patient with Allah’s provision and not to be overly worried about being single. For example, Ima who liked to post

135 captions relating to being patient did not feel worried about not yet finding a husband. In this post, she shows her happiness at being a bridesmaid at her friend’s wedding. Though many of her close friends are already married, she does not feel worried or jealous that she is still single. She believes in the Islamic principle which states, “Married is halfway to enhance piety”, and Allah has arranged the best man for her. She will continue to prepare and improve herself to be ready for being a wife when the time comes. She looks happy in wearing an elegant kebaya (traditional Indonesian dress) while taking a photo in front of a flower bouquet. Her post represents her serenity in being a single independent young woman.

Figure 5.31 - Continue to prepare my self

Meanwhile, Tami, who rarely showed her face in her postings, also tried to post meaningful messages. She stated, “I updated for good reasons, I do not expect a compliment, I want to be useful.” (personal communication on 5 October 2016). In Figure 5.32, she asks Muslims to be continuously prosperous to themselves until they die and not only focus on self-improvement when looking for a husband or wife. She also explains that self-improvement is only for Allah in order to be included in His heaven. Muslims should believe that Allah has the best plans for us. She completes the caption by writing “So, remember not to include your feelings too much.” Her last sentence means she will be patient in waiting for Allah’s plan in giving her the best man at the right time, and without overly worrying about it. Tami, in a black and white image, is standing in front of a metal sculpture of butterfly wings and holding flowers that covered one of her eyes. Her photograph is not only artistic but also displays a beautiful image of a confident, worriless young woman who is patient about finding the right man.

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Figure 5.32 - Don’t over worried

Similarly, Sarah admitted that her primary purposes for using social media were for sharing information and quotes. Sarah in Figure 5.33 also expresses her hope to meet the right soulmate. She wrote, “If you are not meet the right person in your life yet, then be patient. Allah is waiting for the perfect time to give someone in your life. Bismillah… Innalaha ma’ana (In the name of God… Allah is with us).” Even though she posts a photograph of herself while she sits in an empty restaurant, this could represent a moment of waiting for the perfect time to meet her future husband, and she seems happy ‘waiting for that moment’ patiently.

Figure 5.33 - Waiting for the best plan

5.6 Discussion In this digital era, the process of conveying Islamic knowledge can be quickly achieved through social media. The broader body of literature has considered new kinds of male preachers to emerge from the electronic mediascape in Indonesia, (e.g. Millie, 2011; Slama, 2017a; Slama,

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2017b). In this research, the hijabers’ ways of dakwah or syiar (proselytising Islam) through Instagram were pleasant, gentle and polite modes whereas these different from the approach of hardline Islamists who tend to use provocative language, intimidation, and violence to claim their religious authority (see the example in Figure 5.34-5.35). Suffice to note here that such work observes the considerable fragmentation of Muslim authority in recent years, as digital uptake and the commoditisation of global Islam prompts the proliferation of knowledge sharing activities outside the mosque (Echchaibi, 2011; Scholz et al., 2008). Overall, the results in this chapter are generally consistent with the small body of research exploring Islamic Instagrammers.

To my knowledge, only one other study has looked at female Muslims Instagrammers. Nisa’s (2018) study of the Instagram accounts of UkhtiSally (Sister Sally) and Duniajilbab (World of jilbab), argued that “Indonesian Muslimah (Arabic term for Muslim woman) are using the platform to develop a “soft” form of dakwah – a form of proselytising imparted by way of glossy images, depicting women as key actors in the consumer economy, and woven into lucrative social media-based businesses” (Nisa, 2018, pp. 68-71). Nevertheless, Nisa’s (2018) study did not focus on Indonesian hijabers as a substantial portion of the fashion-conscious middle-class young women and did not further discuss on how a ‘soft’ dakwah enhances young women religious authority and exerts power in disseminating dakwah through Instagram as explain in these following sections.

Religious Authority My participants’ dakwah efforts may be similarly described as ‘soft’ for their reliance on images and discourses of consumption, and both cases, the hijabers case study presented here and Nisa’s study, extend the discussion of the feminisation of Muslim publics as part of what has been called the fragmentation of Muslim authority (Echchaibi, 2009; Scholz, Selge, Stille, & Zimmermann, 2008). Echchaibi reports the rise of Baba Ali, a US-based preacher who uses humour and everyday language to deliver sermons on Youtube. Echchaibi sees Baba Ali as exemplary of a new clutch of Muslim preachers who are using digital media to reach transnational audiences, thereby delocalising sources of Muslim authority, “generating new producers and locales of religious meaning in Dubai, London, Paris and Los Angeles” (Echchaibi, 2011, p. 25; for other examples see Scholz et al., 2008). In Echchaibi’s and Scholz et al.’s studies, males employ new media to renegotiate existing authority structures.

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Nonetheless, scholars focussing on Indonesian Islam show how gender binaries are also being dismantled as preaching events increasingly extend beyond the mosque.

These hijabers, style themselves as religious authorities, interpreting images of their consumerist selves through reference to the Quran and hadiths to offer Islamic-flavoured style and lifestyle advice for young middle-class Muslim women public on Instagram. If the hijabers are to be considered agentive in the shaping of dakwah messages, it is not for the way they capitalise on post-feminist ideology to extend ownership of the means of producing femininity. Instead, it is for the way they interpret images of their consuming selves through reference to the Quran and hadiths, thereby positioning themselves as holders and conveyers of Islamic knowledge. Some scholars argued, this re-spatialising of knowledge-sharing not only prompts new contests among male religious authorities; it also affords women greater power in shaping the way preachers address audiences at preaching events (Millie, 2017; Slama, 2017a).

Millie and Slama both note the marked feminisation of Muslim audiences and the new roles women are playing in shaping the articulation of authority. In Millie’s study of preaching events in West Java, for example, women commonly constitute 70% of the audience. Therefore, they play a pivotal role in sustaining the viability of preaching as a vocation, and preachers take care to orient themselves to the women attendees. “They craft their oratory in ways designed to grab the women’s attention, by telling jokes, singing songs and proffering interpretations of scripture that are sensitive to women’s realities” (Millie, 2016, p. 132).

Moreover, Slama shows how mobile digital devices digital social media endow the Muslimah with consumer agency in their dealings with preachers. Discussing the use of Whatsapp and Blackberry Messenger by middle-class women in Yogyakarta to seek affective connections and emotional support from ustadz (preachers) – a practice they refer to as ‘charging their hearts’, he writes: “Put simply, ustadzs cannot risk ignoring the emotional needs of their female followers. If they cannot find the right words at the right time, their followers will choose to charge their hearts elsewhere” (Slama, 2017b, np).

I found that the majority of my participants were shaping interpretations of scripture by using Instagram. As explained in previous sections, a core motivation for engaging with Instagram was to share, learn and remind themselves to be pious, or to be faithful, righteous, grateful, and patient. This use of Instagram positions the hijabers as a feature of the proliferation of Muslim 139 authority figures whose power rests on their ability to command audiences outside of mosque contexts. These Indonesian hijabers attest to the fragmentation of Muslim authority; a phenomenon linked variously to electronic mediation (Echchaibi, 2009, and Scholz et al.) and the increasingly important role of female in shaping interpretations of scripture (Millie, 2017; Slama, 2017b).

Instagram has prompted technologically-mediated shifts in religious authority. These hijabers own their autonomy to spread religiosity without spatial or temporal boundaries by being visible in mediating dakwah. The more hijabers convey Islamic content, the more likely younger Muslim women will be involved in religious discourse. Then, women will be more encouraged to learn and be critical in interpreting Islamic meaning. By critically learning, interpreting, and spreading Islamic knowledge, women could become alternative sources of Islamic teaching, a space previously dominated by men. Instagram therefore not only embraces young women’s visibility through dakwah but also shape their religious authority in the Islamic public sphere.

Exert Power Relations Through dakwah on Instagram, my participants expand their role in public Islam and show how they exert power and not only as consumers of religious authority. These impacts gave new nuances to findings of Millie (2011) and Slama (2017b) regarding the source of pengajian (Quran recitation and studying), especially at the national level, who are mostly ustadz (male Islamic teacher) while women act as spectators. By using Instagram as a medium to disseminate Quran verses, hadiths and Islamic quotes they were challenging the boundaries of religious authority formerly reserved for men. Such a view is supported by Echchaibi's (2009) argument regarding “the shifting power dynamics in public-religious discourse in Muslim societies” (p. 28). Through Instagram, these hijabers, who are young women with hundreds or thousands of followers, construct their religious identity by becoming communicators of dakwah and syiar Islam. This nuance indicates how Instagram affords new roles for women in virtual space and public Islam.

My thesis locates how Instagram not only advances the feminising of the imagined (middle class) Islamic public sphere by making images of Muslim women even more available and ubiquitous but also helps the hijabers to shape themselves in the image of pious selves by claiming, composing and sharing images as a form of dakwah or syiar Islam. In the posts I 140 collected, hijabers dakwah efforts are abundantly evident of how their Instagram captions allow the hijabers to present themselves as religious subjects, aware of their good fortune, au fait with scripture and confident in its interpretation, observant of the daily rhythm of prayer, and always eager to do good deeds.

In many respects the hijabers’ sense of their own power is warranted. They are certainly agents in the molding of Islamic pop culture, possessing not only consumer power as individuals but also the ability to generate new publics, involving the production, circulation and consumption of images by women and for women. These women ride high on the myth of social media’s epochal transformation of media power, using their cell phones and social media affordances to produce themselves, and design paths for circulating their self-productions, sparking dialogues across distant sites among female strangers commonly engaged in crafting the ideal look of the modern Muslimah. Moreover, by claiming the circulation of their images on Instagram as a form of dakwah, the hijabers impinge on forms of religious knowledge and authority formerly reserved for men.

These hijabers’ approach for being a pious Muslim contrast with several Indonesian hardliner Islamist’s practices in spreading Islamic teachings. To draw the distinction between how the hijabers and other hardliner groups convey dakwah or syiar Islam, I would like to reflect on the case of Front Pembela Islam (Islamic Defender Fronts/FPI) which, through its leaders and cadres, enforced their ideology in implementing Islamic sharia laws within the multicultural and multi-religious nation of Indonesia. This organisation tends to use social media to support anti-democratic movements through provocative hate speech toward the Indonesian government and other Muslim groups or sects. In early 2018, Facebook decided to block their account which was spreading discriminatory, intolerant, and violent messages (see Kapoor, 2018).

Recently FPI came into conflict with Sukmawati (a female Indonesian politician and nationalist) because Sukmawati read a controversial poem entitled ‘Ibu Indonesia’ (The Mother of Indonesia) at the Indonesia Fashion Week 2018. One part of her long poem was considered controversial: “I do not know the Sharia of Islam. What I know, the hair bun of the mother of Indonesia is very beautiful. It is prettier than your veil. The bend of her hair is sacred, as holy as the wrapper of your being”. FPI perceived her poem to be Islamic blasphemy because involving a comparison of a hair bun which is prettier than veiled hair. The founder of FPI, 141

Rizieq Syihab posted a poster on his Instagram (@rizieqsyihab_fpi) calling Sukmawati with harsh initial such as ‘rotten,’ terrible or awful woman (see Figure 5.34). FPI also asked its cadres and members to conduct a mass demonstration in several cities in Indonesia calling its action ‘AKSI BELA ISLAM’ (Defending Islam Action). The FPI’s demonstration poster (Figure 5.35) uses provocative language like ‘Call for Jihad’ and ‘Arrested and Jailed Sukmawati, perpetrators of blasphemy.’ Even though Sukamawati had publicly apologised, FPI lead a mass demonstration across Indonesia that attracted approximately 2000 people (see Figure 5.36).

Figure 5.34 - Shariah, Custom, and Bu Suk (rotten)

Figure 5.35 - Defending Islam Action: Figure 5.36 - Thousands of people joined Defending ‘Arrested and Jailed Sukmawati, Islam Action in Jakarta on 6 April 2018 (Source: perpetrators of blasphemy.’ BBC Indonesia)

On the other hand, one of my participant, Syifa Fauzia (a public figure, academician, and chairwoman of Hijabers Community) was also uncomfortable with Sukmawati’s controversial poem. She, however, reacted differently. She posted a self-portrait wearing a white hijab, white

142 tunic, and blue patterned batik (traditional Indonesian cloth) in a building corridor. Her caption claimed: “We are Muslim women. We love Indonesia. We wear the hijab. We wear batik. Our love of the motherland will not be lessened because we are following our religion’s rules and sharia Islam. Even with our big love to this country, we will increase our spirit to heighten our role, quality, and potency as Indonesian Muslim women and to become useful in our society and the development of ummah. Even though we do not use a hair bun and chanted, but we always pray for Indonesia. May Allah makes Indonesia a wealthy, legitimate, and prosperous country. Allah, please forgives us” (Syifa, November 2016)

Syifa’s posting is a rational reaction and by displaying a beautiful photograph (Figure 5.37) with well-composed messages, differs markedly from the FPI’s posters. These differences highlight the approaches of dakwah, syiar, and jihad between the FPI and the hijabers. The FPI interpret jihad literally, meaning a fight, battle, or holy war and tend to confront people publicly. Alternatively, the hijabers imply jihad is a way to become better Indonesian Muslim women who contribute to their country and its society. These hijabers have adopted Instagram as a platform to bring their understanding of Islam to broader public audiences and to engage with religion and controversy in a different manner.

Figure 5.37 - We are Muslim women who love Indonesia

Additionally, this finding also resonates with previous research in the Netherlands, where Midden and Ponzanesi (2013) reported that Muslim women used digital media as a medium to negotiate their religious associations and to highlight that faith and religious practices were essential indicators of being a Muslim woman. These hijabers in my research similarly express their religiosity by elaborating on Quran verses, hadiths, and Islamic quotes with thought-

143 provoking images of scenery, sports, relationships, food, and even the graveyard. Through these images, they express their devotion and closeness to Allah and accentuates the values of piety in dakwah and syiar Islam with ‘soft’, gentle and unique approaches.

5.7 Conclusion These hijabers express their religious identity on Instagram by posting various photographs and captions. Indeed, some of the hijaber photographs were not quite different from the photographs presented in Chapter 4, however, their captions amplify their narratives of being pious which are different with the photographs in Chapter 4. These hijabers present as faithful Muslim women by posting the Quran verses, hadiths, and Islamic quotes to emphasise their reverence to Allah. They also followed some boundaries such as not showing off, not exposing aurat (body parts that should be covered), avoiding intimacy between unmarried men and women, and thinking before posting for being righteous. ‘Being pious’ is also shown through their gratitude toward uncountable Allah favours as well as through their patience, for example in waiting for a soulmate.

By being pious, these hijabers actively engage with the visual material and bodily presence as communicative and interpretive attributes of dakwah or syiar Islam. These hijabers perform roles as ‘communicator’ of dakwah or syiar in the digital public sphere with a goal to display messages about piety without being patronising. They also change the method of advising the teaching of Islam from ‘ordinary’ to interactive with pleasing photographs paired with uncomplicated language. Through Instagram, these hijabers have positioned their religious narratives in public discourse. The hijabers’ Instagram accounts circulate accessible and useful information related to Islamic knowledge that could increase their followers’ devotion to Allah.

Additionally, this chapter explains how the finding of ‘being pious selves’ resonates with Midden and Ponzanesi (2013) as well as expands Millie (2017), Slama (2017b), and Nisa (2018). This chapter also included a comparison of Instagram postings of Syifa Fauzia (my participant and chairwoman of Hijabers Community) and FPI (one of Indonesian hardliner Islamist) in responding to a nationally controversial issue about hijab. It can be concluded that Syifa and FPI have different modes of dakwah. Therefore, this thesis extends these bodies of work by claiming the sharing of images with captions on Instagram as forms of dakwah or syiar Islam (proselytising Islam). In doing so, this chapter offers two significant contributions

144 namely the ‘soft’ dakwah by my participants enhance young women religious authority and exert power in disseminating dakwah through Instagram.

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CHAPTER 6: BEING COMMUNITY ACTIVISTS

Figure 6.1 - Way-finding diagram of chapters

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6.1 Introduction Six Indonesian hijab communities participated in this study, including Hijabers Community (HC), Hijaber Gresik (HG), Hijaber United (HU), Yayasan Hijab Indonesia/Indonesia Hijab Foundation (YHI), Hijabie Community (HY), Syar’i Lifestyle (SLS). This chapter presents a short profile of each community, how these communities use Instagram, how these hijabers use Instagram to display their collective identity and the hijabers’ role as community activists. This chapter aims to address the third research question: How do the Indonesian hijabers present their collective identity on Instagram?

Before I explain the findings from this part of the study, I briefly describe their reasons for shifting from Twitter to Instagram, a short profile of the communities, and how these hijab communities use Instagram.

The Shifting from Twitter to Instagram The hijabers have changed their most active platform from Twitter to Instagram for communication with community members as well as for personal uses. They described three reasons for shifting: most of their followers no longer use Twitter, Instagram is kekinian (contemporary and trendy), and the simplicity and capacity of Instagram to create visual storytelling. First, they were no longer using Twitter because most of their followers were no longer using Twitter due to the limited space on Twitter. Atika, chairwoman of Hijabie Community Yogyakarta, said “We are no longer using Twitter. It was quiet... because the majority of our members are not using Twitter” (personal communication on 20 October 2016). By ‘quiet’ she means there was not a lot of excitement anymore on Twitter. This platform has become ‘a boring platform’ for young Indonesian people because its content is more about political campaigns, news, and business. Moreover, Twitter’s limited text spaceof only 140 characters, was not enough for the hijabers to express themselves. “Twitter has fewer character; it only consists of 140 characters. It is different from Instagram that has hundreds of characters. The space for self-expression in Twitter is limited”, said Firli (personal communication on 17 November 2016), members of Hijabers Community Jakarta.

Second, Instagram is a ‘trendy’ platform; most young Indonesian people are using it, and the hijabers are no exception. Participants noted that Instagram is the most advanced, attractive, and up-to-date platform. Shafira, public relations officer of Hijabers Community Bandung, stated: “Instagram is the most used platform because it is the most updated social media 147 platform” (personal communication on 13 October 2016). The community also needs to show its existence by adopting Instagram, like Wanda, administrator of social media accounts of Hijabers Community Jakarta explained, “We are using Instagram recently because of its contemporary, so we need to be presented there.” (personal communication on 30 October 20160.

Meanwhile, Hijabers Community Bandung vice chairwoman, Ifa, also explained that her community uses Instagram because Instagram is modern, “Why do we change to Instagram? Because we want to follow kekinian (contemporary and trendy).” Similarly, Tami said, “Instagram is kekinian” (personal communication on 5 October 2016). Kekinian also was the main reason for Elita, an event coordinator in Hijabers Community Yogyakarta, to use Instagram heavily. She said, “I use Instagram as the promotion medium because Instagram is a hits social media nowadays” (personal communication on 20 October 2016). Kekinian is a favourite word used by Indonesian youth to express something new or up to date.

Lastly, the simplicity of Instagram with its broader coverage and ease to relate to other platforms have made Instagram the most effective and practical platform. Sarah, chairwoman of Hijabers Community Bandung, preferred using Instagram for sharing community events because Instagram includes more features for texts, photos, and video sharing. She said “We are no longer using Twitter. We can link to other platforms from Instagram. We are looking for practicality and multifunctionality within a platform” (personal communication on 18 October 2016). Another participant from Hijabers United, Maya, prefers Instagram because of its speed in sharing information, “I prefer to use Instagram because the information in Instagram has developed faster than another social media” (personal communication on 10 November 2016). Moreover, according to Syifa, chairwoman of Hijabers Community Jakarta, her community is using Instagram for its directness of communication. Besides its simplicity, the participant chose Instagram as a sharing platform because it has the best capacity to generate visual storytelling. Ifa said, “We realised the significant impact of Instagram which is its visual capacity to provide attractive images. That could give a greater impact on the community’s events” (personal communication on 7 October 2016).

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Community Instagram Account 1. Hijabers Community (HC) Hijabers Community (HC), is the first and the most prominent hijab community in Indonesia. It was founded on 27 November 2010 in Jakarta, Indonesia. According to their official website, HC was founded by 30 women who have the same perspectives related to the hijab and the role of Muslim woman in Islam. Some of the founders are well-known young fashion designers like Dian Pelangi, Ria Miranda, Jenahara, Siti Juwariyah, Fitri Aulia, Ghaida Tsurayya, Lulu el Hasbu, Rimma Bawazier. Their tagline is, “to empower and inspire each other.” Besides the HC central branch in Jakarta, by 2016 HC had gained thousands of members from ten official branches in Indonesia’s major cities such as Bandung, Yogyakarta, Banten, Bogor, Bekasi, Malang, Padang, Medan, Lampung, Pontianak. This study only involved participants from Hijabers Community central branch in Jakarta, Hijabers Community Bandung (HCB), and Hijabers Community Yogyakarta (HCY). References to these different HC communities will be simplified to HC.

This community was the first to use the word “hijabers”, derived from the word hijab. The term hijab, initially from Arabic, has replaced the word “jilbab” and “kerudung” that were commonly used in Indonesia before the 2000s to describe the headscarf. HC chose to use the term “hijab-ers” than “jilbab-ers” in order to present a sense of being more international as well as more Islamic. The term “hijabers” was associated with young Muslim women who wear a particular style of hijab, which is usually colourful, stylish, and fashionable.

In line with the growth of the community and, the change of committees, HC in 2012 modified and improved their founder programs. For example, they no longer have a partnership with one national bank as a membership requirement, as Sarah said, “We have stopped one sponsorship with one national bank… yes, we still need sponsors, but we do not want to be associated with particular brands or used/ utilised as their campaign tools” (personal communication on 18 October 2016).

As the most significant community, HC members are aware of the importance of maintaining their social media accounts. Each branch has their own Instagram account. As of November 2017, HCB had 31.2 thousand followers, and HCY 1.4 thousand followers. Meanwhile, the HC Jakarta account reached 100 thousand followers within less than three years. An image of the HC Instagram account is shown in Figure 6.1. HC expressed their gratitude by posting a 149

‘thank you’ note to their followers. In the caption, HC also wrote that they hoped their community could offer more advantages to others and asked followers to keep following them because they believe ‘sharing is caring’ as shown in Figure 6.2 below. The enormous number of followers show the enthusiasm of the hijabers to engage with their communities.

Hijabers Community uses Instagram to announce community activities. Syifa, the chairwoman, said “Our Instagram is about our activities, networking, cooperation, sponsorship, endorsement. Moreover, through Instagram, we always try to collect charity every month then we will donate it directly to the needed” (personal communication on 18 November 2018). The most active HC followers are young women who are in their 20s, university students, or bloggers. They are active in posting comments, asking their friends to follow HC, mentioning HC in their posts, and helping to answer questions about HC. Active followers help administrators to answer questions about HC events and programs.

Figure 6.2 - Instagram Account of Figure 6.3 - Number of Instagram followers Hijabers Community (as of Nov 2017)

The social media administrator of Hijabers Community explained she would adjust the messages according to the platform. For example, she will shrink the information into 140 characters for Twitter while putting more comprehensive news on blogs. Facebook provides the ability to post photos and videos, and Instagram is more real-time with less focus on captions. HC creates Instagram messages with plain and straightforward language and attractive, colourful graphics to grab attention from followers. By using hijabers’ languages unique styles, HC hoped their messages would be easier to read and understood without appearing patronising. Figure 6.4 displays HC’s three most-loved posts of 2017. The first was

150 a campaign ‘Pray for Rohingya’ with 1,159 loves. The second-most-loved post was a monthly pengajian (Quran recitation and Islamic studying) with a theme ‘The Best Jewelry’. This event’s promotion got 902 loves. The third most with 890 loves, was a photograph of the HC committee at the community’s 5th anniversary.

Pengajian November 5th Anniversary of HC Pray for Rohingya ‘The Best Jewelry’ committee

1,159 loves 902 loves 890 loves Figure 6.4 - Most ‘loved’ posts of 2017

HC has six committees in charge of public relations (PR) who are responsible for maintaining good relations with internal and external publics. There is an image relations committee, who are responsible for advising any invitations to HC, an email relations committee, who are responsible for replying to and answering all emails. The other four PR committees handle social media and are responsible for selecting and approving the content of blog posts and posts on Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram respectively. Partnerships with HC starts by submitting a proposal via email to the PR committees, then the proposal is discussed through WhatsApp, and followed up in a face-to-face meeting. HC also posts greetings or celebrations of essential dates in the Islamic Calendar and Indonesian national events to show community presence. HC will only post content that is understandable by various followers and not content that is provocative, may offend or insult specific groups, hurt individual feelings, or could divide Muslims into diverse groups.

Moreover, HCB as one of the branches of HC, realises the significant role of social media in building relations and maintain community identity. Social media has a crucial role in HCB because almost all activities, from member registration to media partnerships, use social media. “Social media is like the heart of the community,” said Ghaida (personal communication on 6 October 2016), advisory board member of HCB. HCB mostly posts 2-3 updates per week about quotes and hadiths (every Friday), provides live updates during pengajian (Quran recitation

151 and Islamic studying), shares photos after pengajian, promotes charities, and advertises for sponsors and media partners. HCB also has two PR groups, internal and external. For partnerships, audiences should contact HCB by email and then follow up with a face-to-face meeting. For HCB, Instagram is a channel to build a positive image by sharing quotes, activities, events, sponsorships, charity, gathering. They believed by sharing content on Instagram young Muslim women will consider HCB to be a fun, exciting, and helpful community and will make them interested in joining the community.

HCB accounts have many followers because they always maintain their content. “We posted what we were doing. However, we also realise that we need our active followers to increase our positive image” said Sarah (personal communication on 18 October 2018). HCB always updates their Instagram account 2-3 times a week depending on their event schedules or sponsorship obligations, as well as posting hadiths every week. HCB also utilised Instagram as a medium for sharing events, registration and broadcasting live videos. HCB usually tags the Instagram accounts of the committees in charge of events as a token of appreciation.

2. Hijaber Gresik (HG) Hijaber Gresik (HG) was founded in 2012 in Gresik, a satellite city nearby Surabaya, which is the capital city of the East Java Province. According to Udhe, the chairwoman of the HG community, this community was established because, at that time, the main activities of hijabers were in Jakarta and Bandung, which are quite far from Gresik and there were no similar communities in Surabaya. This community is the most active hijab community in Eastern Indonesia. HG also had successfully become a partner of Dinas Pawisata dan Budaya Kapubaten Gresik (Gresik Tourism and Culture Office).

HG mostly uses Instagram and Facebook to share info about community events and activities, Islamic knowledge, hadiths, as well as invitations and reminders for attending their events. HG has around 11 thousand followers. While Facebook is used mostly to copy-paste links from Islamic websites, Instagram is used more to share original ideas in the community. Udhe also stated that her community has a rule to not post something that exposes aurat (body parts that should be covered). This community also will not approve any friend requests from men.

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Figure 6.5 - Instagram account of Hijabers Gresik

3. Hijaber United (HU) Another hijab community that participated in this study is Hijaber United (HU). It was founded in 2014 by an owner of the web portal www.diaryhijaber.com. This portal is also HU’s official media partner. HU has more than 326 members with 16 branches in Jakarta, Bandung, Yogyakarta, Bogor, Bekasi, Tangerang, Solo, Semarang, Malang, Kendal, Pekalongan, Surabaya, Makassar, Palembang, Medan, and Lampung.

HU has 6,832 Instagram followers and mostly uses Instagram to publicise and invite members to community events. Besides Instagram, HU also uses their website www.daily hijabers.co.id as a central portal to disseminate community programs. Meanwhile, HU is governed by rules organised by the central committee in Jakarta. Maya, a committee from HU Bandung said, “Central committee has a crucial part to decide what our community should or should not post. Our post cannot be related to SARA (Suku, Agama, Ras, Antargolongan -- Ethnic, Religion, Race, Among Groups)” (personal communication on 10 November 2016). HU has a central PR division, marketing, design, and sponsorship. Therefore, if HU Bandung wants to arrange an event, they have to write a proposal to the central committees in Jakarta.

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Figure 6.6 - Instagram Account of Hijaber United

4. Yayasan Hijab Indonesia/Indonesia Hijab Foundation (YHI) YHI was founded in August 2014 by a finalist of Jakarta’s beauty pageant, Ayu Wulandari. YHI is designed to serve as a community for Muslim women who care about education, environment, art, and the culture. In the first anniversary, YHI held an event called Charity in Harmony and established the Hijab School Indonesia.

YHI has 4000 Instagram followers. Similar to another community, Ayu the chairwoman also uses Instagram to share information, updating and documenting her community’s events. When her community does not have any new events, she always tries to post or share any information to keep the account updated. Ayu admitted that she only posts something neutral and avoids sharing controversial issues or news. She is also concerned with sponsors and will not post any products or sponsors that do not support YHI events. She said “…take and give important” (personal communication on 17 November 2016).

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Figure 6.7 - Instagram Account of Yayasan Hijab Indonesia

5. Hijabie Community Yogyakarta (HY) Besides Jakarta and Bandung, the hijabers phenomenon also appeared in Yogyakarta. For example, the Hijabie Community (HY) was established in Yogyakarta on 22 November 2014, founded by two cousins, Atika Maulida and Diana Fatimah Azzahra. They chose the term ‘hijabie’ to differentiate themselves from the usual term of ‘hijabers’. HY aims to be a learning place for Muslim women. At the time of their establishment in 2014 HY only had 80 members. In 2017, its members are up to nearly 300 people who have registered with around 150 active members. HY has 8 active divisions currently in the fields of makeup, modelling, public speaking, journalism, culinary arts, religion, photography, and entrepreneurship. As of November 2017, HY operated in three cities, Yogyakarta, Solo, and Magelang.

Meanwhile, Atika, chairwoman of the new community Hijabie Yogyakarta, has to handle and take full responsibility for the community’s social media accounts, with Instagram as the most active platform. HY has 6,246 Instagram followers. Atika prefers to use WhatsApp and Line as an internal medium of communication for reporting, supporting, and granting permission.

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Figure 6.8 - Instagram Account of Hijabie Community

6. Syar’i Lifestyle (SLS) Syar’i Lifestyle (SLS) was founded by two fashion designers, Fitri Aulia, the owner of Kivitz fashion brand, and Dian Marina, the owner of Missmarina (a fashion brand), in Jakarta in 2015. Fitri Aulia was also one of HC’s founders. The vision and mission of SLS are to create a rabbani (divine) generation by studying and applying Islamic sharia values to all aspects of a Muslim women’s lifestyle, such as modest fashion, halal food, halal tourism, and good morals.

Syari Lifestyle’s chairwoman, Fitri said, “Instagram is using for sharing short messages, daily reminder, quotes from Quran. Instagram content should be fun. Our target is dynamic and cheerful women that is why information posted on Instagram should be using a good photograph, graphics, and images with a bright colour like red, fusion, yellow like our colour trademark”. As of 2017, SLS had more than 9 thousand followers on Instagram even though it was established in 2015.

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Figure 6.9 - Instagram Account of Syari Lifestyle

SLS realised that every platform serves different functions. SLS has a blog which contains detailed discussions about a particular topic that they later summarise into keywords and share through Instagram. Instagram is used to post essential points and less wordy messages with hyperlinks to the community blogs and daily magazine. Instagram is also used to post a daily worship reminder, like the Dhuha prayer and Al-Kahfi on Fridays. SLS has a very well- organised flow of posting. There is a content team who are responsible for preparing scripts and creating the graphics for the blog around one to two months before the posting date. The coordinator of the content team consults with the community’s sharia board. The board will check content, in particular, the Quran verses and hadiths to avoid sharing dhaif (weak) hadiths. After that, the content will be sent to the secretary and to the creative team to insert the photographs or images. Finally, the content will be sent back to the secretary to post.

Fitri admitted SLS’s postings always refer to Islamic teachings regarding sharia law. Her followers require her to be more selective in deciding what she will post on social media. For example, she cannot post eating Japanese food without a halal label on it or drinking without taking a seat. Additionally, Fitri also obeys Islamic teachings about the prohibition of nudity. She does not want to post anything inappropriate or show a photo that disregards Islamic teachings. For example, she had to cover a nude statue with fabric before taking a photo in front of it.

Instagram is an important communication platform to connect members, to share a vision and mission, to build a communication culture, to increase the sense of belonging, and to maintain relationships that will support the achievement of the community’s vision and mission. Of these

157 six communities, HC and SLS show the most extensive utilisation of Instagram though all hijab communities applied similar rules regarding content. Instagram for these communities should follow the corridor of Islamic values and norms and communities realised the importance of building networks with local and national institutions to increase their image and prestige.

All hijab communities used Instagram for promoting their programs, sharing Islamic knowledge, and encouraging young Muslim women to be activists. The meaning of activist or activism tends to relate to political movements. However, I argue the label of ‘activist’ could be attached to individuals or groups of ordinary people, who advocate their values in order to create social change. Based on the interviews, participant-observations, and Instagram observations the hijabers in this study displayed their collective identity by being community activists on Instagram and in real life. This section explores three categories of how Instagram has enhanced the role of these hijabers in their community activism by being an agent of knowledge, being generous, and being a modest fashion icon as shown in Figure 7.10.

‘Being an agent of knowledge’ means how community organised programs like pengajian (Quran recitation and Islamic studying) not only increase participants’ Islamic knowledge but also conveys Islamic learning in online and offline public spheres. ‘Being generous’ refers to how these hijab communities are involved in various charity programs and persuade others to help needy people. Lastly, ‘being a modest fashion icon’ indicates how community events encourage hijab-wearing practices as well as the beautification of Indonesian hijab-wearing women.

Being Generous

Being Agent of Being Modest Knowledge Fashion Icon

Being Community Activists

Figure 6.10 - Being Community Activists

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6.2. Being an Agent of Knowledge Most of the hijabers in this study decided to join a hijab community with the aim to increase their knowledge of Islamic teachings. Their inquisitiveness and interest to learn more about Islam made these hijabers come to pengajian events (Quran reciting and Islamic studying). In general, pengajian is usually held in a mosque with an ustadz (male Islamic teacher) or ustadzah (female Islamic teacher) lecturing for about an hour, followed by a discussion and Quran recitation. Previously this Islamic study was mostly attended by older people, usually women over fifty and organised by mosque boards or Islamic organisations. A decade ago, pengajian was synonymous with ibu-ibu (Indonesian for mothers or older women) events or activities as part of spending their retirement to become more devoted to God. These ibu ibu imagine that, due to their old age and their closeness to death, they should then be preparing themselves by increasing their worship, getting closer to God, and enhancing their piety. Many Muslim communities, initiated by young Indonesian people, have now become more actively involved in organising pengajian.

One of the more popular communities in organising pengajian for young women on an immense scale is the Hijabers Community (HC). Through their pengajian events, the HC could transmit Islamic knowledge from ustadz (male Islamic teacher) or ustadzah (female Islamic teacher) to the hijabers and vice versa. By organising pengajian, these hijabers have become mediators of knowledge with Instagram as their platform to increase their role as an agent of knowledge. The following explains how HC arrange their pengajian events, how they publicise their events on Instagram, and how they use Instagram as a visual-based platform to display their collective identity.

HC requires all of its branches in several cities in Indonesia to arrange monthly pengajian (Quran recitation and Islamic studying). This requirement indicates HC’s focus on a program that could increase their member's knowledge about Islamic teaching. HC as a women-only community then becomes a learning community where young Indonesian woman can interact with each other and create a better understanding not only about Islam but also about livelihood.

This community uses social media, especially Instagram as the primary medium to post announcements about pengajian, as explained by Dinna: “We always blast community events in the community’s accounts, especially Instagram, Twitter, Line” (personal communication 159 on 22 October 2016). Their ability to use various social media including Instagram has demonstrated these hijabers as young media-savvy women who knowledgeable with the power of social media in distributing information.

According to Sarah, the process of posting the announcements of pengajian is where, “the information about pengajian should be posted more intensive two days before the event, and any sponsorships that support the events should be posted as per the agreement” (personal communication on 18 October 2016). She further explained the registration link on the poster aims to forecast the number of attendees to determine if the target audience size is not achieved. The preparation in conducting monthly pengajian has shown the earnestness of the community in sharing knowledge that they believe will benefit many Indonesian young women.

This community also designs eye-catching pengajian’s posters so as to get attention from young Muslim women. Figure 6.11 – 6.14 below are the examples of pengajian’s posters containing the date, place, time, topic and speaker(s). Lera, as a graphic designer who in charge of the community’s publication and documentation committee, preferred to apply soft colours like pink, pastel, light green, and blue (personal communication on 23 October 2016). These colours are associated with fun, freshness, cheerfulness and youthfulness. Moreover, the design of the posters usually includes natural elements such as flowers and leaves that represent the tranquil atmosphere of the pengajian. Indeed, the design and layout of the posters are fascinating and inviting as well as communicating the community’s ideas of novelty and creativity.

Various themes were discussed in their pengajian like religion, social life, business, and politics in order to broaden the audiences’ knowledge from all aspects that relate to the youth lives. For instance, the ‘business-style of the prophet’ (Figure 6.11) aims to persuade young women to follow Muhammad’s (peace be upon him) way of managing the business with honesty. I attended some community events such as ‘the leader of choice’ (Figure 6.12). HC used ‘the leader of choice’ to increase awareness of a gubernatorial election in Jakarta. I also went to the pengajian ‘Inspiring without depraving’ (Figure 6.13) organised by HCB. In the first session of this event, a female teacher explained how to be inspirational young women but still follow the corridor of Islamic rules such as stopping online activity at the time of praying. In the second session, a female teenager shared her experiences as a social media influencer. Meanwhile, the theme ‘Hijrah movement’ in Figure 6.14 was chosen to celebrate the sixth 160 anniversary of HCB which is called Pengajian Akbar (the great pengajian) 2017. Hijrah means to move on from evil deeds to virtuous deeds as an act of devotion. At this one-day event, besides pengajian, there were several activities like a talk show, sharing activities, charity events, and performances. According to Sarah, almost 3000 people attended Pengajian Akbar.

Figure 6.11 - Business-style of the prophet Figure 6.12 - The leader of choice

Figure 6.13 - Inspiring without depriving Figure 6.14 - Hijrah movement

These pengajian events are usually conducted in the grand mosques and organisers invite famous young local or national ustadz or ustadzah. Approximately fifty to two hundred young Muslim women frequently attend those events. However, the number of attendees depends on the capacity of the mosque. The atmosphere of pengajian was fun and conveyed in a friendly way by the teachers who use everyday language, cultural slang, and humour during sermons. The teachers deliver understandable messages with real-world examples that relate to the daily lives of young women. The enthusiasm of young women to participate in the event of pengajian (as shown in Figure 6.15) illustrated the determination of the community committee in planning, promoting, and organising the event as their monthly program. This enthusiasm also reflected the HC’s effort, spirit, and consistency in organising this routine monthly event and

161 other regular quarterly and annual events. Indeed, HC has successfully become a pioneer in activating pengajian for young Muslim women.

Figure 6.15 - Participants of HC monthly pengajian

Besides HC, some of the hijab communities also held pengajian events such as Hijabie Community (HY) and Syari Lifestyle (SLS). As shown in figure 6.16, HY organised a member gathering to visit a pesantren (Islamic school) and to attend a tausyiah (Islamic speech) presented by an ustadz. HY members also gathered at the mosque, and each of the members read one chapter of the Quran in welcoming the holy month of Ramadan.

Figure 6.16 - HY visits Islamic school and Quran recitation

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Meanwhile, the committee of SLS showed their activities in memorising Quran chapters before conducting an event (see Figure 6.17). SLS also start their events by tilawah (recite) Quran, such as when they celebrated their first anniversary. Interestingly, SLS does not always use the term pengajian for their Islamic learning or study events. As shown in the bottom left post of Figure 6.17, SLS chose the creative title of ‘tadabur space’ which means a reflection time for their Islamic study and charity event.

Figure 6.17 - SLS Islamic studies

As non-profit communities, these communities have enhanced the communal spirit for studying Islam together from a young age. I noticed the enormous effect and power that might result from these women who gather together (in regular times in several cities) to increase their knowledge, faith, and networks. These young women have shown a sense of ‘girl and women power’ beyond the Westerners stereotype who identified hijab-wearing women as passive and backward. These young women’s spirit and power to improve their religiosity also challenged the stigma that comes from some Indonesian people who label these hijabers as a group of youth who just love fashion and only care about their appearances as ‘fashionistas’. These community activists also create a new form of piety movements in Indonesia. By actively organising events and taking roles in the public space, these communities also contribute to the dynamic shift of the pious agency. They autonomously could arrange various themes of pengajian that relevant with women’s needs without assisted by men.

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6.3 Being Generous Besides ‘being an agent of knowledge’ through pengajian events, these hijabers are also ‘being generous’ through various charity campaigns, which are one of the community goals. HC conducts charity campaigns every month or every three months. Syifa stated, “Every month we always try to have ‘HC sedekah’ (alms). The collected fund will be donated to the needy” (personal communication on 18 November 2018). HC also collaborate with several charity foundations such as ACT (Aksi Cepat Tanggap or Fast Response Action). For instance, Wanda stated: One of our collaboration with a charity foundation called ACT (Aksi Cepat Tanggap) aims to campaign the importance of giving and caring for each other while celebrating "Sacrifice Feast" (Eid Al- Adha). HC helped ACT to educate the youth regarding the purposes of the sacrifice and how to distribute the meats to the right people (personal communication on 30 October 2016).

These communities used Instagram to broaden the scope of their charity events and amplify the influence of their acts. Shafira mentioned, “We share every charity campaign on Instagram to get the bigger impact of donation (from followers)” (personal communication on 13 October 2018). These charity programs indicate their character and personality as kind and caring young Muslim women.

HC suggested their followers make a feast sacrifice because community members will not sufficiently suffer if they only donate their money to pay for a sheep, goat, or cow and to give the meat to the less fortunate who cannot afford to buy meat (see Figure 6.18). Figure. 6.19 shows the poster of alms for the orphans in collaboration with the ACT, as one of the events at HCB’s sixth anniversary. Sarah admitted, “We usually held donation collection every three months. Sometimes we also come to the orphanages” (personal communication on 18 October 2018).

HC also promoted other charity activities that were organised independently by HC (see Figure 6.20 and 6.21). Figure 6.20 advertises the program ‘charity hopping’ which aims to provide temporary homes for sick people who have severe illness that come from remote areas and have to get intensive long-term treatment from the hospital in RSCM Jakarta, one of the b largest public hospitals in Indonesia. Figure 6.21 displays the message to join in well-building activities across Indonesia’s remote areas in order to supply clean water for local communities.

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Through various charitable programs HC could persuade many people, specifically young women, to be keen to help each other.

Figure 6.18 - Feast of sacrifice Figure 6.19 - Alms for orphans

Figure 6.20 - Charity Hopping Figure 6.21 - Well building

Meanwhile, Hijaber United (HU) which has a tagline to ‘meet, greet, and share’ would also insert charity events in their activities such as those shown in Figure 6.22. HU asked their followers to donate a book in order to create a small reading room in one local district. Figure 6.23 and 6.24 show how HU participated in a charity program to support orphans. HU’s charity programs focus on helping children to get better access to knowledge and education.

Figure 6.22 - Book donation Figure 6.23 - HU charity program

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Figure 6.24 - Sharing love with orphans

Yayasan Hijab Indonesia (YHI) also has charity agendas in their programs. This community showed their caring behaviour toward people with HIV/AIDS. For example, they went to a foundation that cares for people with HIV/AIDS. They wanted their members to know about the disease, understand the importance of preventing the spread of the disease, and not ignore people who live with the disease (see figure 6.25). In Figure 6.26, YHI held an anniversary celebration by organising an event called ‘Charity in Harmony.’ This event not only included guest speakers but also invited less fortunate children, such as disabled children, children with special needs, and orphans.

Figure 6.25 - Meeting people with HIV/AIDS Figure 6.26 - Charity in harmony

Another charity program promoted by Syari Lifestyle (SLS), as shown in Figure 6.27, explained to attendees that what we keep in the world will be gone in the afterlife, but what we give in the world will become our reserve in the afterlife. Figure 6.28 shows a post where SLS linked a blog post regarding how to save money to buy a sacrificial animal for the next feast of sacrifice. This community not only asked their followers to be generous, but they also shared tips on how to be savvy and help others.

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Figure 6.27 - Don’t forget to give alms Figure 6.28 - Save for feast of sacrifice

These communities have increased their roles as activists to support the values of humanity through their charitable programs. These communities denied the assumptions of young people as careless, selfish, and only concerned about their ambitions. In contrast, these young Muslim women have proved that they could create change by inspiring others to be more sympathetic for sharing and caring. They spread their aspirations of helping needy people using Instagram and in so doing emphasise themselves as being generous young women. It also could be said that their generosity is part of how they generate a piety movement in the offline and online space.

6.4 Being a Modest Fashion Icon These organised hijab communities, facilitated by the visual power of Instagram, have produced modest fashion icons in two ways: hijabisation and beautification. I use the term ‘hijabisation’ to refer to how these communities have encouraged young Indonesian Muslim women to wear the hijab and created a new sharing-culture around the hijab. Beautification refers to the process of improving appearances.

Hijabisation Indeed, hijab communities in this study have changed the perception of modest fashion from old fashion, meaning out of date and ‘only suitable for old women’, into fashionable attire that is suitable for the daily lifestyles of young women, as noted by Udhe that the “hijab is not out- of-date anymore, we have to be proud of our hijab, even if we wear it in Muslim minority countries, because hijab fashion in Indonesia has become the centre of hijab fashion in the world” (personal communication, 20 November 2016).

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HCs are not only concerned with activating religious programs such as pengajian and charitable campaigns but indicate their submission of piety not only because they are wearing Islamic fashion but also because they are becoming influencers in promoting religious activities. These religious activities generate piety movement both in daily lives and through the online world. I also found that hijabisation is another highlight of these communities’ aim to develop a piety movement.

The Hijabers Community (HC) has promoted veiling practices as part of young women’s religious achievements as described by its committee below:

HC’s mission is ‘providing’ young women (with knowledge) who are already wearing the hijab because hijab is not merely a garment (worn on the head). HC wants to become a medium for young women as a learning community (Syifa, personal communication on 18 November 2018).

Our vision and mission are quite simple; we want to spread the message of Islam and to ask friends and families to wear hijab through gentle ways (Sarah, personal communication on 18 October 2016).

This community used Instagram to spread their mission of hijabisation. Participants, Kiki and Tami use Instagram to share their experiences about the hijab. The examples of how HC use Instagram to support hijabisation is shown in Figure 6.29 below where HC greeted followers on ‘Happy World Hijab Day’ celebrated on February 1st by writing, ‘Hijab makes women beautiful more than what the eye sees.’ This greeting resonates with Syifa’s dream, “I want to create a campaign to support hijab all over the world.” (personal communication on 18 November 2016).

Another example of hijabisation is also shown by a posting of the Hijabers Day Out (HDO), HC quarterly event (see Figure 6.30). This event costs around AUD $10 - $20, which is different from other pengajian that are usually free of charge or only cost approximately AUD $1 - $2. HDO seems more expensive because it is held in fancy hotels. The title of this HDO event is ‘You, Hijab, & Healthy Hair Journey’ conducted in the Century Park Athlete Hotel, a prestigious hotel in Jakarta. A hair care brand, Matrix, sponsored this event. From the poster, this event encourages young women to not worry about the health of their scalp and convinces them to keep wearing the hijab and maintain a healthy scalp at the same time.

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These events become part of hijabisation because HC tried to create attractive events to publicise hijab-wearing in Indonesia. These hijab-related events have gained a positive response from young Indonesian women. Since HC has been established, the number of veiled Muslim women in Indonesia is increased. The roles of HC in inspiring young Indonesian women to don the hijab was also admitted by Kiki: “The focus of HC is hijab. If I did not join HC, maybe I was not very convinced to wear the hijab just like now” (personal communication on 21 October 2016).

Figure 6.29 - Happy World Hijab Day Figure 6.30 - You, Hijab, & Healthy Hair Journey

In fact, HC wants to change what people think about the hijab as said by Ifa: Years ago, hijab was associated with difficulty to move, rigid, not cool, constrained women’s activities…We (HC) want to give another perspective on the hijab. Hijab is not as rigid as you think, we still could be active by wearing it, in fact, we can give a lot of positive contributions to it (personal communication on 7 October 2016). To support hijabisation, as shown in Figure 6.31, HC spreads the hashtag ‘proud of your hijab’ as part of their seven-day hijab challenge program. In the caption, HC wrote: Who said wearing the hijab is complicated? This is @adddinaaa, a kindy teacher who always deals with super active toddlers nevertheless she always wears hijab through her activities. It proves hijab is not a limitation of women’s lives. Let’s wear the hijab!

A similar caption is also shown in Figure 6.32, “We are the living proof of ‘Hijab never limits you.’ So be proud of your hijab and boost up positive vibe!” In this figure, all HC’s committee wears a glossy hijab and dress with asimilar colour. These posts not only display how HC considers hijab to be an important part of their modesty but also accentuates their charm as active young Muslim women.

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Figure 6.31 - Proud of your hijab

Figure 6.32 - Hijab never limits you As the most prominent community, HC has also promoted the hijab at the legislative level. Syifa, the HC chairwoman, was invited to sit with the member of the Indonesian House of Representatives. She gives her opinions about prohibition in wearing the hijab for some professions in Indonesia. HC hopes the parliament will accommodate the voice of the community. (see Figure 6.33). This figure shows how HC advocates the right of wearing hijab for Indonesian Muslims. This also presents their effort to bring hijabisation to the next level, not at a grassroots level anymore, but in the level of policymakers. Moreover, in Figure 6.34, Syifa was also invited to join President Jokowi in meeting King Salman from Saudi Arabia. HC hopes Muslim women will have an influential role in maintaining a sisterhood between the two countries. Both figures are evidence that HC is considered a significant community with enormous influence on young Indonesian women including their capacity to promote

170 hijabisation. This also supported Syifa’s claim that the hijab is not only a garment worn on the head.

Figure 6.33 - Invitation in hearing with Indonesian House of Representatives

Figure 6.34 - Invitation to meet King of Saudi Arabia

Another example of hijabisation was conducted by Hijaber United (HU) when theylaunched Hari Hijaber Nasional (Hijaber National Day) 7 August 2016 and was supported by the Indonesian Minister of Social Affairs, Khofifah Indar Parawansa. Khofifah herself posted and mentioned HU, writing, “Hijab your self, heart, mind, and behaviour” (see Figure 6.40). She motivates Indonesian young Muslim women to don the hijab not only to cover their hair but also to cover their heart mind and behaviour. Hijaber National Day is now celebrated every year on 7 August. As Maya explained, “This event purposes to introduce hijab and to educate young women the right reason behind wearing the hijab which is because of Allah” (personal communication on 10 November 2016). Her statement resonates with a statement from the HU official web portal: Hijaber National Day aims to appreciate Indonesian Muslim women and to support Muslim women to be more intelligent, active, independent and confident in

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applying Islamic values in everyday life. HU believes within Islam women could become active, creative, beautiful, independent, and powerful.

Figure 6.35 shows how the National Hijaber Day started by creating an online petition in the community’s web portal to gain support regarding whether it is important to declare a National Hijaber Day. At the same time, HU also went out to the streets to pass out a brochure about the National Hijaber Day and asked people to fill in the petition (see Figure 6.36). Figure 6.37 shows the image of when 7 August 2016 is celebrated as the first National Hijaber Day with the tagline “Rise Your Hijab”. It means HU wants to intensify the meaning and purposes of hijab as well as to support Indonesian veiled Muslim women to be more empowered. Wearing hijab should improve system of thinking and attitudes, so as to have and express a good heart and manners.

Figure 6.35 - Vote for National Hijaber Day Figure 6.36 - Pre-event of National Hijaber Day

Figure 6.37 - National Hijaber Day 2016 Figure 6.38 - Repost from Khofifah

Similarly, as a new community, SLS shows a high commitment to ensuring their members and followers wear Islamic dress. In Figure 6.39, SLS campaigned a dress code for Muslimah (an

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Arabic term for Muslim women). Figure 6.40 show an SLS post of a woman in hijab swimming wear in a mountain-viewed pool. The SLS caption is: Dear sisterfillah, tomorrow will be a perfect time for doing sport. Don’t let hijab prevent you from doing sports. There is a lot of sportswear designed for hijabi. For swimming, you can use swimming wear for a hijab-wearing woman with one size larger than yours. Don’t forget choosing hijab that covers your chest.

These posts show SLS’s effort in hijabisation by asking their followers to stay healthy but still wear long and loose swimming wear. They also suggest Muslim women keep their hijab while doing sports and creatively choose sportswear that fits with their hijab. It means this community considers health as a part of aMuslim lifestyle, and that there is no reason for not being active in sports because of wearing a hijab.

Figure 6.39 - Dress code for muslimah Figure 6.40 - Syar’i swimming cloth

Notably, these hijab communities have taken part as agents of change by asking other young Muslim women to learn about the hijab as well as promote new nuances and images of veiled Muslim women challenging perceptions of being out-of-date and backward to portraying their lives as modest, active, and empowered. Through the hijabisation events posted on Instagram, these communities not only increase the awareness of young Muslim women to privilege their hijab but also elevate the meaning of the hijab as more than just a garment worn on the head. In other words, these communities through hijabisation have represented themselves as part of the piety movement.

Beautification These hijab communities not only promote hijab-wearing but also activities related to the act of making young Muslim women more beautiful or beautification. Through this beautification, these hijabers became involved in processes to beautify their appearances. The hijabers

173 unintentionally have turned their fashion-related events into luxury icons that are only affordable for middle-class women.

Although HC accommodates some beauty-related events such as beauty classes and hijab tutorials, the focus of HC’s activities has shifted from ‘beauty and fashion’ into more ‘religion, charity, workshops. Chika said, “People knew if they want to increase their religious knowledge or increase the worship, they will join HC… We do not want to make only fashion events” (personal communication on 30 October 2016). Her statement, also supported by Syifa as chairwoman of HC, also admitted: HC has helped to change the perception on how hijab could be used in every occasion. HC inspired women to mix and match old clothes such as a short t- shirt with inner or outer sleeves as hijab outfit, and so on. We still have an event related to fashion, but we are not focusing on fashion…well, fashion is still an interesting topic for women. For example, we held a fashion design class, not a beauty pageant; we do not agree with the competition of beauty. So, fashion- related events are only one-third of our activities…fashion only as an addition, we want to encourage a deeper understanding of Islam through workshop, training and so on (personal communication on 18 November 2016).

One example of beauty-related events was that organised by HC and shown in Figure 6.41. HC posted a poster of a Beauty Class entitled ‘Flawless Longwear Make-up’. This event was held in a hotel and participants paid IDR Rp. 185,000 if they were HC members and IDR Rp. 215,000 for non-members (approximately AUD $18 - $20). Ifa, the vice-chairwoman of HC, explained, “The purpose of beauty class is not for tabarruj (display the beauty). Our beauty is just for ourselves, for the husband, and for Allah, because Allah likes beauty and to show others that hijab-wearing women are not filthy” (personal communication on 7 October 2016). Figure 6.42 displays a beauty class event held by Hijabers United (HU). This event was sponsored by Wardah, a halal cosmetic brand. Participants paid IDR 75,000 (approximately AUD $7.5) to attend, which included a facial wash, lip balm, and face powder. These events display these communities’ attention in improving the physical appearances of Indonesian hijab-wearing women. These events also create a market opportunity for halal cosmetic brands and creating these hijabers as the target of a consumer culture.

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Figure 6.41 - Flawless Longwear Makeup Class Figure 6.42 - Beauty Class

Most hijab communities celebrate their anniversary by arranging fashion show events that indicate the process of beautifying hijabers’ appearances. For example, HC’s anniversary event included a ‘Fashion Show from Hijab Local Brand’ (see Figure 6.46). Meanwhile, in Figure 6.48, Syari Lifestyle (SLS) which was established by two famous fashion designers launched a trunk show with its founders’ brands, Kivitz and MissMarina. This trunk show was an event to preview their 2015 Fall and Winter fashion collections. Lastly, Hijabie Community (HY) organised a two-day ‘Hijabie Women’s Day’ with several activities, including a fashion show competition and fashion parade. These fashion shows inspire young Muslim women to rearrange their wardrobe and create opportunities to escalate young Muslim women’s interest in the fashion industry.

Figure 6.43 - Fashion show for Hijabers Community’s anniversary

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Figure 6.44 - Fashion show for Syari Lifestyle’s anniversary

Figure 6.45 - Fashion show competition for Hijabie Community's anniversary

Modelling classes are also a part of the beautification process for some communities. Forexample, Figure 6.46 shows how YHI celebrated its anniversary by organising a modelling class. Ayu, the YHI chairwoman, admitted that through modelling classes, young women could improve their confidence not only in front of a camera but also in their daily lives. Modelling classes present the community’s intention to support veiled Indonesian women who like to express themselves in photographs.

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Figure 6.46 - Modelling class in YHI’s anniversary

The attempts of beautification are also indicated by beauty pageant contests organised by the HG and Hijabie Community Yogyakarta (HY). For its fifth anniversary, HG in collaboration with Gresik Tourism and Culture Office, arranged several events with the theme of ‘Strength and Dignity of Hijab’ including a ‘Princess Hijabers Junior’ contest and ‘Miss Hijabers Gresik 2017’ contest (see Figure 6.47) Meanwhile, HY, each year since its establishment in 2015, has organized a beauty pageant called ‘Miss Hijabie’ (see Figure 6.48). These events show that veiled Muslim women can be anything they want, including a beauty pageant. However, these beauty contests also provoke the issue of objectification of women’s appearances and could be interpreted as a form of commercialisation of the women’s body.

Figure 6.47 - Beauty pageant organised Figure 6.48 - Beauty pageant by Hijabers Gresik organised by Hijabie Community

While HC as the first hijab community has shifted their focus from fashion to religious and social-related events, these newer hijab communities tend to focus their activities on beauty- related events. These beautification activities might have both positive and negative impacts. On the one hand, these beauty events can give an advantage for their members to get 177 information about beauty tips and makeup skills that possibly will increase their confidence and self-love, all of which is essential to build a positive self-concept. These beautification events also could develop new businesses and entrepreneurship, for example through a fashion bazaar. On the other hand, these beauty-related events also could increase consumerism among young women. In fact, through these events, these hijabers identify as modest fashion icons that are followed by many of Indonesian young Muslim women.

6.5 Discussion The hijabers in this study were active in their hijab communities in Indonesia, specifically: Hijabers Community (HC), Hijaber Gresik (HG), Hijaber United (HU), Yayasan Hijab Indonesia/Indonesia Hijab Foundation (YHI), Hijabie Community (HY), and Syar’i Lifestyle (SLS). As Dunn (2013) highlights, the internet not only has changed the way people communicate with each other but has also expanded a new identity. Instagram is an important communication platform to connect within community members, to share visions and missions, to build a communication culture, to increase the sense of belonging, and to maintain relationships that support the formation of collective identity. By using Instagram, these hijab communities have communicated their collective identity as a group of young Muslim women who make contributions through the process of self-improvement and self-development through various activities.

Significantly, these communities have made Instagram their primary platform to highlight community events and promote their programs, to share Islamic knowledge, and to encourage young Muslim women to become community activists. The meaning of ‘activist’ or ‘activism’ tends to relate to political movements. Nevertheless, I argue the label of activist could be attached to someone or a group of ordinary people, who advocate their values in order to. Then, this chapter offers two contributions on how the hijabers create change regarding the expanding of pious agency and challenging public role.

Pious Agency These hijab communities form of activism such as organising pengajian (Quran recitation and Islamic studying), initiating charitable programs, and promoting modest fashion have established new piety movements in Indonesia. Community activism has offered an opportunity for the members to discover new skills and knowledge and to create networks,

178 which will increase agency (Rinaldo, 2010b). It means by involving in the piety movements; women could advance their pious agency in order to create change and also to counter male- domination in interpreting religious scriptures and disseminating religious values.

Their piety movements could also generate pious agency and become a source of legitimacy (Rinaldo, 2010b; Mir-Hosseini, 2006) with the capacity to encourage members to be active in the public sphere and to spread and promote social change, primarily related to the implementation of Islamic values in daily lives. These community activities have offered an opportunity for their members to discover new skills and knowledge and to create networks, which will increase agency like argued by Mahmood (2005) and Rinaldo (2010b). Thus, these hijabers have exhibited their abilities to be active in the public domain, to extend their ‘women power,’ to use their agency, and to contest domain power structures as agents of social change. It means Instagram might be seen as an arena to express an identity that eventually becomes part of the community’s way to enforce their agency.

Challenge Public Role The hijabers locate their collective identity in the public discourse by displaying new nuances in presenting alternative images of Islam and a new young Muslim generation in Indonesia. Through producing and circulating stylised veiled images, these hijabers are also actively reframing conventional neoliberal notions about Islamic veiling and Muslim womanhood, as outlined in Smith-Hefner’s (2007) study. Prominently these communities have taken part as agents of change by inviting young Muslim women to learn about Islam and to promote new representations of Muslim women. In other words, by being community activists, these hijabers become leaders and role models for other Indonesian young women.

This presentation of hijabers’ collective identity seems to be important in light of the growing conservativism in Indonesian (Muttaqin, 2015). These hijabers, through their communities, could help challenge and equalise the domination of conservatism that is showcased by hardliner Indonesian Islamist groups. Their construction of collective identity has an impact in changing dominant power structures in several ways, including in how Indonesian hijabers use their community to express their voice. It means these woman-only communities have enormous power to influence other young women.

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For instance, Hijabers Community (HC) as the pioneer and most organised hijab community in Indonesia has conducted online and offline activism to share their ideas and community philosophy, “to empower and inspire each other.” They organised monthly, quarterly, and annual events, focusing on how to improve piousness and increase understanding of Islamic teachings. They aim to be useful women, as Syifa wants her community to become “high- quality Muslimah (an Arabic term for Muslim women), which means a woman who has strong devotion, unity to God, broadminded, eager to increase self-potential, and useful for others” (personal communication on 18 November 2016). Syifa’s statement differs from the portrayal of Muslims in an online forum in Sweden that studied by Törnberg and Törnberg (2016). They claimed Muslims in an online forum in Sweden to be “a homogeneous outgroup involved in conﬂict, violence, and extremism” relating to Islam as a religion (p. 132). In other words, their findings position Islam as an evil religion that promotes conflict, violence, and extremism that contrasts with the hijabers’ values.

As ‘women only’ communities, they organise community events with limited assistance from men. For example, in an interview session, a member of HC admitted that even for their annual event ‘Hijab Day,' they do not hire an event organiser. They were in charge of the event from the start, including planning the event, looking for sponsors, contacting guests, hiring performers, setting the hall, and being Master of Ceremonies. Sarah said, “we must create a big annual event…we are all superwomen…we want to show others that we can organise an event that enjoyed and benefited for many people” (personal communication on 18 October 2016). These hijabers display their abilities to take a public role, to be in charge in the public domain and to extend their ‘woman power’.

Another example of community activism that could challenge public role is the charitable programs. These communities are therefore not groups of ‘self-centred’, careless young women but very active in creating charity programs that draw young people intention to help others. Certainly, Instagram has helped with the distribution of these community charitable programs because the broader the reach of the programs the more people could participate. It means these communities could facilitate more needy people. Amos (1982) and Dawson (1988) have classified perceived benefits of donating such as “feelings of self-esteem, public recognition, the satisfaction of expressing gratitude for one’s own well-being and relief from feelings of guilt and obligation” (cited in Hibbert & Horne, 1996, p. 5). Their charity programs not only could accentuate their generosity buy also increase their role in the society. 180

These communities also serve as community activists to teach and propagate modest fashion. The trend of the fashionable Busana Muslim (Muslim dress) introduced by famous Indonesian fashion designers and actresses, helped by media coverage, was spread through fashion outlets in large Indonesian cities and formed the new images of veiled Muslim women. Similarly, the hijabers trend was also initiated by famous young designers like Dian Pelangi, Ria Miranda, Jenahara who in 2010 were establishing the Hijabers Community. From these designers and actresses, the fashionable trend was then recreated, reproduced, and consumed by ordinary Muslim women in rural areas, moving from the higher to lower class and creating what Simmel (1957 [1904) called the ‘top-down’ effect.

Simmel’s (1904) notion of conformity and individuality could be found in the context of how the Indonesian hijabers present their fashionable body. The negotiation between faith and fashion by Indonesian hijabers demonstrates the tension between conformity and individuality. These hijabers conform to Islamic values by wearing a modest dress but are also being creative by displaying their styled images on Instagram. Since fashion is a cultural and social process by which individuals mark their positions in cultural groups and communicate several meanings (Barnard, 2002), Islamic fashion, which is a significant part of these hijabers’ appearances, has become an essential nonverbal symbol that it can communicate and negotiate these hijabers’ persona as stylish yet humble and inspired.

Simmel’s notion is also relevant to support the mechanism of fashion, and how being fashionable is governed by “being in fashion” which assumes the existence of a collectivity to be part of, while these hijabers joined and formed the hijab communities. Their participation in community events has created a new and creative culture-sharing of modest fashion for middle-class young women. Then it resonates to what Kiliçbay and Binark (2002) ; Gökarıksel and McLarney (2010) and Lewis (2007, 2010) noting that the hijab fashion trend may only be affordable for middle-class women. Moreover, it is important to note that these hijab communities never consciously set up limitations of who can or cannot participate in their fashion-related events. The underlying conditions for attending their events are ‘woman’ and ‘wear polite clothes’ where ‘polite clothes’ is not necessary to include a veil.

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These hijabers have acted as agents of change by asking other young Muslim women to learn about Islam and to promote nuances and images of Muslim women. This finding also supported El Guindi's (1999) notion, which is these hijab communities have developed public presence not only through wearing a hijab but primarily through activism.

However, there are differences in how these hijab communities approach the value of being a modest fashion icon. HC, as the most established community, changed their focus from fashion-related activities to those that could increase piety. Syifa, as HC chairwoman admitted, We still have an event related to fashion, but we are not focused on fashion…well, fashion is still an interesting topic for women. For example, we held a fashion design class, not a beauty pageant; we do not agree with the competition of beauty. So, fashion-related events are only one-third of our activities…fashion only an insertion, we want to encourage a deeper understanding of Islam through workshop, training and so on. (Syifa, November 2016)

HC only held fashion-related events on significant occasions such as anniversaries (Figure 4.49), that integrated with other activities like pengajian (Quran recitation and studying), talk shows, workshops, Islamic consultation charity programs, fashion shows and bazaars. They called their one-day event ‘HC Day 2017’.

Figure 4.49 - Annual HC Day

Meanwhile, newer hijab communities tend to focus on beauty and fashion related events. For example, the Hijabie Community (HY), established at the end of 2014, has held several fashion events and in 2017 organised fashion and beauty events such as the Hijabie Model Hunt, Fashion Show Competition, Fashion Parade, Hijabie Modelling School, beauty pageant

182 contest, and Miss Hijabie 2017. This beauty pageant contest has been held annually since 2015. These fashion-related activities indicate HY’s intention to invite potential members by creating modest fashion icons.

Figure 4.50 - Example of HY’s fashion events

The concern with these contests as events is that they have similar patterns with other beauty contests like Miss World or Miss Universe, although labelled differently. It seems by adding the label of ‘Muslimah’ or ‘Hijabi’ they capitalise less on women’s appearances. In fact, as with other beauty pageants, these contests prioritise women’s appearance, glorify women’s beauty and objectify women’s body just to secure a title with the crown.

Moreover, as fashionable icons my participants could spread capitalism that leads to consumerism. In fact, fashion is a capitalist industry which means they will inevitably be included in the networks of capitalism, of which most people globally are also involved. Fashion has always been a marker of social, and cultural change. In this situation, these hijabers are indeed self-marketing and participating in the commercial practice of postfeminist ideology. This side effect of a modest fashion competition celebrating physical appearance is a research area that is little explored here in this thesis but worthy of further investigation.

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6.6 Conclusion This chapter explores how the finding of ‘being community activist’ relates to the previous literature. In doing so, the discussion section elaborates how these findings contrast with Törnberg and Törnberg (2016); resonate with Kiliçbay and Binark (2002); Gökarıksel and McLarney (2010) and Lewis (2007, 2010); as well as expand Simmel’s (1904) notion of conformity and individuality and Mahmood’s (2005) and Rinaldo's (2010b) study on piety movement. Through their activities on Instagram, they expand pious agency and challenge public image. Yet, the discussion section of this chapter also compares the Instagram postings of new versus established hijab communities to acknowledge the possibility of women’s beauty objectification towards beauty pageant events.

Hijab communities use Instagram as a platform to share information, to promote community events, to publicise sponsorship and endorsement, to publicise their community’s programs as well as be a medium for member registration. These communities have several guidelines, rules, values, and boundaries about what is appropriate behaviour and what may be presented on Instagram as representative of the Islamic way of life. They also carefully consider and double check before posting to ensure they are presenting a suitable and acceptable image of the communities. These communities also have employed Instagram as their primary platform to share their community vision, organisational mission, and to promote community events. Instagram has helped spread their agendas to reach multiple responses and impacts. Therefore, using Instagram, these communities have changed the ways they communicate and interact with each other because Instagram could extend and enhance the community existence.

While the hijabers never claim to be activists and feminists, their community activities do reflect what they want to accomplish which is social and political change which relevant with feminist agendas. These women have displayed their abilities to be community activists by taking a public role, to be in charge in the public domain, and to extend their power and agency. I propose therefore, that by being a community activist they have enormous influence in generating piety movements in Indonesia that could prompt pious agency both online and in everyday lives.

These Indonesian hijabers who have actively participated in their hijab community have presented their collective identity by being community activists. Through regular pengajian (Quran recitation and Islamic studying) events, these hijabers become active as agents of 184 knowledge. They also show their generosity by organising charitable programs for children, orphans, disaster victims, and sick people. Moreover, these hijabers endorse hijab wearing and positively change the image of a hijab-wearing woman from out-of-date to modest, yet fashionable. In other words, these hijabers within their communities engaged with several activities that portrayed themselves as agents of knowledge, charitable enthusiasts, and icons for modest fashion.

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CHAPTER 7: IMPLICATIONS

This thesis established three critical themes in responding to the overarching research question: How do Indonesian hijabers construct their modern Muslim selves through Instagram? These three themes are ‘Being Authentic’, ‘Being Pious’, and ‘Being Community Activists’. I propose that Indonesian hijabers construct their modern Muslim self by displaying their uniqueness, or as I outline it in this research, as ‘Being Me on Instagram’ (see Figure 7.1 below). This section delves deeply into the Indonesian hijabers’ experiences in engaging with the visual affordances of Instagram to present the construction of ‘Being Me’ by further examining each of the three research sub-questions.

INQUIRY OUTCOME

Being Real

Being Fashionable Selfies Being Authentic Being Empowered

Being Humorous and Fun

Being Faithful BEING Religious Being Righteous Being Pious ME Identity Being Grateful

Being Patient

Being Agent of Knowledge Collective Being Community Being Generous Identity Activists Being Modest Fashion Icon

Figure 7.1 - Being Me on Instagram

This section outlines the three main implications of this research. Theoretically, this thesis highlights how Instagram emphasises self-presentation and advances the ideology of Muslim femininity. Meanwhile, the practical implication of this study draws attention to how the engagement of Indonesian hijabers on Instagram reframes the nexus of piety and modernity. These implications come out from the findings and analyses of studying ‘Being Me’ on Instagram. Figure 7.2 below displays these three implications.

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Instagram Instagram reframes Instagram advances emphasises self- the nexus of piety Muslim femininity presentation and modernity

Figure 7.2 - Implications of research

7.1 Instagram Emphasises Self-presentation Numerous scholars have argued that the internet expands opportunities for Goffman’s (1959) front and back stage self-making (Mendelson & Papacharissi, 2010; Abidin, 2016; Duguay, 2016), and with the advent and popularisation of web-based image-sharing, such self-making increasingly proceeds through creative managing and posting of photographs. This section explores how my participants’ strategy of front and back stage self-making on Instagram.

My analysis of my participants’ Instagram posts reveals three qualities of their front-stage self- making on Instagram: authenticity expression, pious selves establishment, and activism expansion. The front stage self making indicates their visual presentation through their photographs and captions, through beautiful poses and interesting composition. Similar dynamics are at play in the hijabers case. In their glossy, thoughtfully composed images of their middle class everyday, the hijabers both emulate corporate media (they make hijaberness look like a tv ad or a glossy magazine), and bring threatening identities in to a mainstream fold (ie, the retrieve veiling from the threat of jilboobs and jilbab gaul).

In light of Marwick’s (2013) and Duguay’s (2016) arguments, I may surmise that this taming is a function of a transnational culture of Instagram use. In other words, a culture of Instagram’s use works alongside captions, borders and depth of field to attach meaning to images on Instagram. The case of the hijabers also proffers new insights into recent developments in cultures of using Instagram, particularly the new roles setting is playing in the visual vocabulary that helps constitute the platform’s overwhelmingly mainstream nuances.

Moreover, their use of geographic settings, revealing how location data is being drawn into frontstage self-making endeavours (Goffman, 1959) on Instagram. This mode of identity performance positions them in a microcelebrity culture (Abidin, 2016) and draws attention to

187 the growing role images of place are playing in it (for example in the hijabers’ travelling photos).

Meanwhile, the back stage is the stage of curation where my participants could choose which photographs should be uploaded and with which captions. They need to create positive impressions because they realise they have to present who they really are without generating negative images. In accordance with Thumim's (2012) argument, they stage their selves as “the generic expectations of the self-representations” (p. 154). They curate their photographs and captions to conform what is expected by the society from a hijab wearing woman. For example, they definitely could not post their ‘wake-up’ faces, because they do not wear their hijab while sleeping. Nor they could post ‘bathroom’ mirror selfies like Kim Kardashian because they cannot display their aurat (body parts that should be covered) as explain in section 4.5. Therefore, back stage is a stage for the hijabers to build impression management which is not always intentionally to manipulate self-presentation because users cannot control nonverbal aspects (i.e. gesture, posture, facial, clothing).

My proposition about the creation of impression here resonates with Banet-Weiser’s (2012) noted that “self-branding seems not only logical but perhaps necessary” (p. 56). She offers an understanding of how our lives are surrounded by brands, as a self we consciously or unconsciously have set up a persona branding that is influenced by our culture, particular life values, and religion. Moreover, her suggestion similar with Goffman’s (1959) dramaturgical framework that both front and back stage can be managed but does not have to imply insincerity. While it is not easy to know someone’s genuine intention when they engage with social media, the meaning of self-performances on the ‘stage’ of social media still can be interpreted based on the consistency of how she or he presents and represents themselves.

The hijabers’ front and back stage self-making constitutes hijaberness as a ‘composite habitus’ or the aspect of a habitus that is split between coplementary and contradictory predispositions (Waltorp, 2015). In her study of young Danish Muslim women’s social media use, Waltorp argued that the women use social media to augment to spaces available to them for identitity experimentation. On and offline, they play with various subject positions in various fields. This kind of practice is evidence of what Waltorp calls a “composite habitus” (2015, p. 50) – bodily comportments that betray the acute sensibilities both structured by and necessary to the

188 successful navigation of distinct social environments that become available through smartphone use.

Composite habitus is usefully applied the hijabers. Unlike the veiled women of which Waltorp writes, my participants don the veil both on and offline, maintaining a coherent identity. My research finds that this apparently coherent habitus is concurrently structured by and oriented to two distinct fields. First, they deliberately curate location data to compose coherently and ordered Instagram identities and have positioned them in particular settings that mark them as high-end consumers, and this mode of identity performance locates them in microcelebrity culture, a subset of celebrity defined by its relationship to particular media forms (the use of social media to gain celebrity status) and media practices (new branding and marketing strategies that take advantage of the affordances and cultures of social media platforms).

Second, by captioning their posts as similar as their their offline lives, complemented with dakwah and inspired messages, the hijabers mark themselves as authentic, pious, and activist. These positioned them as knowledge and piety holders, not just hedonistic consumers. This mode of identity performance shows how the hijabers’ phenomenon validates consumerist ideology.

As a concept, composite habitus is useful because it affords access to the complex gender politics inherent to the hijaber phenomenon, at once problematic from a feminist perspective because it makes empowered womanhood contingent on elite modes of consumption, and yet perhaps to be championed for their role in feminising Muslim authority. But, as touched on earlier, this approach can also provide a framework for exploring digital cultures’ multiple provenances – that is, those that stretch beyond the Euro-American trajectory of techno-social change. The hijabers certainly adhere to norms governing ‘proper’ bodily comportment on Instagram, and such adherence constructs them as a subset of a global cosmopolitan elite, Muslim and otherwise. We can understand this mode of self-presentation through reference to existing work on cultures of Instagram use, and its implications for women’s media power. Nevertheless, the way the hijabers use captions to endorse authenticity, pious, and activism are also enlightening.

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7.2 Instagram Advances Ideology of Muslim Femininity Patriarchy is a practice of social constructions, which employs male-dominated oppression and exploitation of women (Walby, 1989). As a system, patriarchies are built by social constructions, not merely through culture, and cause gender bias and inequality. Levels of inequality in a given country are measured by the Gender Inequality Index (GII), and, Indonesia’s GII ranked 105 out of 159, far below neighbouring Muslim majority countries, such as Malaysia and Singapore, rank 59 and 11, respectively (Human Development Index, 2015). It proves the level of gender inequality in Indonesia is still high.

The use of Instagram by my participants could lead to the advancement of ideology of Muslim femininity. Through performing selfies, dakwah, and community activism, they have negotiated female autonomy and agency. These negotiations could be essential achievements when considering the substantial patriarchal systems in Indonesia. As autonomy also could be portrayed through selfies (Tiidenberg & Cruz, 2015), the these hijabers’ digital self-portraits could be considered as their efforts to be authors or originators of themselves.

Besides showing autonomy in the public sphere, by expressing themselves on Instagram, the hijabers therefore seem to have the freedom to become whomever they want and so improving their struggle by extending their agency in Indonesia’s patriarchal system.They use their images to link their hijaber-ness to the physical and mental agency, which they articulate by providing visual evidence of their well-to-do existence. My participants also enframe their images through use of captions to interpret the visual evidence of their bodily agency, independence and consumer power as key elements of Islamic practice. My participants enhancement of agency, resonates with the argument that selﬁes could signify agency and self- expression (Iqani & Schroeder,2016).

In addition, through Instagram my participants enable their community members to become activists who develop a new form of community activism. This community activism programs such as pengajian (Quran recitation and Islamic studying), charity program, and the advancement of modest fashion have created a new piety movement in Indonesia. However, the label of activist can be attached to someone (or some group of ordinary people) who advocates their values in order to create change in actuality they have developed the agency of young Indonesian women. In other words, Instagram could then become an information

190 resource that helps women’s independency, where they can decide what is best for them without intervention from the patriarchal system.

This orienting towards the ideal of the independent Muslim women is significant in light of a Muslim feminist agenda. For example, the hijabers photographs with their husbands capture an equal relationship that show how these hijabers use the trope of the empowered Muslim wife. In this way, they shape Muslim women’s aspirations in a way that is synchronous with an Indonesian feminist agenda to reform the institution of marriage.

Although my participants do not explicitly reference the feminists’ arguments but they support women empowerment and generates better quality of life for women. Specifically, since the beginning of its establishment in 2010, the Hijabers Community (as the most prominent community) has applied feminist ideologies by setting up a philosophy ‘to empower and to inspire’.

I believe therefore that my participants’ achievements through community support feminist ideals without having to use the label of feminism, or to shout out loud “I am a feminist.”. While the ideas of feminism in supporting women’s needs could be fashioned in many ways, as noted by Badran (2008), I suggest these hijabers have created their own unique term of feminism. Moreover, as many Indonesian non-profit organisations voiced their concerns regarding women issues and gender equality, only some accepted the label of feminist (Rinaldo, 2010a), a term which by the majority of Indonesians was interrogated to be a “nonindigenous concept” that irrelevant to Indonesian values. It was difficult for women to take on the term feminist when “certain assumptions remain common: feminism is a Western or Northern concept; it is anti-men; it perceives men to be the source of all gender inequality; it promotes the acceptance of lesbianism” (Sadli, 2002, p. 80-81). It is common that Indonesian women develop a unique interpretation and expression of a feminist movement.

My participants’ production and circulation of self-portraits on Instagram could be positioned themselves as objects of post feminism where they are viewed as empowered young women but trapped in the consumer industry. This particular view emerges from a context of expanding consumer culture and the commodification of Islam in Indonesia and is then significantly bolstered by a culture of Instagram’s use, which favours the glossy, the high-end, and luxurious images. Instagram cements the hijabers’ reliance on “feminine discourses and practices…

191 anchored in the consumer marketplace” (Duffy & Hund, 2015, p. 3) in order to articulate their empowerment, which is problematic from a feminist perspective because it limits such empowerment to a capacity to consume.

Instagram images allow these hijabers however to unravel those ambivalences by claiming ownership of their feminine subjectivities. Instagram expands the field of everyday image- making and contributes to the visibility of Muslim women and their enhanced role in public life. In Indonesia, and globally, digital media could become a stronger medium to negotiate and influence the bargaining position of women in gender equality. Therfore, the hijabers should optimise their digital media use to voice their aspirations, to create dialogue around their concerns, to be heard and to influence the dominant power structure.

In addition, the hijabers’ experiences on social media have also created their unique story of how young middle-class Indonesian Muslim women construct and reflect their identity on Instagram. It is as what Cadenet (2016) believed, “If we don’t have women telling their stories through all mediums, how are we supposed to see ourselves honestly reflected in the world?”. Cadenet’s created the girlgaze website which aimed to offer a platform for women from various identities and to challenge male-domination in media and photography industry (Looft, 2017). While my participants engage with online presentations, their experiences and stories bolster a broader challenging of Islamic presentation in the digital public sphere. Such work centres largely on debates concerning the extent to which women’s work using social media to visibilise the empowered women.

7.3 Instagram Reframes the Nexus of Piety and Modernity This study explored how Indonesian hijabers used the visual affordances of Instagram to construct their modern Muslim selves and reframe the nexus of piety and modernity. Figure 7.3 below presents the inductive research process from the overarching research question, to the finding of ‘Being Me on Instagram’, and then the implication of how the Indonesian hijabers’ engagement with Instagram reframes the nexus of piety and modernity.

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Figure 7. 3 - The nexus of piety and modernity

Reframing Piety The experience of Muslim women in a Muslim-majority country (such as Indonesia) differs significantly from the experiences of women in a minority setting (Wagner et al. (2012). In a Muslim-majority country such as Indonesia, donning the veil is not a contested issue, where women can choose whether to don a hijab or not (Bucar, 2017). Nevertheless, Indonesia, as a multiethnic and multicultural country, has many sects of Islam, from the highly conservative to the highly moderate and political developments since 2014 have seen the rise of conservative groups (Arifah, Sobari, & Usman, 2016). Indonesian hijabers who could be classified as young middle-class Muslim women from moderate Muslim sects sometimes encounter negative stigmas regarding their hijab fashion preferences and are labelled as ‘too attractive,’ ‘not syar’i,’ ‘too stylish,’ ‘too glamourous’ (see Sandıkçı & Ger, 2005, Umam & Altiria, 2010; Moors, 2013; Faiz, 2017). The issue faced by Indonesian Muslim women, therefore, is not whether they don the hijab, but the issues related to interpretations of the appropriateness of what body parts should be covered, the length of the material, and what kind of style is used in veiling.

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As highlighted in Chapter 6, the Hijabers Community (HC) has changed its focus from fashion to religious events, and as the first to use the term hijabers, they have, since their beginning, had as a mission to increase the younger generation’s interest in wearing the hijab. That is, they offer hijab fashion designs that differ from their older and mother’s generations with a square headscarf and single pin under the chin and combined with a single-coloured tunic or abaya. When established in 2010, many of the HC committee were famous fashion designers who created new icons of hijab fashion that led to the representation of the hijabers as modest and fashionable figures. Their action increased the number of hijab-wearers in Indonesia. I outlined the term ‘hijabisation’ to refer to the hijabers’ endorsement to campaign for veiling practices both on Instagram and offline through their community events. This community also engaged in activism that could eventually enhance the piety of these hijabers.

All participants in this study agree to wear the hijab and referred to Quran verses as a foundation of their obedience to don the veil as part of their modesty. These hijabers’ modest fashion indicates their level of piety since “Modesty is linked to one’s level of faith, it is often associated with the level of piety” (Ahmad, 2017, p. 274). Through Instagram, these hijabers communicate their values as young Muslim women who are promoting modesty, while their agency could be shown through their ability to choose, wear, and post any outfit, depending on their aspirations. These Indonesian hijabers emphasise their unique personality, identity, and authenticity.

Additionally, by captioning their posts with dakwah-related messages, the hijabers mark themselves as pious, empowering them as knowledge holders and not just hedonistic consumers. Since the act of informed religious knowledge on individual and collective levels can develop empowerment (Al-Sharmani, 2014), it is this mode of piety performance that positions the hijabers in a field of Islamic knowledge dissemination and shows how the hijabers phenomenon not only validates consumerist ideology but also bolsters a broader challenging and fragmentation of male religious authority.

These young hijabers also used Instagram as a tool to prioritise their religion in their everyday practices and to advise their followers (and themselves) to improve their religiosity. They post religious activities such as pengajian and charity programs and encourage fellow members to keep studying Islam in order to become better Muslim women. These hijabers use Instagram as a dakwah platform in an enlightening method to present their religiosity which generates 194 piety movements both in daily lives and in the online world. Instagram has become an applicable theatre for these hijabers as a stage to perform their religious practices. Therefore, these hijabers reframe their piety by wearing the hijab, displaying religious practices, studying Islam with community, and disseminating Islamic knowledge.

Reframing Modernity Modernity is a conceptual and philosophical point that emerged in the West at the end of the 1700s and took shape in the 1800s through technology, industrialisation, advances in sciences, and consumerism. It characterises hundreds of years of western history which acknowledges humans (“man”) being aware of “being modern”, different from antiquity and allowed a distance from past society then the concept and meaning of modernity always changes over time. It is important therefore to increase our understanding of the role that media and fashion play in modernisation, and in creating identities of veiled Muslim women and as presented in hijab fashion (Lewis, 2015). Many scholars define Muslim women as modern when they associate themselves with Western feminine concepts of fashion, for example, mixed and matched long flower-patterned top, blue jeans, high-heels, colourful hijab, and long-lasting makeup (see Jones, 2010; Beta, 2014; Saraswati, 2015; Annisa, 2016; Bucar, 2016, 2017; Peterson, 2017).

Indonesian hijabers who live in a Muslim majority country have also modified the Western feminine context of fashion by changing the perception of veiling from old fashion, out of date, and ‘only suitable for old women’ into fashionable modern attire that is suitable for a young middle-class Indonesian lifestyle. They also enhance the definition of modern women by generating the production and consumption of the hijab not merely as a garment to cover the head but as an identity marker. Beyond endorsing the Islamic dress code, these hijabers have created a new representation of the hijab and modern Muslim women, particularly through social media. They believed that a modern Muslim woman has the ability to understand technology and the online world, as stated: Muslim women become ‘modern’ when they use social media (Tami, personal communication on 5 October 2016). Engaged with social media means following modernity (Ima, personal communication on 13 October 2016) Modern woman is someone who understanding technology, existing in the online world, active, but she has not forgotten her nature as a woman (Syifa, personal communication on 18 November 2016).

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Referring to my participants’ arguments above, they certainly adhere to norms governing ‘proper’ bodily comportment on Instagram, and such adherence constructs them as a subset of media-savvy cosmopolitan young women. By being involved with Instagram, these hijabers encourage modernity by creating, curating, managing image archives to emphasise their personae. They are commodifying and disseminating those images in ways that produce new kinds of the representation of modern Muslim women.

My participants use Instagram to present unique authenticity as I discussed in Chapter 4. They present their values on authenticity through the reflection of their real, fashionable, empowered, humorous and fun selves. These hijabers as media-savvy young women actively engage with the production and circulation of digital media content relevant to what Banet-Weiser (2012) called the ‘interactive subject’. As the interactive subject, they stimulate the formation of their ‘unique authentic self’.

In addition to selfies, I also discussed in Chapter 5 how these hijabers use Instagram for presenting their pious selves. The hijabers took a chance to use Instagram as a stage to escalate their religious identity and contest the religious authority of the Indonesian patriarchal culture the visual affordances of Instagram have become a useful medium for their freedom of expression by creating an opportunity for young Muslim women to communicate their ideas about Islamic practices. Additionally, it opens an opportunity for young Muslim women to be visible in the discourse of religion, to extend the discussion around how young Muslim women, and to develop their public presence as sources or communicators of dakwah or syiar Islam, which in turn redefines modernity.

Also, these hijab communities expand piety movement within their activism, and Instagram helps the spread of their agendas to multiple responses and impacts. Though they have never stated themselves as activists, their community activities reflect goals that are similar to those activists seek, and to accomplish social and political change. Their activism on Instagram then promote women’s agency in Indonesia. Therefore they also negotiate the and power relations between men and women.

Instagram also has given these hijabers the opportunities to expand their identity without restrictions or control from men. The hijabers are entirely in charge of their Instagram content. They have the freedom to choose, to post, to re-post, to make their accounts public or private, 196 or even to expurgate their account content. With freedom to present themselves, they therefore challenge the stereotypes of being oppressed and backward. Therefore, I propose that by being visible and extending their public presence, these hijabers emphasise their sense of being modern.

As such, the modernity of these hijabers is not only elevated by the adoption of Western feminine values of fashion and appearance but also enforced by ‘being me’, which emphasises their authentic, pious, and community activist selves, through their participation on the visual- based platform, Instagram. That is, to: 1) amplify visual affordances of Instagram, including engaging with the skills used in taking and sharing digital portraits, such as operating a professional camera and/or smartphone, editing, and using design applications and/or software; 2) express authenticity; 3) contest male domination in transferring Islamic values; 4) negotiate authority, agency, and power relations; and 5) challenge stigma and stereotypes of veiled Muslim women as oppressed and backward

In conclusion, by ‘being me’ these hijabers show the entanglement of piety and modernity. The piety and modernity of these Indonesian hijabers cannot be examined as standalone concepts, especially while discussing the hijabers self-presentation on Instagram. Rather than selecting between piety and modernity, these hijabers have created a framework, mediated by the visual affordances of Instagram in a synchronisation. For instance, their effort to spread dakwah on Instagram confirms their intention to enhance piety by using modern social media technology. Therefore, this hijabers piety is being part of their modernity and vice versa.

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CHAPTER 8: CONCLUSION

This chapter presents a summary of this research, its contributions, limitations and how other related research questions and research problems should be addressed in the future to gain a better understanding of the hijab, Muslim women self-presentation, and social media.

8.1 Conclusion The cross-disciplinary literature review on media, fashion, and feminist studies highlighted the limited knowledge available on hijab-wearing women and their involvement with social media, especially Instagram. In order to approach this gap, this study established the overarching research question “How do Indonesian hijabers construct their modern Muslim selves through Instagram?” This study aimed to obtain deeper understandings of Indonesian hijabers’ self- presentation on Instagram in reframing the nexus of piety and modernity.

Twenty-six hijab-wearing Indonesian women participated in in-depth interviews, participant- observations, and social media observations. They were well-educated, middle-class, aged 20- 34, living in Indonesia’s larger cities, Jakarta, Bandung, Yogyakarta, and Gresik. Their stories and experiences were collected in 45-60 minutes interviews, through participant-observations in various hijab community events from September to December 2016, and observation of their Instagram accounts. The interviews questioned the participants’ hijab experience, their motivations for using Instagram, various images they posted, and involvement in the community. Qualitative thematic and iconographical analysis provided a revealing collection of stories and narratives that these participants considered as essential and central to their unique experiences in using Instagram. These unique experiences indicate how these Indonesian hijabers present their authenticity, piousness, and community activism in order to perform ‘Being Me on Instagram.’

The hijabers’ portraits display the hijab borders the face, accentuating its Muslim-ness, offering the hijabers opportunities to demonstrate that hijab-wearing conforms to conventional notions of feminine beauty, denoted by the youthful, made-up, fair-skinned face. Some such portraits appear in the corpus I collected, but the hijabers favour self-portraits that emplace them in a deeper field: broader ‘everyday’ settings identify her as more than just an object of a gaze. Consistently, such everyday settings enhance the hijabers’ performance of empowerment on

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Instagram by identifying them as a certain kind of social subject – one who enjoys free access to spaces limited to the well-to-do.

In addition to providing support to the theoretical concepts of media, fashion, and feminist studies, this thesis presents in-depth, rich and dynamic data that contributes to understanding the role of hijab-wearing women on social media. I argue that these unique hijabers experiences in using Instagram could oppose the stigma of being voiceless, narcissistic, and fashionistas, as well as contest religious authority and dominant power structures in disseminating Islamic values and challenge the stereotypes of being oppressed and backward.

This study has significant implications for three substantive concepts. First, this study was successful in applying Goffman’s (1959) dramaturgical framework of the front and back stage, to understand Indonesian hijabers performances on Instagram. The hijabers front back stage self-making exhibit styled images which could be seen as an engagement with impression management, consumer and mocrocelebrity cultures. On the other hand, their self-making also display authenticity, pious selves, and activism.

This dual interpretation, which calls as ‘composite habitus’ is therefore crucial to the agenda for internationalising digital media studies because it retrieves non-Western digital cultures from the lowly scales of local specificity to position them as part of global histories, albeit sorely understudied, being forged in and through platforms. The ‘composite habitus’ framework is useful because it opens space for acknowledging both the powerfully homogenising effects of platforms’ cultures of use, and their important variations.

Second, this study provides ideas on how Instagram could advance Muslim femininity. While none of my participants stated they were feminists or mentioned feminism, in actuality their visual presence on social media enables these hijabers to generate autonomy, and agency. Also, they share information about women’s movements that in turn, benefit other women, and resonate with Muslim feminist agendas. However, these ‘women only’ communities mostly invite male preachers or speakers to their events. More woman ‘friendly’ events could be achieved and women’s issues could be discussed if more female preachers and speakers are invited. In doing so these hijabers could increase their impact in terms of developing the feminism movement in Indonesia. Then, I suggest these communities need to use their influence and power more widespread to encourage gender equality more broadly in Indonesia since 199 women movements are better equipped to raise important issues and campaigns through digital media.

Third, this study redefines the nexus of piety and modernity by not only focusing on the adoption of Western modern feminine concepts but also by considering the hijabers as agents of change through their engagement with Instagram, and in so doing, to challenge the stigma and stereotypes of being oppressed and backward.

8.2 Contributions The hijab has come to symbolise the Muslim woman’s identity, and at this juncture it is important to remember that in some Islamic states, Muslim women are forced to wear the hijab. For example, by Taliban fundamentalists in Pakistan and Afghanistan, the Islamic state government of Iran, some parts of Saudi Arabia, as well as in Aceh, the only province in Indonesia which implements shariah law. Many Muslim women outside those countries or regions have their own reasons for wearing the hijab which for them is more than a piece of fabric worn to cover the head or a trendy fashion item. The choice and experience of hijab- wearing is different for each woman and might signal identity, protection, freedom and even power (see Droogsma, 2007; Siraj, 2011).

The number of hijab-wearing women is rapidly increasing in Indonesia, as the most populous Muslim nation in the world, so too are levels of social media use (including Instagram). If the rise of Instagram is evidence of the increasing importance of visual texts in contemporary culture, Highfield & Leaver (2016) pointed to the urgent need to study images in online identity performances, with Marwick (2015) arguing that images offer qualitatively different resources for identity construction, and as such calls for new frameworks for understanding identity construction online. The rise of the hijabers, its key aspects, and as a site where faith, politics, industry, identity and subjectivity encounter particularly how Indonesian hijab-wearing women engage with Instagram to express their identity is what is presented in this thesis. That is, applied media, fashion, and feminism literature were analysed through a digital ethnography that studied and documented the unique experiences of twenty-six Indonesian hijabers engaging with the visual affordances of Instagram.

To my knowledge, this is the first sizeable in-depth study of Indonesian hijabers who are active in performing, participating and using the visual discourse of Instagram to negotiate and 200 express their religiosity, their unique activist movement, yet unique ideology of veiled Muslim femininity. Therefore, this study makes four critical contributions to the work on media, fashion, and feminist studies. First, this study focused on the unique Indonesian context, where the literature review in Chapter 1 documented the role of the hijab within Indonesian politics, society, economics, culture, and the potential market for the Muslim fashion industry, as well as a large number of social media users in Indonesia. The literature review presented in Chapter 2 emphasised the need for further research into the unique practices and experiences of how veiled Muslim women engage with Instagram, highlighting the fact that little research had explored how veiled Muslim women (whether in Muslim majority or minority countries) express and present themselves on social media.

Second, the method integrates qualitative interviews with analysis of social media by adopting a digital ethnography approach to collect these hijabers experiences and stories on donning the hijab, using Instagram, participating in the community to generate their piety and modernity. The data for this research was manually collected from visual archives from the hijabers’ Instagram accounts. These visual archives were used to highlight, and support points raised in interviews, as well as to elaborate on narratives within their postings. The interview transcripts, participant-observations, and Instagram captions were analysed through thematic coding analysis, and Instagram images were analysed using iconography analysis. Combined, these qualitative approaches provided a deep and rich insight into how these hijabers use Instagram to express themselves and to reframe their piety and modernity (Chapter 3).

Third, a significant contribution from this study is the key findings, outlined in the results chapters (Chapter 4, 5, and 6). Each chapter examined a critical theme that emerged from the qualitative thematic coding and iconography analysis, namely: being authentic, being pious, and being community activists. This research has unpacked unique insights into how Indonesian hijabers ‘Being Me’ on Instagram, a topic that, to date, has received little research attention.

Fourth, this research has identified new knowledge about Instagram’s role as a stage of performance (as Goffman would argue) in advancing the ideology of Muslim femininity and reframing the nexus of piety and modernity of young veiled Muslim women. To sum up, this thesis provides a new insight on how the architecture of Instagram could be used to generate a new representation of young veiled Muslim women.

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8.3 Limitations While this study has enhanced the existing knowledge in this essential and under-researched area, some limitations exist. First, the sample size of twenty-six women cannot be ignored when compared to the 20 million hijab-wearing women in Indonesia. Nor can the small scope of data gathered from hijabers who live in several cities in Indonesia. Therefore, the results presented here are not a reflection of all Indonesian hijab-wearing women. Second, this research examined only Instagram as the most active platform used by the participants, and because financial and time resources were limited. Third, the interpretation of the modern Muslim self by this study’s participants cannot be generalised to other hijab-wearing women with different economic, political, social, or cultural backgrounds as well as personal differences of hijab styles.

Lastly, this research also has specific methodological limitations. For instance, utilising a qualitative approach to data collection allowed for the collection of in-depth and precious data. However, it also reduced the ability of the results to be generalised (e.g., transposed to other locations). The sample does, however, allow for theoretical generalisations, which are reflected in the reported results and conclusions. A potential limitation of using a self-report (interview) format is that participants may provide a socially desirable response (e.g., overstating their hijab experiences) rather than responses that reflect their genuine experiences. In an attempt to address this limitation, both the written material in the participant information pack and the verbal summary provided to the participants at the beginning of each interview outlined that there were no ‘right or wrong’ answers and the research was interested in their unique experiences.

8.4 Future Research This study has increased the body of knowledge about media, fashion, and feminist studies. However, despite successfully addressing the aims of this research, some knowledge gaps still exist. As previously stated, it is a limitation of this study that hijab-wearing women from diverse backgrounds were not included as study participants. Therefore, this may be a useful area for future studies to explore several categories of hijab-wearing in Indonesia and then make a comparison with hijab-wearing women in neighbouring Muslim-majority countries like Malaysia and Singapore or another Muslim-minority country. Also outlined above, there is the needed for more generalisation of the data. For instance, it would be insightful to combine qualitative methodology with digital methods like social media data crawling software to 202 collect comprehensive data on hashtags or number of likes, or other complex social media data sets across various platforms.

Future research could investigate the feminist debates within the community and explore the possibility of using the community as active critical agents to increase the power dynamic in constructing the image of hijab-wearing women. Such research would extend the discussion on the purposes of the hijabers’ actions with feminism ideas, and create the need to further explore the operationalisation of social capital in the world of veiling-practising and social media to better understand how it impacts both individuals and hijab communities as a whole.

The results of this thesis make it particularly useful for future research to examine how participants’ self-expression on Instagram were perceived by their followers to understand the two-way interactions and dialogues.

In closing, this thesis has used digital ethnography to explore how one active group of Indonesian young women are outlining the meaning of their self-presentation through the unique visual affordances of Instagram. It has challenged the stereotype of Muslim women as voiceless, oppressed, and backward, showing how these Indonesian hijabers express and share Islamic knowledge online. My hope is that the research findings described in this thesis inspires others to also deeply delve into how Muslim women across the globe use social media to reframe the nexus of piety and modernity.

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APPENDICES APPENDIX A: INTERVIEW QUESTIONS

A. HIJAB, SELF-PRESENTATION AND COMMUNITIES (FOR LEADERS AND MEMBERS) On the hijab: personal experiences and views of its meaning • How long have you been wearing the hijab? • Why did you decide to don it? • Did you wear any other kind of veil previously and why did you decide to wear the hijab instead? • What do you think about the role of the fashion industry in changing hijab wearing culture in Indonesia? • Do you think hijab wearing in Indonesia is about fashion or faith?

On joining COMMUNITY: stories and motivations • How long have you been a member of community? • What motivated you to join? • What was happening in your life when you joined community? • Have things been different since you joined? How?

Experiences of community: friendships and community in the everyday • How many people in your circle of friends are members of community? • How often do you attend COMMUNITY events?

Roles in the community • How long you have been a leader/chairwoman of Community? (for leader) • What is your role as leader/chairwoman of community? (for leader) • Do you have a special role in the community? What is it? What are your obligations? (for members) • What kinds of activities do you undertake as a member/leader of the community? Do you see COMMUNITY as a place to make friends and learn about fashion, for example, or to empower women, or to learn Islamic teachings?

Views on community and presenting oneself as ‘modern’ • Do you think community has changed the image of hijab practise in Indonesia? • Do you think community is about fashion or is it about faith? • What kind of “culture” is it that makes community different from other groups of veiling women in Indonesia? • What do you think about the role of community in changing hijab wearing culture in Indonesia? • What does the hijab mean in terms of community identity? • What is the meaning of Islamic modernity from community perspective? • Does community think wear hijab is part of Islamic modernity? Why? • Do you think members of community identify themselves as modern Muslim women? • Does your hijab reflect who you are? How and why? • What does the hijab mean in terms of your identities? • Do you think wearing hijab is part the of Islamic modernity? Why?

B. ON TECHNOLOGY AND INSTAGRAM (FOR LEADERS AND MEMBERS) Instagram and broader device/platform ecologies • Can you tell me how long you have been using Instagram? When did you begin using it and why? • What kind of device do you use to access and post on Instagram? Is it always a mobile phone or not? • What kind of phone(s) do you have? If you have more than one, do you use them for different purposes? Can you tell me about that? • What other things do you do on your phone? (eg email? Other social media platforms? Browsing on the web? Voice calls? IM? Sms?) • What’s the most important media technology you use to stay connected with friends (eg phone, PC, tv…?) • What’s the most of important media technology you use to get the latest information (about news, celebrities, fashion etc)

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• How you have seen the use of technology among the hijabers evolve in your time as leader/chairwoman?

Instagram’s role in community • What is the value of social media for community? Is it an indispensable part of community life in your view? Or is it peripheral/dispensable? • How long have community used Instagram? • What is the main reason for community’s use of Instagram? • What kind of information does community choose to share on Instagram? • What kind information does community seek to omit? Why? • What activities have community discussed or posted on Social Media? • Does the hijabers have specific norms and rules to access/post/comment/retweet? Can you tell me about them? • How do you as a chairwoman share the rules of online and offline communication? (for leader) • Do you think community has specific norms of online and offline communication that different from other groups of veiling women? • What do you think about the hijabers’ online and offline interactions in their group?

Self-presentation on Instagram • How are community members presenting themselves on Instagram? In what kind of texts/photos/pictures? • How do you present yourself on Instagram? In what kind of texts/photos/pictures? • When you create profiles/posts/comments/tweets, do you have a certain person or audience in mind? Who are these people and why do you target them? • Do your profiles/posts/comments/tweets portray the same person as in face-to-face interactions? Why or why not? • What information do you choose to share on Instagram? • What information do you seek to omit? Why? • Who are your fans/followers? • What activities have you discussed or posted on Social Media?

C. FOR ADMINISTRATOR • How long you have been the administrator of this account? • What is the purpose of this account? • Who are the fans/followers of this account? • How many active followers does this account have? • How many posts/comments/tweets does community have in a day/week? • When is the peak time of tweets? On what occasion? • Do you think it is an active account? How and why? • What kind of messages do the followers usually post in this account (what kind of texts/photos/pictures)? • Do you think the followers’ profiles/posts/comments/tweets are an accurate portrayal of the person? • Do you think their hijab reflects who they are? How and why? • Do you think the way the followers present themselves identifies them as modern? • In what kind of posts (texts/photos/pictures) do you think the followers are presenting as modern? • What do you think about the way followers express themselves? (the images they share; the messages they write)

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APPENDIX B: LIST OF PARTICIPANTS APPENDIX B1: PROFILE OF PARTICIPANTS

NO COMMUNITY FULL AGE ROLE IN DATE OF EDUCATION JOB SOCMED NAME COMMUNITY INTERVIEW 1 Syifa 32 Chairwoman 18 November PhD student Vice Twitter, Fauzia 2016 Rector, Instagram (Syifa) Presenter, 2 Annisa 26 Social media 30 October Master’s Marketing Line, Pratiwand administrator 2016 degree Instagram a (Wanda) 3 Triana 23 Committee 22 October Bachelor’s Business Instagram (Tria) 2016 degree owner 4 Desnanti 23 Committee 30 October Bachelor’s Graphic Instagram Hijabers Sarachika 2016 degree Designer Community (Chika) 5 (HC) Addina 26 Committee 22 October Master’s Pre-school Instagram Ayuningty 2016 degree teacher as (Addina) 6 Firlia 26 Member 22 October Bachelor’s Administr Twitter, Septiani 2016 degree ator Instagram (Firli) 7 Bunga 23 Member 8 October 2016 Bachelor’s Cooking Instagram (fiction degree Teacher name) 8 Ghaida 28 Advisory Board 6 October 2016 Bachelor’s Business Line, Tsurayya degree owner Twitter, (Ghaida) Instagram 9 Sarah 25 Chairwoman 18 October Bachelor’s Marketing Twitter, Hesty 2016 degree Instagram Nurrohma h (Sarah) 10 Hanifa 26 Vice- 7 October 2016 Bachelor’s News Instagram Paramitha chairwoman degree Presenter Siswanti (Ifa) 11 Shafira 22 Public Relations 13 October Bachelor’s Customer Line, Sidratul 2016 degree Service Instagram Muntaha Siswanda (Fira) Hijabers 12 Community Annisa 23 Committee 20 November Bachelor’s Business Line, Bandung (HCB) Eka Zarny 2016 degree owner Instagram (Aez) 13 Irine Dilla 27 Social media 13 October Master’s Fresh Line, Andika administrator 2016 degree graduate Instagram (Irine) 14 Tami 24 Member 5 October 2016 Bachelor’s Marketing Path, Sintya degree Instagram Hardianty (Tami) 15 Fatimah 29 Member 13 October Bachelor’s Lecturer Instagram Nuruz 2016 degree Zakiyah (Ima) 16 Lera 23 Member 23 October Bachelor’s Graphic Instagram Nadia 2016 degree Designer Arfileai (Lera)

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17 Ghinaa 20 Member 20 November Bachelor’s Fresh Line, Faadiyah 2016 degree graduated Instagram Gunawan (Ghina) 18 Rizky 28 Chairwoman 21 October Bachelor’s Business Instagram Anggarda 2016 degree owner Paramita Syahriani (Kiki) 19 Melissa 27 Vice- 21 October Bachelor’s Business Instagram Hijabers Nurul Fani chairwoman 2016 degree owner Community (Melissa) Yogyakarta 20 (HCY) Meisza 21 Social media 20 October Bachelor’s Marketing Instagram Adilla administrator 2016 degree Herssy (Echa) 21 S Elita 25 Committee 20 October Bachelor’s Business Instagram Barbara 2016 degree owner (Elita) 22 Hijabie Atika 24 Chairwoman 20 October Bachelor’s Business Line, Community Maulida 2016 degree owner Instagram Yogyakarta (Atika) (HY) 23 Hijabers United Maya 22 Committee 10 November Bachelor’s Fresh Line, (HU) Dewi 2016 degree graduate Instagram Resmi N (Dewi) 24 Yayasan Hijab Ayu 25 Chairwoman 17 November Bachelor’s Business Instagram Indonesia (YHI) Wulansari 2016 degree owner / Indonesian (Ayu) Hijab Foundation 25 Syar’i Lifestyle Fitri Aulia 28 Chairwoman 17 Nov 2016 Bachelor’s Business Twitter, (SL) degree owner Instagram 26 Hijabers Gresik Uly 27 Chairwoman 20 Nov 2016 Bachelor’s Business FB, (HC) Darojah degree owner Instagram (Udhe)

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APPENDIX B2: INSTAGRAM PROFILE OF PARTICIPANTS (as per July 2018)

IG NUMBER OF NUMBER NO COMMUNITY FULL NAME STATUS ACCOUNT FOLLOWER OF POST Syifa Fauzia 1 @syifaf Public 189000 1556 (Syifa) Annisa 2 Pratiwanda @pratiwanda Public 1130 874 (Wanda) 3 Triana (Tria) @triaiya Public 1164 552 Desnanti 4 Hijabers Sarachika @sarachika Public 1256 149 Community (HC) (Chika) Addina 5 Ayuningtyas @addinaaaaa Private 1413 1349 (Addina) Firlia Septiani @firliamarch 6 Public 826 48 (Firli) vinodyra Bunga (fiction 7 @mellizaime Public 2631 33 name) Ghaida Tsurayya 8 @gdaghaida Public 426000 6362 (Ghaida) Sarah Hesty 9 Nurrohmah @sarahhesty Private 1323 129 (Sarah) Hanifa 10 Paramitha @hpsiswanti Public 2118 835 Siswanti (Ifa) Shafira Sidratul 11 Muntaha @shfirasm Private 1726 264 Siswanda (Fira) Hijabers Annisa Eka 12 @aezannisa Private 1562 4794 Community Zarny (Aez) Bandung (HCB) Irine Dilla 13 @irineorene Public 2404 643 Andika (Irine) Tami Sintya 14 Hardianty @tamisintya Private 2077 64 (Tami) Fatimah Nuruz @fathimahnu 15 Public 1007 243 Zakiyah (Ima) ruzz Lera Nadia 16 @leranadiar Public 1591 219 Arfileai (Lera) Ghinaa Faadiyah 17 Gunawan @ghinaafaa Public 3756 290 (Ghina)

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IG NUMBER OF NUMBER NO COMMUNITY FULL NAME STATUS ACCOUNT FOLLOWER OF POST Rizky Anggarda 18 Paramita @kikiparamita Public 1275 563 Syahriani (Kiki) Hijabers Melissa Nurul 19 Community @melissanfani Public 1654 267 Fani (Melissa) Yogyakarta Meisza Adilla 20 (HCY) @meiszadilla Public 4614 841 Herssy (Echa) S Elita Barbara 21 @elitabarb Public (Elita) 2461 221 Hijabie Community Atika Maulida @atika_mauli 22 Private 63400 111 Yogyakarta (Atika) da (HY) Hijabers United Maya Dewi 23 @mayadewirn Public 1096 199 (HU) Resmi N (Dewi) Yayasan Hijab Indonesia (YHI) Ayu Wulansari @ayuwulan_zi 24 / Indonesian Private 11400 2842 (Ayu) abrides Hijab Foundation Syar’i Lifestyle 25 Fitri Aulia @fitriaulia_ Public 131000 3259 (SL) Hijabers Gresik Uly Darojah 26 @ulydarojah Public 4023 1749 (HC) (Udhe)

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APPENDIX C: FIELD NOTES

FIELD NOTES ON THE HIJABERS COMMUNITY EVENTS

======FIELD NOTES 1

Day/date : Sunday, 25 September 2016 Site : Al-Mutaqin Mosque, Bandung city, Indonesia Event : Monthly Pengajian/Islamic study Organizer : Hijabers Community Bandung (HCB) Length of observation : Approximately 4 hours (09.00 am – 01.00 pm) Focus of observation : The flow of the event

======Descriptions: 1. Settings Site: The mosque is in a West Java province’s government office complex at Bandung city. This mosque is usually called as the mosque of Gedung Sate and located in the center of Bandung city. This two-storey large mosque is one of the grand mosques in Bandung with a capacity around 1000 people. Mosque setting: In the mosque’s front door, there are two registration tables. Attendees line up to confirm their registration or to register onsite then move to another table to receive a morning tea (in a box) and merchandise from the sponsor. Inside the mosque, in the first row behind the podium, there are two chairs for the speaker and moderator, a standing mike from Masters of Ceremony (MC), and a small table. Meanwhile, the attendees are sitting lined on a carpeted floor facing the mosque’s podium.

2. Attendee I try to count the number of attendees, and approximately there are 400 people on the mosque. I am guessing from their appearances; the attendees are young women between 18-30 years old. An attendee suggested to register via Line@ account of Hijabers Community Bandung, but they still could register directly on the site. To attend this event, participants had to pay IDR 20,000 (approx. AUD 2). This fee is for catering (morning tea) purposes, renting cost of the mosque, and paying the speaker(s) in willingly amount.

3. Speaker The theme for this event is ‘Hang out with good people to avoid being ‘stupid’ (Gaul yang betul biar gag bahlul). First speaker: Ustadz Evie Effendi (ustadz is a term for male Islamic teacher). He talks about how to mingle according to Islamic ways of life and hoe to choose friends who could increase the faith. Basically, young people could be bergaul (mingle or follow the trend) as long as he/she keeps his/her behaviour accordance with the Islamic corridor. He does not look like another Islamic teacher stereotype who usually wears white skullcap, cloak, pants. Instead of appearing as typical of ustadz, he wore casual denim cloth, black pants, black skullcap and black wool scarf on the neck. He used simple, everyday languages with a lot of slang and humorous content inserting with Sundanese (the ethnic language of West Java people).

Second speaker: Wirda Salamah Ulya (hafiza/memoriser of Quran) She shares her experiences in learning and memorising Quran since an early age and then became the memoriser of Quran at aged 11 years old. She is a daughter of famous ustadz in Indonesia. She does not feel losing her childhood and still enjoy her life even though she should be spent more time to memorise Quran at her will. However, her parents never allowed her to have a mobile phone and access the online world before she can memorise all verses of the Quran (6666 verses in total). Now, she is 17 years old, active in ask.fm, create vlog on Youtube, and ready to launch her first acting talent. She will be continued her study in London even though she did not go to formal school because she chose to study the Quran. She looks like another teenage girl with young spirit, enthusiasm, confident, sense of humour, and strong Betawi dialect (the ethnic language of Jakarta). She also recites a surah for her audiences and gives tricks and tips to memorise it. She wore a colourful dress with medium size of hijab.

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4. Event schedule The event opened by two beautiful young women, who are the committees of the Hijabers Community. After greeting the audiences, explaining the themes and speakers, and thanking the sponsor, they call another two committees to recite Quran and read the translation. Then the two Masters of Ceremony give an ice-breaking game with a prize from a sponsor. The first speaker gives his lecture, and the first session ends with a Q&A session. The next session is sharing a story with the second speaker then followed by another Q&A. The attendee who asks a question in the Q&A session is receiving a gift from the sponsors. This event wrapped up by all audiences and committees taken pictures together.

5. Atmosphere The atmosphere of the event is very enjoyable, relaxed, full of enthusiasm and cheerful. The committees greet the attendees with a friendly tone and built positive vibes around the event.

6. Sponsor Here are some sponsors of the event: My Hayra (Socks), Wardah halal cosmetics, S Fitness (fitness centre for woman only), Spirulina (multivitamin), Sophie Paris (direct selling of French- owned beauty and fashion product).

7. Style and fashion related The attendees are wearing the various style of hijab fashion. Most of them wear the hijabers (medium size of colourful hijab covered the chest), some wear hijab syar’i (long hijab until the thighs), and two wear cadar (face-veiled).

8. Social media related The attendees take many photos using their smartphone. The committees also remind them to follow the community Instagram and Line@ accounts. The photos of this event, including the group photos, is posting on Instagram.

Reflections: From this first experience as an observer in the Hijabers Community Bandung’s event, I identified some impressions such as: - The creative way of organising and managing the event, and combining the content from the ustadz and sharing a story from a teenage girl about her effort in memorising Quran. - This event is far from the old-school style of lecturing that usually focused on sins and hell that usually couldn’t reach the heart of teenager and young audiences. - Both speakers delivered easy listening and relevant contents that easily to practice in their daily lives. - The style of the ustadz that is very casual both in his appearances as well as in delivering the knowledge closer the gap between ‘the source of knowledge and the knowledge seeker.’ This becomes interesting because the system of feudalism that still embraced in Indonesian education cultures creates significant gaps between teacher and students. Thus, this closer gap shows a new way of conveying Islamic knowledge. - The spirit that comes from both the committees and attendees in studying Islam from the youthful age is remarkable - The power that might result from these 400 women who were gathered together in one place to increase their knowledge and faith - The sense of belonging between the committees who compromised their holiday times to organise the event. As the community is a non-profit community, then I exceedingly admired they effort, spirit, and consistency in keeping this monthly event besides their quarterly and annual events. - These women have shown the girl power, a one or many step(s) ahead in promoting Islam far beyond the Western media stereotype who thought hijab-wearing women are oppressed and back warded.

Questions/Things to follow up with: - The hijabers’focus has changed from fashion-related events to more religious events - How does Instagram become part of the hijabers daily lives?

======FIELD NOTES 2

Day/date : Thursday, 29 September 2016 Site : Trans Studio Mall Mosque, Bandung city, Indonesia Event : Pengajian/Islamic study

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Organizer : HIJUP Community Partner : Hijabers Community Bandung (HCB) Length of observation : Approximately 2 hours (15.30 am – 17.30 pm) Focus of observation : The flow of the event ======

Descriptions: 1. Settings Site: The mosque is in an entertainment park, a five-starred hotel, and a supermall complex. It is located in the east area of Bandung city. This three-story mosque is one of the grand mosques in Bandung with a capacity around 2,500 people. The architecture of the mosque is following the Nabawi mosque in Madinah, one of sacred place for Muslims.

Mosque setting: In the mosque’s front door, there are two registration tables. Attendees lined up to confirm their registration or to register onsite then moved to another table to receive an afternoon tea (in a box) and merchandise from the sponsor. Inside the mosque, in the first row behind the podium, there were two chairs for the speaker and moderator, a standing mike from MC, and a small table. Meanwhile, attendees sitting lined on a carpeted floor facing the mosque’s podium.

2. Organiser This event is organised by HIJUP. According to its website, HIJUP.com is the world's first Islamic fashion e- commerce established in 2011. With an online mall concept, we provide a wide range of the best products from Indonesian Islamic fashion designers. The products we provide are for Muslim women in particular, from clothing, hijab/headscarf, accessories and more.

Since its establishment, HIJUP.com functions as an agent between designers and their prospective buyers around the world. With HIJUP.com designers can increase their profits more efficiently while making it easier for buyers to find the products they want.

HIJUP stands for Hijab Up (just like in Makeup or Dress Up) because they believe that they can bring something up to all Muslim women around the world. That while wearing Hijab, they are not limited to do anything worthwhile, create something beautiful, and earn much respect from others. They deserve to be happy and looking great in pretty but syar'i outfit and fashionable hijab.

The role of HCB in this event was as a community partner. HCB was posting this event on its Instagram, and Line@ accounts and four committees are also helping in registration tables.

3. Attendee I tried to count the number of attendees, and approximately there were 100 people on the mosque. Not all of the attendees are women, among them are also children and men. Based on their appearances they are aged between 3-45 years old. This event was free of charge. An attendee suggested to register via email, but they still could register directly on the site. This was free of charge event. 4. Speaker The theme for this event is ‘Starting a New Chapter in Life and Welcoming the Beauty of Muharram’ (Membuka Lembaran Baru, Menyambut Indahnya Muharram). Muharram is the first month of the Islamic calendar then every 1st Muharram some Muslims celebrate the Islamic New Year. First speaker: Ustadzah Heni Setyowati (ustadzah is a term for a female Islamic teacher). She talks about how to change over time because time flies so fast. According to her, it does not matter to agree or not agree with the celebration of Muharram, because we are better focused on how to spend our time wisely in Allah’s favourable way. She gives the lecture in a semi-formal way, cites many verses, and asked test questions to the attendees. Her appearance is looked like the ordinary female Islamic teacher (long hijab, tunic and long skirt).

Second speaker: Ghaida Tsurayya (entrepreneur) Ghaida is the daughter of a famous Islamic teacher in Indonesia. Both of her parents is well known as pious Islamic teachers. She owned a Muslim fashion brand and boutique. She is also one of the founders of Hijabers Community. She shares her experiences in celebrating Islamic New Year in her parent’s pesantren (Islamic school). At that time, she is six months pregnant with her fourth child, but she still looks energetic, spirit full, and friendly. She interestingly tells her experiences. She wears a bright colour of maternity dress with a medium size of hijab.

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5. Event schedule The event opened by an MC. After greeting the audiences, explaining the themes and speakers, and thanking the sponsor, she calls another two women to recite Quran and read the translation. Then she gives information about a photo challenge game (see point 9). The first speaker gives his lecture, and the first session ends with a Q&A session. The next session is sharing a story with the second speaker then followed by another Q&A. The attendee who asks a question in the Q&A session is receiving a gift from the sponsors. This event wrapped up by all audiences and committees taken pictures together.

6. Atmosphere The atmosphere of the event is quite serious and a bit boring at the first session, but then getting warmer in the second session. The noises from the roller coaster nearby the mosque are very disturbing too.

7. Sponsor The primary sponsor is the organiser, Hijup, But the attendees also received two small bottles of Sunsilk shampoo with a specific variant for hijab-wearing women. As a brand from an international corporation, Universal, Sunsilk must be seen the hijab-wearing women in Indonesia as a potential market.

8. Style and fashion related The attendees are wearing a various style of hijab fashion. Most of them wear the hijabers (medium size of colourful hijab covered the chest), some wear hijab syar’i (long hijab until the thighs).

9. Social media related The organiser asks the attendees to join a photo challenge. The attendees have to capture and take photographs related to the event. Then they have to share it on Instagram by mentioning @hijup and putting #kajianIslamhijup (Hijup’s Islamic learning) and #empowerchange. The attendees take many photos using their smartphone.

Reflections: From this event, I identified some insights such as: - The organiser is HIJUP which is an Indonesian e-commerce company with the specialty in hijab fashion. There are many HIJUP logo such as in the backdrop of the mini stage, a standing banner on registration table and nearby the speaker’s chair. On the one hand, this event could be increasing the attendees’ Islamic knowledge, but on the other hand, there is a possibility of the intention behind this event is to increase consumerism and profit. Unfortunately, I do not get an answer when I requested an interview session with HIJUP management. - Even though the event is discussing Islamic knowledge, I feel like bombarded with a marketing strategy because there are so many HIJUP logo and the MC always mentioned about HIJUP and announced the photo challenge that also must mention @hijup. - Comparing with the first event that I observed (see field notes 1), I do not feel the sense of belonging to the event, it seemed the organiser, and the attendees are not blended.

Questions/Things to follow up with: - Is there genuine intention to spread Islamic knowledge or merely a ‘marketing’ strategy program or both? - How does Instagram become part of hijab-fashion marketing? Even though this question is not really related to my research question, but maybe it will be used for research background.

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======FIELD NOTES 3

Day/date : Saturday, 22 October 2016 Site : Baitul Ihsan Mosque (basement room), Jakarta city, Indonesia Event : Monthly Pengajian/Islamic study Organizer : Hijabers Community Official (HC) Length of observation : Approximately 4 hours (09.00 am – 02.00 pm) Focus of observation : The flow of the event ======Descriptions: 1. Settings Site: The mosque is in Indonesian Bank’s (Bank Indonesia/BI) office complex at Jakarta city. This mosque is usually called as the mosque of BI and located in the center of Jakarta city. This three-story majestic mosque is one of the grand mosques in Jakarta with a capacity around 3000 people.

Mosque setting: In the mosque’s basement front door, there were two registration tables. Attendees lined up to confirm their registration or to register onsite then moved to another table to receive a morning tea (in a box) and merchandise from the sponsor. Inside the mosque, in the first row behind the podium, there were two chairs for the speaker and moderator, a standing mike from MC, and a small table. Meanwhile, attendees sitting lined on a carpeted floor facing the mosque’s podium.

2. Attendee The number of attendees is approximately 100 people. I am guessing from their appearances; the attendees are young women between 18-30 years old. This is free of charge event. An attendee suggested to register via Line@ account of Hijabers Community, but they still could register directly on the site. This event is free, and the first 100 registers will get a free snacks box.

3. Speaker The theme for this event is ‘The Chosen Leader’ (Pemimpin Pilihan). First speaker: Ustadz Rizky Manwar Umar (ustadz is a term for Islamic teacher). He talks about how to choose a leader that has a strong faith in Islam. He also explicitly states to not choose a non-Muslim as a leader. He relates his explanation to the case of blasphemy by Jakarta’s governor who is a Chinese and non-Muslim. His speech is provocative and tendencies. He is bearded and wears a white skullcap, cloak, pants, just like any ‘regular’ ustadz’s appearances, unfortunately, the conservative one.

4. Event schedule The event opened by a young woman, who were the committees of Hijabers Community. After greeting the audiences, explaining the themes and speakers, she explains that the intention to bring the topic is for knowing the criteria of a leader and getting more understanding about the case that recently happened in Jakarta. Then she calls another two committees to recite Quran and read the translation. Then she asks the attendees to fill in a questionnaire about what kind of topic they want to learn in monthly pengajian and quarterly event called Hijab Day Out (HDO). She describes some themes recently held by the community such as design class, Zumba session, business plan workshop, cooking class and parenting class. Then the ustadz gives his lecture, and the session ends with a Q&A session. The attendee who asks a question in the Q&A session is receiving a gift from the sponsors. This event wrapped up by all audiences and committees taken pictures together.

5. Atmosphere The atmosphere of the event is serious, a bit provocative. The ustadz seems emotional and full of hatred.

6. Sponsor HIJUP

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Reflections: From this first experience as an observer in the Hijabers Community event in Jakarta, I identified some senses such as: - I do not like the ustadz ‘s way of using the term of kafir for pointing non-Muslim - The ustadz tend to spread hate speech that could trigger hatred towards non-Muslim - The attendees seem to agree with the ustadz’s arguments. - I started to get my interviewees in this event and had time to interviewed three women.

Questions/Things to follow up with: - Is the ustadz’s point of view reflected the community’s opinion regarding Indonesian political condition, or it is just a coincidence? However, this is not my focus though. - Does this community try to involve in Indonesian politic practice? However, this is not my focus though. - Why did this ‘woman only event’ invite an ustadz, not an ustadzah (female Islamic speaker)?

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======FIELD NOTES 4

Day/date : Sunday, 23 October 2016 Site : Al-Mutaqin Mosque, Bandung city, Indonesia Event : Monthly Pengajian/Islamic study Organizer : Hijabers Community Bandung (HCB) Length of observation : Approximately 4 hours (09.00 am – 01.00 pm) Focus of observation : The flow of the event ======Descriptions: 1. Settings Site: The mosque is in a West Java province’s government office complex at Bandung city. This mosque is usually called as the mosque of Gedung Sate and located in the center of Bandung city. This two-story majestic mosque is one of the grand mosques in Bandung with a capacity around 700 people.

Mosque setting: In the mosque’s front door, there were two registration tables. Attendees lined up to confirm their registration or to register onsite then moved to another table to receive a morning tea (in a box) and merchandise from the sponsor. Inside the mosque, in the first row behind the podium, there were two chairs for the speaker and moderator, a standing mike from MC, and a small table. Meanwhile, attendees sitting lined on a carpeted floor facing the mosque’s podium.

2. Attendee There are approximately 200 attendees. The committee said there are more than 200 people who registered. The heavy rain since early in the morning might be the reason for cancelling the registration. I am guessing from their appearances; the attendees are young women between 18-30 years old An attendee suggested to register via Line@ account of Hijabers Community Bandung, but they still could register directly on the site. To attend this event, attendees have to give infaq (spending to please God) IDR 15,000 for member and IDR 20,000 for non-member (approx. AUD 1.5 - 2). This fee is for catering (morning tea) purposes, renting cost of the mosque, and paying the speaker(s) involuntarily amount.

3. Speaker The theme for this event is ‘Inspire without Deprave’ (Menginspirasi Tanpa Merusak Akhlak).

First speaker: Ustadzah Heni Setiyowati (ustadzah is a term for a female Islamic teacher). She talks about how to inspire others without damaging the morality. She emphasises the importance of looking for many pieces of knowledge (Islamic or general) as possible then we can decide which one is good or bad for ourselves. Her appearance is looked like ordinary female Islamic teacher (long hijab, tunic and long skirt).

Second speaker: Shirin Al-Athrus (social media influencer) @shireeenz She shares her experiences as a social media influencer at a youthful age. When she was 13 years old, she is already had 76k followers, and now at the age of 15, she had 600K followers and awarded as Indonesia’s Lifestyle Influencer from Influence Asia. She said she likes to share information on social media and using social media as a medium to express herself and opinions. Now she is a digital ambassador for a facial cleansing product for teens. She looked like another teenage girl with young spirit, enthusiasm, confident. She wore a colourful dress with medium size of hijab.

5. Atmosphere The atmosphere of the event is very enjoyable, relaxed, and cheerful. The committees greet the attendees with a friendly tone and built positive vibes around the event.

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6. Sponsor There were some sponsors of the event: Aurora (women accessories), Polite Swim (swimwear for Muslim woman), Cipcop snacks, Soka (socks), AAI (fashion brand)

Reflections: From the second experience being an observer in the Hijabers Community Bandung’s event, I identified some impressions such as: - The creative way in packaging and organising of the event, lecturing content from the ustadzah, and sharing a story from a teenage girl about her life as a successful digital ambassador and social media influencer in the youthful age but still committed to her faith. - This event was far from the old-school style of lecturing that usually focused on sins and hell that usually couldn’t reach the heart of teenager and young audiences. - Both the speakers delivered easy listening and relevant contents that efficiently to practice in their daily lives. - The spirit that came from both the committees and attendees in studying Islam from the youthful age - The power that might be resulted from these women who were gathered together in one place to increase their knowledge, network, experience, and faith. It means this community is giving power to women in the form of knowledge, experience, and networking. - The sense of belonging between the committees who compromised their holiday times to organise the event. As the community is a non-profit community, then I exceedingly admired they effort, spirit, and consistency in keeping this monthly event besides their quarterly and annual events. - These women have shown the girl power, a one or many step(s) ahead in promoting Islam far beyond the Western media stereotype who thought hijab-wearing women are oppressed and back warded. These young women also challenged the stigma that comes from some Indonesian people who labelled the hijabers as a group of teenagers who just love fashion and only care about their appearances to become stylish and fashionable. Moreover, these young women sometimes judged as a mere group of women who are practising consumerism and capitalism. - By inviting Shirin as the youngest girl who awarded as Top Social Media Influencer, this community conscious of the power of social media in influencing people. - This community wants to spread the message of the positive impact of social media if we are using it for useful purposes. - The theme of this event conveys the message about how young women could be an inspirator without neglecting her belief and still following Islamic corridor. It means these women could negotiate their Islamic identity with modern identity without depriving.

Questions/Things to follow up with: - The hijabers’focus has changed from fashion-related events to more religious events - How does Instagram become part of the hijabers modern lives? - How could the hijabers be the agent of change? - How do the hijabers’ events reflect a movement? - Are they activities related to feminism? (or any term) - How do social media reshape their modernity?

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======FIELD NOTES 5

Day/date : Sunday, 30 October 2016 Site : Estubizi Grha, Jakarta city, Indonesia Event : Hijabers Day Out (HDO) - Islamic Parenting Class Organizer : Hijabers Community Official (HC) Length of observation : Approximately 7 hours (09.00 am – 03.00 pm) Focus of observation : The flow of the event ======Descriptions: 1. Settings Site: This event conducted at Estubizi, Grha Tirtadi, South Jakarta. This building is a five-story small office complex in the busy street of Jakarta.

Room setting: The event occurs in a multifunction room with a capacity of 60 people. In the front door, there were two registration tables. Attendees lined up to confirm their registration or to register onsite then moved to another table to receive a morning tea (in a box) and merchandise from the sponsor. Inside the room, in the first row behind the screen, there were two chairs for the speaker and moderator, a standing mike from MC, and a small table. Meanwhile, attendees sitting lined on a chair facing the screen.

2. Attendee The number of attendees is 40 people. This is a limited event and open for public, not ‘woman only’ event because the topic is about parenting, which required both mother and father. Most of the attendees are young parents aged between 25-35 years old. An attendee suggested to register via WhatsApp of two contact persons of Hijabers Community, but they still could register directly on the site if the seat is available. The attendees should pay IDR 250,000 for a couple or IDR 150,000 for a single (approximately AUD 15-25).

3. Speaker The theme for this event is ‘Discipline with Affection’ (Disiplin dengan Kasih Sayang). First speaker: Perwitasari, Psi. (psychologist). She explains tricks and tips in parenting with the concept of discipline and how to apply it to young children without distressed them.

Second speaker: Ummu Balqis She is a fashion brand owner, a writer, and a parenting enthusiast. She likes to write her parenting’s style on social media. She shares her experiences as a mother of two. She tells how she is like a recording player because sometimes she gave the same orders and instructions to both of her children. However, she believes some of her words will seep her children subconscious.

Third speaker: Ria Miranda and Pandu Rosadi Ria Miranda is a famous fashion designer and one of the Hijabers Community’s founder. She and her husband, Pandu now manage a fashion business under her name ‘Ria Miranda.’ As a busy couple, they share the story as a parent who is still learning how to raise their two toddlers. They acknowledge the importance of cooperation between husband and wife in gaining less stressful parenting.

4. Event schedule The event opened by Syifa Fauzia, the president of Hijabers Community, who is also a mother of two children. Today she is also the MC. After greeting the audiences, explaining the themes and speakers, she said that the intention to bring the topic is for knowing the best way to teach children about discipline without distressing both parents and children. Then she called the first speaker. The first speaker explains the present and gives handout prints to the attendees. Then she asks the attendees to fill in a questionnaire about the attendees’ discipline experiences when they were a child and how they implement a discipline to their children. The psychologist ends the session with Q&A. The second and third speakers perform together like a talk show program with the MC is asking questions, and the speakers are giving answers based on their experiences. The attendees who had asked questions are receiving gifts from sponsors. This parenting class ends the session with Q&A, group photos, and lunch together.

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5. Atmosphere The atmosphere of the event is a semi-formal because situated in a closed room and the material is presented in the form of class. However, the attendees seem enthusiast and interest in the topic.

6. Partner Yayasan Kita and Buah Hati (parenting foundation)

8. Social media related The attendees take many photos using their smartphone. The photos of this event, including the group photos, is posting on Instagram.

Reflections: From this first experience as an observer in the Hijabers Day Out in Jakarta, I identified some senses such as: - Hijabers Day Out is a form of the event with limited seats that still attracted many audiences. - The parenting term realises as a concept of collaboration between mother and father. While Indonesia is still had a strong patriarchal system, and emphasising the role of parenting as mothering, this event conveys the importance of gender equality.

Questions/Things to follow up with: - How could the hijabers be the agent of change? - How do the hijabers’ events reflect a movement? - Are they activities related to feminism? (or any term)

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======FIELD NOTES 6

Day/date : Sunday, 13 November 2016 Site : DS Equestrian, Bandung city, Indonesia Event : Gathering HCB: Archery and Horse Riding Organizer : Hijabers Community Bandung (HCB) Length of observation : Approximately 10 hours (07.30 am – 04.00 pm) Focus of observation : The flow of the event ======Descriptions: 1. Settings Site: This event conducted at a ranch called DS Equestrian, owned by Daarut Tauhid Foundation, located in the hilly area of North Bandung. The ranch is a complex of pesantren (Islamic school). This school required the students to learn how to ride a horse and do archery.

Place setting: The event is an occurred in an outdoor ranch. The attendee's seat in chairs below a tends to face a small stage where the coach and manager of the equestrian explain the rules in riding the horse and doing archery. There is also some horse jockey who are high school students gave an example of what the coach/manager said.

2. Attendee The number of attendees is 30 people. This is a limited event and opens to the public. Various group of women is attending this event aged between 18 - 40 years old. An attendee suggested to register via WhatsApp and Line account, and they cannot register directly on the site. The attendees should pay IDR 150,000 for both activities, lunch, and morning and afternoon tea (approximately AUD 15).

3. Speaker A coach and manager of the ranch give a lesson on how to take control over the horse and how to be confident while riding the horse.

4. Event schedule The event opened by a committee and then followed by the explanation from the coach and manager of the ranch. Moreover, then the attendees divided into two groups, group one is doing the horse riding first and then archery and vice versa.

5. Atmosphere The atmosphere of the event is enjoyable, exciting, full of spirit and sporty. The coach and manager give their talks with humour so can calm the attendees who are mostly doing it for the first time.

6. Partner DS Equestrian

7. Style and fashion related The attendees are wearing the various style of sports clothing. Most of them wear the sporty hijabers (medium size of colourful hijab covered the chest, long comfort shirt, long training pants), some of them wear hijab syar’i (long hijab until the thighs with long skirt and training pants under it).

8. Social media related The attendees take many photos using their smartphone. The photos of this event, including the group photos, is posting on Instagram.

Reflections: From this first experience as an observer in the outdoor event, I identified some senses such as: - The horse riding and archery are becoming favourite sports sin middle-class Muslims in Indonesia. This is due to the spreading of hadith ‘teach your children swimming, horse riding, and archery.’ - These sports are teaching about strength, focus, and confidence. - These male-kinds of the sport are started to be liked by female - The coach said that shortly there would be female coaches in DS Equestrian, so the female participants could be more comfortable if handled and coached by a female.

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- These women have shown the girl power, a one or many step(s) ahead in promoting Islam far beyond the Western media stereotype who thought hijab-wearing women are oppressed and back warded. These young women also challenged the stigma that comes from some Indonesian people who labelled the hijabers as a group of teenagers who just love fashion and only care about their appearances to become stylish and fashionable. Moreover, these young women sometimes judged as a mere group of women who are practising consumerism and capitalism.

Questions/Things to follow up with: - How could the hijabers be the agent of change? - How do the hijabers’ events reflect a movement? - Are they activities related to feminism? (or any term)

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======FIELD NOTES 7

Day/date : Sunday, 20 November 2016 Site : Trans Studio Mall Mosque, Bandung city, Indonesia Event : Monthly Pengajian/Islamic study Organizer : Hijabers Community Bandung (HCB) Length of observation : Approximately 4 hours (09.00 am – 01.00 pm) Focus of observation : The flow of the event ======

2. Attendee I try to count the number of attendees, and approximately there are 200 people on the mosque. I am guessing from their appearances; the attendees are young women between 18-30 years old. An attendee suggested to register via Line@ account of Hijabers Community Bandung, but they still could register directly on the site. To attend this event, attendees have to give infaq (spending to please God) IDR 15,000 for member and IDR 20,000 for non- member (approx. AUD 1.5 - 2). This fee is for catering (morning tea) purposes, renting cost of the mosque, and paying the speaker(s) involuntarily amount.

3. Speaker The theme for this event is ‘Make It Halal or Leave It’ (Halalkan atau Tinggalkan)

First speaker: Ustadz Yayat Ruhiyat (ustadz is a term for Islamic teacher). He discusses the relationship between unmarried man and woman. According to him, to prevent adultery, young people should beware of their relationship with the opposite sex and guard their lust by getting closer to Allah as well as involving in positive activities. If he or she was involved in a more in-depth relationship, then it is better for them to make it halal in the knot of marriage. Marriage at the youthful age as in 18-19 years old is better than doing a sinful relationship that not halal yet. He wears a batik shirt, black pants, and black peci (traditional Indonesian hat). By observing his speech and his style of clothes, he comes from a moderate sect of Islam.

Second speaker: Alzindani is a young CEO of Alzin Group and the writer of ‘The Conglomerate Mindset.’ He comes from Bandung. He is married young at 19, and now he is 20 years old. He is a successful property businessman and the youngest Indonesian conglomerate. He shares his success story as an entrepreneur who owns 14 companies. He is already worked since he was a secondary school about five years ago. He only studied at formal school until grade 9; then he chose to take an internship in a company to chase his passion for entrepreneurship. He also acknowledges that at the first time he did the business, money is not his goal. He advises the attendees to have a goal setting and positive mindset to be a success. His humble personality reflected in his modest style of a blue long shirt and cream pants.

237 by all audiences and committees taken pictures together.

5. Atmosphere The atmosphere of the event is very enjoyable, relaxed, and full of enthusiasm and cheerful. The committees greet the attendees with a friendly tone and built positive vibes around the event.

6. Sponsor There were some sponsors of the event: Aez Anissa Indonesia (clothing line), Cookay cookies, Lakoca (instant food), Wardah (halal cosmetics), Kamilia (Muslimah agenda/diary)

Reflections: From the third (and the last) experience being an observer in the Hijabers Community Bandung’s event, I identified some impressions such as: - The creative way of packaging and organising of the event, lecturing content from the ustadz and sharing a story from a teenage girl about her effort to memorise the Quran. - This event was far from the old-school style of lecturing that usually focused on sins and hell that usually couldn’t reach the heart of teenager and young audiences. - Both the speakers delivered easy listening and relevant contents that efficiently to practice in their daily lives. - The style of the ustadz that was very casual both in his appearances as well as in delivering the knowledge closer the gap between ‘the source of knowledge and the knowledge seeker.’ This becomes interesting because the system of feudalism that still embraced in Indonesian cultures has given more significant gaps between teacher and students. Thus, this closer gap showed a new way of conveying Islamic knowledge. - The spirit that came from both the committees and attendees in studying Islam from the youthful age - The power that might result from these 400 women who were gathered together in one place to increase their knowledge and faith - The sense of belonging between the committees who compromised their holiday times to organise the event. As the community is a non-profit community, then I exceedingly admired they effort, spirit, and consistency in keeping this monthly event besides their quarterly and annual events. - These women have shown the girl power, a one or many step(s) ahead in promoting Islam far beyond the Western media stereotype who thought hijab-wearing women are oppressed and back warded. These young women also challenged the stigma that comes from some Indonesian people who labelled the hijabers as a group of teenagers who just love fashion and only care about their appearances to become stylish and fashionable. Moreover, these young women sometimes judged as a mere group of women who are practising consumerism and capitalism. - In the sharing story session, Alzindani explains his story to motivate the attendees to be a hardworking person since their youthful age, to dream big, and to make the best effort to achieve it. It means this community believes that woman could be anything that she wants to be and should set their mindset to achieve their dreams and life’s goals. - Becoming a successful woman (in all aspect of lives) is a concern of this community.

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APPENDIX D: THESIS OUTCOMES APPENDIX D1: Article in The Conversation Tittle: Hijabers of Instagram: the Muslim Women Challenging Stereotypes Link: https://theconversation.com/hijabers-of-instagram-the-muslim-women-challenging- stereotypes-79416

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APPENDIX D2: Opinion Article in The Jakarta Post Tittle: Impact of Islamophobia on Covered Women Link: http://www.thejakartapost.com/academia/2017/07/17/impact-of-islamophobia-on- covered-women.html

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APPENDIX D3: Included in The Innovation Group Research Report Tittle: The New Muslimah: Southeast Asia Focus (Exploring the changing face of young Muslim women in Southeast Asia’s dynamic, connected economy) Link: Due to the copyright is owned by The Innovation Group Research Group, I cannot share the link to the whole report.

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APPENDIX D4: Indonesian Book chapter Publisher: Tasdiqiya Publisher Book Tittle: Membedah Anatomi Peradaban Digital (Unpack the Anatomy of Digital Civilization) Chapter Tittle: Ideologi Feminisme di Era Digital Media (Feminism Ideology in The Era of Digital Media)

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APPENDIX D5: Journal Article Journal: Social Media & Society Tittle: HIJABERS ON INSTAGRAM: Using visual social media to construct the ideal Muslim woman Author: Emma Baulch and Alila Pramiyanti Link: https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/2056305118800308 Abstract: This article studies uses of Instagram by members of Indonesia’s Hijabers’ Community. Previous research showed how hijab-wearing women position themselves as modern and pious subjects by fashioning their hijabs to create a stylish, well-to-do appearance, but this article advances more nuanced interpretations of piety and consumption among Indonesian hijabers. It shows how hijabers employ Instagram a stage for dakwah (“the call, invitation or challenge to Islam”, Millie, 2017, p.38), which they consider one of their primary tasks as Muslims. By seeking to enfold the taking and sharing of images of Muslim bodies on Instagram into this Quranic imperative, the hijabers not only play an important role in shaping an Islamic-themed bodily aesthetic for middle class women, but also pioneer the ‘writing in’ of this bodily aesthetic as an authoritative form of Islamic knowledge. The article extends work on influencer culture on Instagram, which has considered how and whether women exert control over their bodies in post-feminist performances of female entrepreneurship and consumer choice on social media. In it, we argue that examining the “enframement” (Spyer and Steedly, 2014) of hijaberness on Instagram reveals it to be a “composite habitus” (Waltorp, 2015): a performance of hijaber-ness as both a Muslim variant of post-feminist performances on social media, and a female variant of electronically-mediated Muslim preaching. Keywords: dakwah, hijabers, Instagram, Indonesia, post-feminism, microcelebrity

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APPENDIX D6: Book Chapter Publisher: Routledge Tittle: #Hijabers: How Indonesian Muslim women construct and express their Islamic identity through Instagram Author: Alila Pramiyanti and Evonne Miller Abstract: This chapter analyzes how a group of veiled fashion-conscious young Muslim women in Indonesia construct and perform their Islamic identity through Instagram. We draw on three months of fieldwork, participant observations, social media observations and face-to-face interviews with 21 members of the Hijabers Community, a physical and online community that supports women who chose to wear the hijab (a religious scarf covering the head and hair). Instagram has created a new space for identity-making for these young Muslim women. All saw conveying Islamic teaching as their primary task and were using the visual discourse of Instagram to negotiate and express their religious identity, their piety and their elegant yet uniquely Muslim femininity. Through producing and circulating stylized veiled images, these hijabers are actively reframing conventional neoliberal notions about Islamic veiling and Muslim womanhood. Keywords: activism, empowerment, feminism, hijabers, Indonesia, Instagram, Islam, Muslim women, piety, religion, social change, social media, social networks

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