The Flemish Parliament
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JAARVERSLAG 2004 En 2004-2005 Missieverklaring
JAARVERSLAG 2004 en 2004-2005 Missieverklaring Het Vlaams Parlement belichaamt de wetgevende pijler en de democratie in Vlaanderen. Het staat in voor de tot- standkoming van de Vlaamse decreten en voor de goed- keuring van de Vlaamse begroting. Het Vlaams Parlement benoemt de Vlaamse Regering en controleert de Vlaamse Regering op de uitvoering van die decreten. Het Vlaams Parlement wil het centrum van een demo- cratisch Vlaanderen zijn en de burgers nauw bij de poli- tieke besluitvorming betrekken, en streeft daartoe naar maximale transparantie en optimale communicatie. Het wil een modern parlement zijn dat slagvaardig, vooruit- ziend en dynamisch werkt, op basis van de principes van effectiviteit, efficiëntie en zuinigheid. Door het uitdragen en aanmoedigen van burgerzin wil het Vlaams Parlement het democratisch draagvlak van de samenleving versterken en Vlaanderen profileren als een moderne, vooruitstrevende, verdraagzame en soli- daire Europese regio. VLAAMS PARLEMENT JAARVERSLAG 2004 en 2004-2005 3 INHOUD JAARVERSLAG 2004 en 2004-2005 Voorwoord 9 HOOFDSTUK I : SAMENSTELLING EN LEIDING VAN HET VLAAMS PARLEMENT 11 1. 124 rechtstreeks verkozen Vlaamse volksvertegenwoordigers 11 1.1 Op 6 juli 2004 11 1.2 Wijzigingen tijdens de zitting 2004 11 1.3 Wijzigingen tijdens de zitting 2004-2005 13 2. De leiding van het Vlaams Parlement : voorzitter, Bureau en Uitge- breid Bureau 13 2.1 Bureau en Uitgebreid Bureau: samenstelling en vergaderfre- quentie 13 2.2 De politieke leiding van het Vlaams Parlement (Uitgebreid Bureau) 14 2.3 Het algemeen beheer van het Vlaams Parlement (Bureau) 15 3. Het beleidsplan van de voorzitter: de verdere ontwikkeling van een eigentijds Vlaams Parlement 15 HOOFDSTUK II : DE POLITIEKE ACTIVITEITEN VAN HET VLAAMS PARLEMENT 25 1. -
Executive and Legislative Bodies
Published on Eurydice (https://eacea.ec.europa.eu/national-policies/eurydice) Legislative and executive powers at the various levels Belgium is a federal state, composed of the Communities and the Regions. In the following, the federal state structure is outlined and the Government of Flanders and the Flemish Parliament are discussed. The federal level The legislative power at federal level is with the Chamber of Representatives, which acts as political chamber for holding government policy to account. The Senate is the meeting place between regions and communities of the federal Belgium. Together they form the federal parliament. Elections are held every five years. The last federal elections took place in 2014. The executive power is with the federal government. This government consists of a maximum of 15 ministers. With the possible exception of the Prime Minister, the federal government is composed of an equal number of Dutch and French speakers. This can be supplemented with state secretaries. The federal legislative power is exercised by means of acts. The Government issues Royal Orders based on these. It is the King who promulgates federal laws and ratifies them. The federal government is competent for all matters relating to the general interests of all Belgians such as finance, defence, justice, social security (pensions, sickness and invalidity insurance), foreign affairs, sections of health care and domestic affairs (the federal police, oversight on the police, state security). The federal government is also responsible for nuclear energy, public-sector companies (railways, post) and federal scientific and cultural institutions. The federal government is also responsible for all things that do not expressly come under the powers of the communities and the regions. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Belgian Identity Politics: at a Crossroad Between Nationalism and Regionalism
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Masters Theses Graduate School 8-2014 Belgian identity politics: At a crossroad between nationalism and regionalism Jose Manuel Izquierdo University of Tennessee - Knoxville, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes Part of the Human Geography Commons Recommended Citation Izquierdo, Jose Manuel, "Belgian identity politics: At a crossroad between nationalism and regionalism. " Master's Thesis, University of Tennessee, 2014. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes/2871 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a thesis written by Jose Manuel Izquierdo entitled "Belgian identity politics: At a crossroad between nationalism and regionalism." I have examined the final electronic copy of this thesis for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the equirr ements for the degree of Master of Science, with a major in Geography. Micheline van Riemsdijk, Major Professor We have read this thesis and recommend its acceptance: Derek H. Alderman, Monica Black Accepted for the Council: Carolyn R. Hodges Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) Belgian identity politics: At a crossroad between nationalism and regionalism A Thesis Presented for the Master of Science Degree The University of Tennessee, Knoxville Jose Manuel Izquierdo August 2014 Copyright © 2014 by Jose Manuel Izquierdo All rights reserved. -
Significant Breakthrough by the Far Right in Flanders, Victory for The
PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN BELGIUM 26th May 2019 European Significant breakthrough Elections monitor by the far right in Flanders, victory for the Socialist Party in Corinne Deloy Wallonia and Brussels: Belgium divided more than ever before Results The Belgian general election took place on 26th May revealing a greatly divided country. The far-right made a significant breakthrough in Flanders came first in the election despite a loss of seats: 20[1] in the shape of the Vlaams Belang (Flemish Interest, VB), (- 3). It came out ahead of the Reform Movement (MR), a party chaired by Tom Van Grieken. Although the New a liberal party led by outgoing Prime Minister Charles Alliance (N-VA), a nationalist party chaired by Bart de Michel, which recorded a loss of support, winning 14 Wever, is still the region’s leading party with 25 seats, it seats (- 6); Ecolo, a party led co-led by Zakia Khattabi lost some seats however (-8 seats in comparison with the and Jean-Marc Nollet, won 13 seats (+ 7) and the Labour previous parliamentary elections on 25th May 2014) and Party, making strong progress, won 12 seats (+10). failed to rise above the 30% vote threshold. The Vlaams The Humanist Democratic Centre (cDH), led by Maxime Belang came second with 18 seats (+15). Prévot, came fifth (5 MPs, - 4). The Christian Democratic Party (CD&V), led by Wouter In Brussels, the socialists also came out ahead, just in 1. Here the number Beke, came third, but with fewer seats: 12 MPs (-6). front of the French-speaking ecologists who witnessed a of seats and for the following parties is Then come the Liberals and Democrats (Open VLD), a sharp rise in support. -
De Vlaams-Nationalistische Partijen En Organisaties Bruno De Wever En Koen De Scheemaeker
808 Bronnen van privé-instellingen 5.5. Bronnenpublicaties Documents sur la fondation du pcb, in Cahiers marxistes, 1971, speciaal nummer. In de nrs. 2 (p. 43-47), 9 (p. 44-54) en 10 (p. 71-88) van hetzelfde tijdschrift worden eveneens documenten gepubliceerd die betrekking hebben op de ontstaans periode van de kpb. “ Le Drapeau Rouge ” clandestin. Brussel, 1971. De klandestiene “ Roode Vaan ”. Brussel, 1971. Alphonse Bonenfast. Rapport sur la dissidence grippiste (1968), in Cahiers marxistes, 2002, nr. 222. 6. De Vlaams-nationalistische partijen en organisaties Bruno De Wever en Koen De Scheemaeker 6.1. Bibliografie Courrier hebdomadaire du CRISP wijdde talrijke artikels aan Vlaams-nationalis- tische partijen en organisaties na de Tweede Wereldoorlog : 1962, nrs. 148 & 169 ; 1964, nr. 230 ; 1966, nrs. 336 & 345 ; 1973, nrs. 604 & 606 ; 1992, nr. 1356 ; 1993, nrs. 1416-1417, 2002, nr. 1748. De Wever (Br.). Greep naar de macht. Vlaams-nationalisme en Nieuwe Orde. Het VNV 1933-1945. Tielt-Gent, 1994. De Wever (Br.), Vrints (A.). Vlaams-nationalisme. Natievorming, ideologie en politieke stroming, in Sanders (L.), Devos (C.), eds. Politieke ideologieën in Vlaanderen. Antwerpen, 2008. De Wever (Ba.). Het Vlaams-nationalisme na de Tweede Wereldoorlog. Verrij- zenis of herrijzenis ?, in Bijdragen tot de Eigentijdse Geschiedenis, 1997, nr. 3, p. 277-290. De Winter (L.). The Volksunie and the dilemma between policy succes and elec- toral survival in Flanders, in Regionalist Parties in Western Europe. London, 1998, p. 28-50. Nieuwe Encyclopedie van de Vlaamse Beweging. Tielt, 1998 bevat ingangen op alle Vlaams-nationalistische partijen en organisaties, een overzichtsartikel over Vlaams-nationalistische partijen (B. -
Language Border
Language Border 22 On my desk is a picture postcard. I turn it over and read the words: Frontière linguistique à Riemst/Bassenge. On the front is a colour photo. To the right is a mobile telephone mast. At least, I think that’s what it is. Just to the left of centre is a fluttering Belgian tricolour. The flag is attached to a fence, one of those that you see by the thousand all over the world, made of chicken wire, with iron support posts and topped by a single strand of barbed wire. Between the fence and the mast runs a narrow road. The only other things in the picture are five trees and, in the background, woodland nestled up against a low hill. Take away the flag and you have a landscape that could be almost anywhere: France? Germany? England? Even Poland as far as I’m concerned. But the back of the postcard provides the answer: this is Belgium. And not only that, this is the very essence of Belgium: the language border. In the eyes of quite a number of foreigners, Belgium is the language border. The photographer has not just picked a random spot along this language bor- [ geert van istendael ] istendael ] [ geert van der that symbolises so much that is Belgium. Riemst is the municipality where the president of the Flemish Parliament lives: Jan Peumans, a convinced Flem- ish nationalist, even though he himself declares that, if there were such a thing as reincarnation, he would want to be reborn as a French-speaking Belgian, a Walloon. -
The Parliaments of Belgium and Their International
THE PARLIAMENTS OF BELGIUM AND THEIR INTERNATIONAL POWERS This brochure aims to provide readers with a bird’s eye per- spective of the distribution of power in Federal Belgium in plain language. Particular emphasis goes out to the role of the Parliamentary assemblies in international affairs. Federal Belgium as we now know it today is the result of a peaceful and gradual political development seeking to give the country’s various Communities and Regions wide-ranging self-rule. This enables them to run their own policies in a way that is closely geared to the needs and wishes of their own citizens. In amongst other elements, the diversity and self-rule of the Regions and Communities manifest themselves in their own Parliaments and Govern- ments. Same as the Federal Parliament, each of these Regional Parliamentary assemblies has its own powers, is able to autonomously adopt laws and regulations for its territory and population and ratify international treaties in respect of its own powers. HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT Belgium became an independent state in 1830 with a bicam- eral Parliament (Chamber of Representatives and Senate) and a Government. The only administrative language at the time was French. Dutch and German were only gradually recognised as administrative languages. The four linguistic regions (Dutch, French, German and the bilingual Region of Brussels-Capital) were established in 1962. Over the course of the second half of the twentieth century came the growing awareness that the best way forward was for the various Communities to be given the widest possi- ble level of self-rule, enabling them to make their own deci- sions in matters such as culture and language. -
The Belgian Federal Parliament
The Belgian Federal Parliament Welcome to the Palace of the Nation PUBLISHED BY The Belgian House of Representatives and Senate EDITED BY The House Department of Public Relations The Senate Department of Protocol, Reception & Communications PICTURES Guy Goossens, Kevin Oeyen, Kurt Van den Bossche and Inge Verhelst, KIK-IRPA LAYOUT AND PRINTING The central printing offi ce of the House of Representatives July 2019 The Federal Parliament The Belgian House of Representatives and Senate PUBLISHED BY The Belgian House of Representatives and Senate EDITED BY The House Department of Public Relations The Senate Department of Protocol, Reception & Communications PICTURES This guide contains a concise description of the workings Guy Goossens, Kevin Oeyen, Kurt Van den Bossche and Inge Verhelst, KIK-IRPA of the House of Representatives and the Senate, LAYOUT AND PRINTING and the rooms that you will be visiting. The central printing offi ce of the House of Representatives The numbers shown in the margins refer to points of interest July 2019 that you will see on the tour. INTRODUCTION The Palace of the Nation is the seat of the federal parliament. It is composed of two chambers: the House of Representatives and the Senate. The House and the Senate differ in terms of their composition and competences. 150 representatives elected by direct universal suffrage sit in the House of Representatives. The Senate has 60 members. 50 senators are appointed by the regional and community parliaments, and 10 senators are co-opted. The House of Representatives and the Senate are above all legislators. They make laws. The House is competent for laws of every kind. -
Que Dépenseront Les Partis Durant La Campagne Électorale 2019 ?
Que dépenseront les partis durant la campagne électorale 2019 ? Jef Smulders, Gert-Jan Put et Bart Maddens e 26 janvier a marqué le début de la période réglementée pour la campagne des élections européennes, fédérales, régionales et communautaires du 26 mai 2019 1. L Depuis cette date, certains moyens de campagne sont interdits 2. De plus, tant les candidats individuels que les partis doivent s’en tenir durant cette période à un montant maximal pour leurs dépenses électorales. Dans cette @nalyse du CRISP en ligne , nous calculons quelle somme totale chaque parti est autorisé à consacrer à sa campagne électorale durant les quatre mois de la période réglementée. Toutefois, aucun parti ne dépense effectivement ce montant dans la pratique. Nous évaluons dès lors aussi le coût effectif qu’atteindra vraisemblablement la campagne en cours en nous basant sur les données de la campagne électorale de 2014. Enfin, nous comparons ce coût effectif avec ce que les partis ont à leur disposition comme moyens financiers, à travers leurs actifs courants. Mais avant toute chose, examinons les dispositions légales en matière de calcul des montants maximaux. Législation Chaque parti peut, pour toutes les élections cumulées (européennes, fédérales, régionales et communautaires), dépenser un maximum d’un million d’euros 3. Pour les candidats, 1 La loi du 4 juillet 1989 relative à la limitation et au contrôle des dépenses électorales engagées pour l’élection de la Chambre des représentants, ainsi qu’au financement et à la comptabilité ouverte des partis politiques ( Moniteur belge , 20 juillet 1989) a été revue à de nombreuses reprises. -
Bulletin D' Information
Septembre 2012 210 000 exemplaires E.R./ V.U.: Michel Dandoy Bodegemstraat 175 1700 Dilbeek Bulletin d’ information www.uniondesfrancophones.be PROVINCE DU BRABANT FLAMAND - VLAAMS BRABANT L’internationalisation Elections de la Périphérie du 14 octobre 2012 se développe encore ! La crainte flamande de francisation de la Au niveau provincial, il vous est toujours loisible de voter pour Périphérie se double à présent d’une des candidats francophones. crainte de l’internationalisation du Rand, ce que nous annonçons depuis belle Sans doute ces derniers mois, avons-nous traversé certaines turbulences lurette, conformément à l’expansion mais nous sommes heureux de vous annoncer qu’en dépit de sensibilités inéluctable des métropoles du monde et d’avis nuancés entre nous sur les réformes institutionnelles, l’unité à la entier vers leur Périphérie. Province a été préservée : les 4 composantes de l’UF (MR ; FDF ; CDH ; Ainsi au 01.01.11, 27% des habitants PS et quelques Indépendants) ont décidé de maintenir la liste unique de la Périphérie, soit 108.000 personnes francophone de l’Union des Francophones (UF). (le double d’il y a 20 ans) sont d’origine Ceci signifie que dans toute la Province du Brabant flamand, soit dans 65 étrangère et on y compte 114 nationa - communes, vous pouvez choisir l’UF. Si besoin était de rester unis, il suffit lités. Selon les chiffres de Kind en gezin, 35% de découvrir dans les pages de ce Bulletin quelques récentes offensives des mères dans le Rand ont une autre flamandes parmi d’autres pour éradiquer toute trace francophone en nationalité que belge. -
Bicameralism in Belgium: the Dismantlement of the Senate for the Sake of Multinational Confederalism by Patricia Popelier
ISSN: 2036-5438 Bicameralism in Belgium: the dismantlement of the Senate for the sake of multinational confederalism by Patricia Popelier Perspectives on Federalism, Vol. 10, issue 2, 2018 Except where otherwise noted content on this site is licensed under a Creative Commons 2.5 Italy License E -215 Abstract Belgium was established in 1830 as a unitary state with a bicameral parliament, with symmetrical powers for the upper and the lower house. While federalism and bicameralism are often considered a pair, the Belgian system shows an inverse relationship. The Senate gradually turned into a house representative of the sub-states, but its powers declined inversely proportional to the level of decentralisation of the Belgian state. This paper inquires how the dismantling of the Belgian Senate fits in the increasingly devolutionary nature of the Belgian state structure. First, it nuances the link between bicameralism and federalism: bicameralism is an institutional device for federalism, but not by necessity, and only under specific conditions. The official narrative is that the Belgian Senate was reformed to turn it into a house of the sub-states in line as a federal principle, but in reality the conditions to fulfil this task are not fulfilled. Instead, the paper holds that bicameralism in Belgium is subordinate to the needs of multinational conflict management, and that complying with the federative ideal of an upper house giving voice to the collective needs of the sub-states would stand in the way of the evolution of the Belgian system towards confederalism based on two major linguistic groups. Key-words Bicameralism, parliamentary systems, federalism, confederalism, multinationalism Except where otherwise noted content on this site is licensed under a Creative Commons 2.5 Italy License E -216 Even before its establishment, when Belgium’s founders discussed the design of the new Belgian State, the upper chamber was highly contentious in Belgium.