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What Is American Fascism? Writings on Father Coughlin, Mayor Frank Hague, and Senatorjoseph Mccarthy by James Rcannon and Joseph Hansen

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What Is American Fascism? Writings on Father Coughlin, Mayor Frank Hague, and Senatorjoseph Mccarthy by James Rcannon and Joseph Hansen EDUCATION FOR SOCIALISTS ISSUED BY "THE NAllONAL EDUCATION DEPARTMENT SOClAUST WORKERS PARTY 14 CHARLES LANE NEW YORK, NY 10014 What Is American Fascism? Writings on Father Coughlin, Mayor Frank Hague, and SenatorJoseph McCarthy by James RCannon and Joseph Hansen July 1976 $1.25 Contents Introductory Note, by Fred Feldman 3 Section One: Father Coughlin, Fascist Demagogue, by Joseph Hansen 4 Section Two; Mayor Frank Hague of Jersey City, New ,Jersey i3 1. Boss Hague's Police Kidnap Norman Thomas (May 7, 1938, Socialist Appeal) 13 2. Hague's Rule Still Awaits Real Challenge­ Free Speech Fight Imperative (May 11, 1938, Socialist Appeal) 14 3. Hague Frustrates Meeting Plan-CIO Must Take Lead in Struggle (June 4, 1938, Socialist Appeal; 15 4. How Hague Rules (abridged), by James Raleigh (June 4 and June 11, 1938, Socialist Appea{) 16 5. Jersey City: Lesson and Warning, by James P. Cannon (July 9, 1938, Socialist Appeal) 18 6. Leon Trotsky on Hague: Excerpts from a June 7, 1938, Discussion 19 Section Three: McCarthyism 22 1. McCarthyism: An Editorial (Januury 18, 1954, Militant) 22 2. Fascism and the Workers' Movement, by James P. Cannon (March 15-April 26, 1954, Militants) 24 3. Draft Resolution on the Political Situation in America (excerpt) (SWP Discussion Bulletin A-20 in 1954) 3f> 4. McCarthy-A "Bourgeois Democrat"? A Reply to Vern and Ryan, by Joseph Hansen (SWP Discussion Bulletin A-25 in 1954) 40 COVER: Senator Joseph R. McCarthy of Wisconsin rises to speak at the Army·McCarthy Senate hearings of Spring 1954. Introductory Note The end of the post-World-WadI economic boom marked American class struggle and appealing to American an historic turning point for U.S. capitalism. The rulers prejudices. Thus, their movements had characteristics that are trying to make working people pay for the economic were very different from the German Nazis and the Italian crisis by reducing living standards, degrading working fascists, while sharing their antilabor and antidemocratic conditions, and slashing social services. essence. The SWP political resolution adopted in August 1975, A look at the role and nature of these movements helps Prospects for Socialism in America. states: "This will place the current weight and importance of fascist groups inevitably lead to a sharpening of the American class in the United States into proper perspective. While fascist struggle in all its forms and to deepening class polariza­ and fascist-like organizations ranging from the Ku Klux tion. While the tempo of this polarizat.ion cannot be Klan and the National Socialist White People's Party to predicted, its general (eatures are clear. Millions of the National Caucus of Labor Committees ("U.S. Labor workers will search for the road to independent political Patty") have made Borne gains from the current racist action and will more and more turn to class-struggle offensive, none has achieved a substantial mass base. It methods. On the other hand, rightist. demagogues and remains to be seen whether any of these groups or some fascist movements pretending to offer 'radical' solutions to new formation will emerge as the leadership of a mass the capitalist crises will come forward as candidates for fascist movement in the United States. power." (Quoted from Prospects for Socialism in America, Farrell Dobbs states in the Education for SocialisUl by Jack Barnes et al. [New York: Pathfinder Press, 1976]). publication, Counter-mobilization: A Strategy to Fight The documents and articlcs in this volume examine the Racist and Fascist Attacks, "The capitalists are very characteristics of thr~e significant incipient fascist trends happy to use the far-out types we run into today. They that appeared in the United States during the depression cause some confusion, stir things up a little, and plow a of the 19.10s and the cold war witch·hunt of the 1950s. little ground for a more scrious development of fascism. Father Coughlin's Social Justice movement, Frank But they are not the real animal we will be fighting when Hague's dictatorial antilabor regime in Jersey City, New the combat gets really tough." Jersey, and Senator Joseph R. McCarthy's anticommunist The materials in this collection demonstrate the ineffec­ crusade are described and evaluated. tiveness of the class-collaborationist practices of the trade­ Coughlin, Hague, and McCarthy never succeeded in union bureaucracy in combatting fascist attacks. In the building an organized mass movement as did Hitler and 1930s, these reformists counted on capitalist politicians Mussolini. Nor did they win ruling class support to the like President ~rankJin Roosevelt and New York Mayor same degree as the German and Italian fascists. Instead, Fiorello La Guardia to protect them from fascism. In the the development of these fascist formations was cut off at 19508, they supported the policies of the Democratic witch­ an early stuge. hunters against the Republican witch-hunters. They went Instead of turning to fascism in the 1930s, the ruling so far in trying to placate McCarthy 6S to carry out their class extricated itself from the depression by means of a own witch-hunts in the unions. Such policies led to world war. setbacks for labor, even though in these cases the fascist In the 1950s, the ruling class turned away from head·on movements were stopped far short of taking power. confrontation with the Soviet Union after the Korean war The SWP on the other hand always fought for a strategy and wartime prosperity was extended into peacetime. As a of working-class independence on the political arena and result, McCarthy lost both his usefulness to the ruling for working-class countermobilizations against the fascists. class and his mass support. As the SWP 1975 political It has advocated the right of self-defense against fascist resolution stutes, "McCarthyism, which was un extension terrorists. of the cold-war antilabor policies and loyalty purges This publication is the third in a series of Education for initiated by Truman, had an incipient (ascist logic of its Socialists publications on American fascism. Taken own that eventually proved counterproductive to the ruling together with Counter-mobilization: A Strategy to Fight dass. The reactionary Wisconsin dcma~ogue had his Racist and Fascist Attacks, by Farrell Dobbs and The wings clipped" (Prospects, cited above). Fight Against Fascism in the USA, this volume is a useful Study of these movements provides lessons for working introduction to t.he problems of analysis, strategy, and people about fascism and the fight against it. It demon· tactics involved in the working-class struggle against strates that American fascism, as it appeared in these fascism. instances, was not a carbon copy of the fascist movements Thanks are due to Brian Shannon for his assistance in led by Mussolini in Italy and Hitler in Germany. On the selecting the items included in this series. contrary Coughlin, Hague, and McCarthy sought to build Fred Feldman an American fascist movement, arising out of the July 1976 Father Coughlin: Fascist Demagogue By Joseph Hansen Father Coughlin: FMcist Demagogue, by Joseph Hansen was The economic upturn produced by war preparations and the wave issued in pamphlet form by Pioneer Publishers in 1939. It is btl.sed of patriotic sentiment directed against the Nazis combined to ease on a series that appeared that year in the Socialist Appeal. the political crisis facing the capitalists and to considerably Father Charles E. Coughlin's "Social Justice" movement was reduce the faRcists' audience. the most influential of the fascist movements that began to gain adherents when the sharp economic downturn of 1937 and 1938 As a gesture toward Roosevelt, Coughlin's superiors in the revealed the bankruptcy of the New Deal. The development of Catholic hierarchy barred him from participating in politics in these fascist currents was cut off by the opening of World War II. 1942 and he eventually sank into obscurity. The Rise 01 the "Radio Priest" lost no fait h \yha! socn'r" ill l-'resid,'nt II, ~ I\'cr and his cabinet. In the sumlller of 1926, an obscure Catholic priest began Thell he switched to tllc New ])t'al ;;Il1d sllpp"rted it ~n broadcasting over thc radio in Detrnit. eloq uell tI}' that he IKTallle one 0 f the 1Il0lst i11 tl Hent ia I For three years he spoke steadi"lj without gaining any SI)( IkcSllle 11 f, lr the l~ ooseI'cll .\ dllliII ist I'a Ii,11l. following heyond a local one. !His speeches were not par­ "f?VO.f<'1Jc!I or Nili 11" \I' as his sIOl;<lIl, ticularly striking. He said nothing to distinguish himself l\lilliolls ht'lieved llilll' ami dillse l":oo.I,(",·,·!I. a~ different from hundreds of others who performed for Oil Novclllhcr II, IlU4, shortly after thl' ri~\· of Adolph America's loudspeakers. IIitler to pO\I'l'r in Cerlllal1Y, he bUllched his, lrg:lIliwtion, Then the 1929 crash ushered in the worst depression the Natiollal Union for Sodal Jo~ti,'<:, 1Ie wrote the pro­ United States capitalism had yet experienced. gr<llll for this organization himself. Jt ha~ never decte'j Something different did occur then, The obscure priest Ilim as its leader or l'(lllstitutl'd itscl f on democratic lines. launched a series of violent attacks against "communism." Po1itkaI disCUSSiOll at its Ull it lIleetings is sl ri ctIy forbid­ His named zoomed into the national spotlight, den. COll ~h IiII is seJf -<I p[loi nted sllpremc dictator. He began broadening his activities like a business mall III the 1'1Vi presidclltial campaign lIe switrl)('d from the who has succeeded in selling a huge issue of stock for a New Deal and supported \Villjalll Lemke for president.
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