Military Education in Ukraine
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Globalisation, Democratisation and Nation-Building As Competing
Nation-Building, Democratization and Globalization as Competing Priorities in Ukraine’s Education System Summary: This article examines how consecutive governments in Ukraine have reconciled the different demands that nation-building, democratization and globalization pose on the national education system. It argues that nation-building conflicts with democratization and with globalization and engages in a review of Ukraine‘s educational policies from Perestroika to the present to illustrate this argument. It shows that nation building in post-Soviet Ukraine was primarily a language project aimed at the ukrainianization of schools and institutes of higher education. It further observes that nation-building was given priority over democratization and globalization in shaping the education system in the first decade following independence. From 2000, however, globalization has become an increasingly important discourse in education removing nation-building from the top of the political agenda. 1. Introduction One of the greatest challenges currently facing the new states in Central and Eastern Europe is educational reform. After obtaining independence in the early 1990s, these states were confronted with the immense task of transforming an outdated centralized education system, which was aimed at delivering a loyal communist workforce, into a modern system that would be much more responsive to consumer demands and would recognize and further individual talent. The immensity of the undertaking lies in the fact that three prerequisites make simultaneous demands on the education system: nation-building, democratization and globalization. The need for nation-building is felt particularly strong in those new states which derive their legitimacy from former minority nations. The political elites of these states consider nation-building a vital tool for the resuscitation of languages and cultures that have 1 played a subordinate role under the past communist regime. -
Russia's Hybrid Warfare
Research Paper Research Division – NATO Defense College, Rome – No. 105 – November 2014 Russia’s Hybrid Warfare Waging War below the Radar of Traditional Collective Defence by H. Reisinger and A. Golts1 “You can’t modernize a large country with a small war” Karl Schlögel The Research Division (RD) of the NATO De- fense College provides NATO’s senior leaders with “Ukraine is not even a state!” Putin reportedly advised former US President sound and timely analyses and recommendations on current issues of particular concern for the Al- George W. Bush during the 2008 NATO Summit in Bucharest. In 2014 this liance. Papers produced by the Research Division perception became reality. Russian behaviour during the current Ukraine convey NATO’s positions to the wider audience of the international strategic community and con- crisis was based on the traditional Russian idea of a “sphere of influence” and tribute to strengthening the Transatlantic Link. a special responsibility or, stated more bluntly, the “right to interfere” with The RD’s civil and military researchers come from countries in its “near abroad”. This perspective is also implied by the equally a variety of disciplines and interests covering a 2 broad spectrum of security-related issues. They misleading term “post-Soviet space.” The successor states of the Soviet conduct research on topics which are of interest to Union are sovereign countries that have developed differently and therefore the political and military decision-making bodies of the Alliance and its member states. no longer have much in common. Some of them are members of the European Union and NATO, while others are desperately trying to achieve The opinions expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the this goal. -
Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors Ryan Barrett [email protected]
University of Missouri, St. Louis IRL @ UMSL Dissertations UMSL Graduate Works 1-20-2018 Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors Ryan Barrett [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://irl.umsl.edu/dissertation Part of the Comparative Politics Commons, and the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Barrett, Ryan, "Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors" (2018). Dissertations. 725. https://irl.umsl.edu/dissertation/725 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the UMSL Graduate Works at IRL @ UMSL. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of IRL @ UMSL. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors Ryan Barrett M.A. Political Science, The University of Missouri - Saint Louis, 2015 M.A. International Relations, Webster University, 2010 B.A. International Studies, 2006 A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate School at the The University of Missouri - Saint Louis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor Philosophy in Political Science May 2018 Advisory Committee: Joyce Mushaben, Ph.D. Jeanne Wilson, PhD. Kenny Thomas, Ph.D. David Kimball, Ph.D. Contents Introduction 1 Chapter I. Policy Formulation 30 Chapter II. Reform Initiatives 84 Chapter III. Economic Policy 122 Chapter IV. Energy Policy 169 Chapter V. Security and Defense Policy 199 Conclusion 237 Appendix 246 Bibliography 248 To the Pat Tillman Foundation for graciously sponsoring this important research Introduction: Ukraine at a Crossroads Ukraine, like many European countries, has experienced a complex history and occupies a unique geographic position that places it in a peculiar situation be- tween its liberal future and communist past; it also finds itself tugged in two opposing directions by the gravitational forces of Russia and the West. -
Ukraine's Education
PRIVATE SECTOR DEVELOPMENT POLICY HANDBOOK Enhancing Skills through PublicPrivate Partnerships in Education in Ukraine: The Case of Agribusiness - SECTOR COMPETITIVENESS STRATEGY FOR UKRAINE PHASE II - NOVEMBER 2012 The OECD Eastern Europe and South Caucasus Initiative Launched in April 2009, the OECD Eastern Europe and South Caucasus Initiative is part of the OECD Eurasia Competitiveness Programme, which aims to contribute to economic growth in Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine. Its objective is to share with the governments of the region the knowledge, experience and good practices of OECD countries to create a sound business climate for investment, enhance productivity and support entrepreneurship, develop the private sector, and build knowledge-based economies to render its sectors more competitive and attractive to foreign investment. Its approach comprises both a regional policy dimension, which entails peer dialogue and capacity building, and a country-specific aspect supporting the implementation of a number of prioritised reforms. A sector analysis is also included, covering the formulation of targeted policies and strategies requested at the industry level. Within the framework of the programme, public authorities, the private sector and civil society within these countries have been engaged in a dialogue and collaborative process to support policy actions and identify key barriers to sectoral competitiveness. The participation of all stakeholders in the reform process, including foreign investors, is considered to be crucial for guaranteeing the effectiveness and transparency of the recommended policies. 2 Foreword Since 2009, the OECD Eurasia Competitiveness Programme has supported the Government of Ukraine in advancing national economic reform through its “Sector Competitiveness Strategy for Ukraine” project. -
Ukrainian, Russian, English: Language Use and Attitudes of Students at a Ukraninan University
Working Papers in Educational Linguistics (WPEL) Volume 25 Number 1 Spring 2010 Article 5 Spring 2010 Ukrainian, Russian, English: Language Use and Attitudes of Students at a Ukraninan University Bridget A. Goodman University of Pennsylvania Nina A. Lyulkun Khmel'nyts'kyi National University Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/wpel Part of the Education Commons, and the Linguistics Commons Recommended Citation Goodman, B. A., & Lyulkun, N. A. (2010). Ukrainian, Russian, English: Language Use and Attitudes of Students at a Ukraninan University. 25 (1), Retrieved from https://repository.upenn.edu/wpel/vol25/iss1/5 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/wpel/vol25/iss1/5 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Ukrainian, Russian, English: Language Use and Attitudes of Students at a Ukraninan University This article is available in Working Papers in Educational Linguistics (WPEL): https://repository.upenn.edu/wpel/ vol25/iss1/5 Ukrainian, Russian, English: Language Use and Attitudes of Students at a Ukrainian University1 Bridget A. Goodman University of Pennsylvania Nina A. Lyulkun Khmel’nyts’kyi National University This article presents results of an exploratory survey conducted at a central- western Ukrainian university of students’ current usage of and attitudes towards Ukrainian, Russian, and English. Before 1989, Soviet language policy positioned Russian over Ukrainian as the language of power and as the sole language of higher education. The effectiveness of national policies in post-Soviet Ukraine aimed at affirmative action for the Ukrainian language has been debatable and constrained by geographical factors of language use and language policy. The po- litical and economic status of English has the potential to impact the position of both Ukrainian and Russian in Ukraine. -
VITALY TIMOFEEV (Kharkiv, Ukraine and Portland, ME, USA) REX A
VITALY TIMOFEEV (Kharkiv, Ukraine and Portland, ME, USA) REX A. WADE (Fairfax, VA, USA) KHARKIV IN THE POST-PERESTROIKA DAYS: SOME POLITICAL TENDENCIES "There is only one thing left - to punch someone's snout...! (Kharkiv post-Communist press ascribes this phrase to A. Zdorovyi, Deputy Head of Kharkiv regional administration.) . One of the most important,. yet most puz?.??tg, features of the post-Soviet era is the political life and configuration of the larger cities. As the cities of Russia, Ukraine and the other republics struggle with the new phenomenon of multi-party politics in a constantly shifting political arena, even identifying the major groupings and issues is a complex task. Political par- ties tend to be small, often transitory, and suffer from a generalized public distrust of political parties as such. Indeed, it can be enormously difficult even to be precise about what is political. Trivial things in some circum- stances become political, while at the same time key political figures some- times suggest that political life does not exist at all in their cities. Still, a better sense of the political landscape of the large cities of the post-Soviet world is important to understanding what is happening there and where the future might lead. We will try to contribute to understanding this important feature of the new order by looking at political tendencies in one major city, Kharkiv (Khar'kov).1 the sixth largest city of the former Soviet Union and the second largest of the Ukrainian Republic. Our essay focuses especially on the situation in the summer of 1993, with some observations 2 about earlier and later developments. -
Citizens and the State in the Government-Controlled Territories of the Donetsk and Luhansk Regions Problems, Challenges and Visions of the Future
Citizens and the state in the government-controlled territories of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions Problems, challenges and visions of the future Funded by: This document has been produced with the financial assistance of the European Union through International Alert. The contents of this document are the sole responsibility of International Alert and UCIPR and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the European Union. Layout: Nick Wilmot Creative Front cover image: A mother and daughter living in temporary accommodation for those displaced by the violence in Donetsk, 2014. © Andrew McConnell/Panos © International Alert/Ukrainian Center for Independent Political Research 2017 Citizens and the state in the government-controlled territories of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions Problems, challenges and visions of the future October 2017 2 CONTENTS 1. Introduction 3 2. Methodology 6 3. Findings 7 4. Statements from interviewees 22 5. Conclusions and recommendations 30 Citizens and the state in the government-controlled territories of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions 3 1. INTRODUCTION The demarcation line (the line of contact)1 and the ‘grey zone’ between the government-controlled2 and uncontrolled territories3 of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions separates the parties to the conflict in the east of Ukraine. The areas controlled by the Ukrainian authorities and bordering the ‘grey zone’ are very politically sensitive, highly militarised, and fall under a special governance regime that is different from the rest of the country. In the absence of a comprehensive political settlement and amid uncertain prospects, it is unclear how long this situation will remain. It is highly likely that over the next few years, Ukrainians in areas adjacent to the contact line will live under very particular and unusual governance structures, and in varying degrees of danger. -
Russia and Ukraine: Military-Strategic Options, and Possible Risks, for Moscow
Russia and Ukraine: Military-strategic options, and possible risks, for Moscow Johan Norberg & Fredrik Westerlund A further Russian military intervention in Ukraine would long-term strategic buffer zone against NATO without not only be damaging to the security of both Ukraine and taking significant military-strategic risks. Russia’s armed Europe. It could also entail significant military-strategic forces are nominally impressive in size, but are spread risks for Russia, reducing its military options in other thinly over the country’s enormous territory in peacetime, strategic directions such as Central Asia and the Caucasus. based on Russia’s current threat assessments. While Russian officials still claim they have a one- Russian strategic and doctrinal documents reveal a million-strong army, it may still face military-strategic world view that sees military threats and dangers from overstretch should the Kremlin decide to launch extended all directions. Apart from NATO expansion to Russia’s combat operations in Ukraine. What are the reasons for west, instability looms in the Caucasus and Central Asia this? What military options are available to secure Russia to the south. Furthermore, Russia’s force posture in the from perceived threats in its western strategic direction? Eastern Military District (MD) clearly shows that China What risks do operations beyond Crimea entail? A closer is a military concern, requiring preparations to augment look at the military-strategic issues is warranted, beginning Russian forces there. Although the armed forces are with the Russian threat assessment and peacetime military geographically dispersed, Russia can concentrate forces for posture, however other Russian rationales for intervention offensive operations to seize and hold territory but only in in Ukraine – such as political and economic considerations one strategic direction at a time. -
Problems of the Education System Development of Ukraine in Times of Crisis
ISSN 1648–2603 (print) VIEŠOJI POLITIKA IR ADMINISTRAVIMAS ISSN 2029-2872 (online) PUBLIC POLICY AND ADMINISTRATION 2011, T. 10, Nr. 1, p. 67-78 Problems of the Education System Development of Ukraine in Times of Crisis Vadim Lunyachek Kharkiv Regional Institute of Public Administration of the National Academy of Public Administration attached to the Office of the President of Ukraine 75 Moskovsky Ave., Kharkiv 61050, Ukraine Abstract. The article aims to discuss the processes of education system development in Ukraine in times of economic and political crisis. The given material will help to under- stand the situation existing in all branches of education: secondary, vocational and higher education. Great attention has been paid to the necessity of cardinal changes in admini- stration of the field for improvement of the general situation in Ukraine. The reasonability of the implementation of the external independent evaluation of higher educational institu- tions` graduates has been ascertained. The author has proved the necessity for the princi- pal reformation of the vocational education system. The ways to Ukraine’s observance of the Bologna Process agreements have been suggested. Keywords : pre-school education, compulsory secondary education, vocational education, higher education, labour turnover, external independent evaluation. Raktažodžiai : ikimokyklinis ugdymas, privalomas vidurinis mokymas, profesinis mokymas, aukštasis mokslas, darbo rinka, išorinis nepriklausomas vertinimas . Introduction Positive changes in the Ukrainian community require systematic reformation of the national system of education. Under present-day conditions these processes are greatly affected by the fact that the country is suffering from the economic and political crises. Therefore, the aim of this work is to study the tendencies in the development of preschool, general comprehensive, vocational and higher education and to determine prospects of their further development. -
The Kremlin's Irregular Army: Ukrainian Separatist Order of Battle
THE KREMLIN’S IRREGULARY ARMY: UKRAINIAN SEPARATIST ORDER OF BATTLE | FRANKLIN HOLCOMB | AUGUST 2017 Franklin Holcomb September 2017 RUSSIA AND UKRAINE SECURITY REPORT 3 THE KREMLIN’S IRREGULAR ARMY: UKRAINIAN SEPARATIST ORDER OF BATTLE WWW.UNDERSTANDINGWAR.ORG 1 Cover: A Pro-Russian separatist sits at his position at Savur-Mohyla, a hill east of the city of Donetsk, August 28, 2014. REUTERS/Maxim Shemetov. Reproduced with permission. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing or from the publisher. ©2017 by the Institute for the Study of War. Published in 2017 in the United States of America by the Instittue for the Study of War. 1400 16th Street NW, Suite 515 | Washington, DC 20036 understandingwar.org 2 Franklin Holcomb The Kremlin’s Irregular Army: Ukrainian Separatist Order of Battle ABOUT THE AUTHOR Franklin Holcomb is a Russia and Ukraine Research Analyst at the Institute for the Study of War where he focuses on the war in Ukraine, Ukrainian politics, and Russian foreign policy in Eastern Europe. His current research focuses on studying the development of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the Russian-backed separatist formations operating in Eastern Ukraine, as well as analyzing Russian political and military activity in Moldova, the Baltic, and the Balkans. Mr. Holcomb is the author of “The Order of Battle of the Ukrainian Armed Forces: A Key Component in European Security,” “Moldova Update: Kremlin Will Likely Seek to Realign Chisinau”, “Ukraine Update: Russia’s Aggressive Subversion of Ukraine,” as well as ISW’s other monthly updates on the political and military situation in Ukraine. -
Donbas, Ukraine: Organizations and Activities
Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance Civil Society in Donbas, Ukraine: Organizations and Activities Volodymyr Lukichov Tymofiy Nikitiuk Liudmyla Kravchenko Luhansk oblast DONBAS DONBAS Stanytsia Donetsk Luhanska Zolote oblast Mayorske Luhansk Donetsk Maryinka Novotroitske RUSSIA Hnutove Mariupol Sea of Azov About DCAF DCAF - Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance is dedicated to improving the se- curity of people and the States they live in within a framework of democratic governance, the rule of law, and respect for human rights. DCAF contributes to making peace and de- velopment more sustainable by assisting partner states and international actors supporting them to improve the governance of their security sector through inclusive and participatory reforms. It creates innovative knowledge products, promotes norms and good practices, provides legal and policy advice and supports capacity building of both state- and non-state security sector stakeholders. Active in over 70 countries, DCAF is internationally recognized as one of the world’s leading centres of excellence for security sector governance (SSG) and security sector reform (SSR). DCAF is guided by the principles of neutrality, impartiality, local ownership, inclusive participation, and gender equality. www.dcaf.ch. Publisher DCAF - Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance P.O.Box 1360 CH-1211 Geneva 1 Switzerland [email protected] +41 (0) 22 730 9400 Authors: Volodymyr Lukichov, Tymofiy Nikitiuk, Liudmyla Kravchenko Copy-editor: dr Grazvydas Jasutis, Richard Steyne -
The Ukrainian Weekly, 2020
ХРИСТОС НАРОДИВСЯ! CHRIST IS BORN! THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY Published by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profit association Vol. LXXXVIII-LXXXIX No. 52-1 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 27, 2020-JANUARY 3, 2021 $2.00 Protests begin over Zelenskyy ‘biggest disappointment’ of 2020 appointment of education as more controversial Cabinet appointments made minister in Ukraine by Mark Raczkiewycz KYIV – As the year ends, a moderate reshuffle in the by Roman Tymotsko Cabinet of Ministers and at the executive branch took place KYIV – Several hundred people, including students from over the past 10 days in President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s Kyiv’s leading universities, members of youth and student administration amid the political newcomer’s dwindling organizations, academics, and parents, gathered in front of popularity 19 months into his term. the presidential office here on December 21 to protest Oleh Tatarov, the president’s deputy chief of staff Parliament’s decision to appoint Serhii Shkarlet to the responsible for law enforcement, said on December 21 that position of minister of education and science of Ukraine. he would recuse himself of certain duties in order to coop- On December 17, 226 national deputies – the minimum erate with investigators and avoid a conflict of interest in a required – voted to appoint Mr. Shkarlet to the position. large-scale corruption case in which he is a suspect. Members of the Holos Party, however, claimed that eight After receiving a notice of suspicion for involvement in deputies whose votes had been counted in favor of Mr. the alleged $2.8 million graft scheme from the National Shkarlet’s appointment were not present when the vote Anticorruption Bureau (NABU), Mr.