Effective Māori Representation in Parliament
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Adapting to Institutional Change in New Zealand Politics
21. Taming Leadership? Adapting to Institutional Change in New Zealand Politics Raymond Miller Introduction Studies of political leadership typically place great stress on the importance of individual character. The personal qualities looked for in a New Zealand or Australian leader include strong and decisive action, empathy and an ability to both reflect the country's egalitarian traditions and contribute to a growing sense of nationhood. The impetus to transform leaders from extraordinary people into ordinary citizens has its roots in the populist belief that leaders should be accessible and reflect the values and lifestyle of the average voter. This fascination with individual character helps account for the sizeable biographical literature on past and present leaders, especially prime ministers. Typically, such studies pay close attention to the impact of upbringing, personality and performance on leadership success or failure. Despite similarities between New Zealand and Australia in the personal qualities required of a successful leader, leadership in the two countries is a product of very different constitutional and institutional traditions. While the overall trend has been in the direction of a strengthening of prime ministerial leadership, Australia's federal structure of government allows for a diffusion of leadership across multiple sources of influence and power, including a network of state legislatures and executives. New Zealand, in contrast, lacks a written constitution, an upper house, or the devolution of power to state or local government. As a result, successive New Zealand prime ministers and their cabinets have been able to exercise singular power. This chapter will consider the impact of recent institutional change on the nature of political leadership in New Zealand, focusing on the extent to which leadership practices have been modified or tamed by three developments: the transition from a two-party to a multi-party parliament, the advent of coalition government, and the emergence of a multi-party cartel. -
JMAD Media Ownership Report
JMAD New Zealand Media Ownership Report 2014 Published: 2014 December 5 Author: Merja Myllylahti This New Zealand Ownership Report 2014 is the fourth published by AUT’s Centre for Journalism, Media and Democracy (JMAD). The report finds that the New Zealand media market has failed to produce new, innovative media outlets, and that all the efforts to establish non-profit outlets have proved unsustainable. The report confirms the general findings of previous reports that New Zealand media space has remained highly commercial. It also confirms the financialisation of media ownership in the form of banks and fund managers. The report also observes that in 2014 convergence between New Zealand mass media and the communications sector generally was in full swing. Companies, such as Spark (former Telecom NZ), started to compete head-to-head with the traditional broadcasters on the online on-demand video and television markets. The American online video subscription service Netflix is entering the NZ market in March 2015. Additionally, the report notes evidence of uncomfortable alliances between citizen media, politicians, PR companies and legacy media. As Nicky Hager’s Dirty Politics book revealed, the National Party and PR practitioners used the Whale Oil blog to drive their own agendas. Also, events related to Maori TV, TVNZ and Scoop raise questions about political interference in media affairs. It is now evident that the boundaries between mainstream media, bloggers, public relations practitioners and politicians are blurring. Key events and trends concerning New Zealand media Financialisation of mass media ownership confirmed Substantial changes in Fairfax, APN and MediaWorks ownership Competition heats up in online television and video markets Turbulence at Maori TV Blurred lines among politicians, bloggers, journalists and PR practitioners The JMAD New Zealand media ownership reports are available here: http://www.aut.ac.nz/study- at-aut/study-areas/communications/media-networks/journalism,-media-and-democracy-research- centre/journalists-and-projects 1 1. -
Annual Report for the Year Ended 30 June 2012
A.2 Annual Report for the year ended 30 June 2012 Parliamentary Service Commission Te Komihana O Te Whare Pāremata Presented to the House of Representatives pursuant to Schedule 2, Clause 11 of the Parliamentary Service Act 2000 About the Parliamentary Service Commission The Parliamentary Service Commission (the Commission) is constituted under the Parliamentary Service Act 2000. The Commission has the following functions: • to advise the Speaker on matters such as the nature and scope of the services to be provided to the House of Representatives and members of Parliament; • recommend criteria governing funding entitlements for parliamentary purposes; • recommend persons who are suitable to be members of the appropriations review committee; • consider and comment on draft reports prepared by the appropriations review committees; and • to appoint members of the Parliamentary Corporation. The Commission may also require the Speaker or General Manager of the Parliamentary Service to report on matters relating to the administration or the exercise of any function, duty, or power under the Parliamentary Service Act 2000. Membership The membership of the Commission is governed under sections 15-18 of the Parliamentary Service Act 2000. Members of the Commission are: • the Speaker, who also chairs the Commission; • the Leader of the House, or a member of Parliament nominated by the Leader of the House; • the Leader of the Opposition, or a member of Parliament nominated by the Leader of the Opposition; • one member for each recognised party that is represented in the House by one or more members; and • an additional member for each recognised party that is represented in the House by 30 or more members (but does not include among its members the Speaker, the Leader of the House, or the Leader of the Opposition). -
'About Turn': an Analysis of the Causes of the New Zealand Labour Party's
Newcastle University e-prints Date deposited: 2nd May 2013 Version of file: Author final Peer Review Status: Peer reviewed Citation for item: Reardon J, Gray TS. About Turn: An Analysis of the Causes of the New Zealand Labour Party's Adoption of Neo-Liberal Policies 1984-1990. Political Quarterly 2007, 78(3), 447-455. Further information on publisher website: http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com Publisher’s copyright statement: The definitive version is available at http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com at: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923X.2007.00872.x Always use the definitive version when citing. Use Policy: The full-text may be used and/or reproduced and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not for profit purposes provided that: A full bibliographic reference is made to the original source A link is made to the metadata record in Newcastle E-prints The full text is not changed in any way. The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Robinson Library, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, Newcastle upon Tyne. NE1 7RU. Tel. 0191 222 6000 ‘About turn’: an analysis of the causes of the New Zealand Labour Party’s adoption of neo- liberal economic policies 1984-1990 John Reardon and Tim Gray School of Geography, Politics and Sociology Newcastle University Abstract This is the inside story of one of the most extraordinary about-turns in policy-making undertaken by a democratically elected political party. -
Social Investment Panel Report 2016
The Treasury Budget 2016 Information Release Release Document July 2016 www.treasury.govt.nz/publications/informationreleases/budget/2016 Key to sections of the Official Information Act 1982 under which information has been withheld. Certain information in this document has been withheld under one or more of the following sections of the Official Information Act, as applicable: to prevent prejudice to the security or defence of New Zealand or the [1] 6(a) international relations of the government to prevent prejudice to the maintenance of the law, including the prevention, [4] 6(c) investigation, and detection of offences, and the right to a fair trial to damage seriously the economy of New Zealand by disclosing prematurely [11] decisions to change or continue government economic or financial policies 6(e)(vi) relating to the entering into of overseas trade agreements. [23] to protect the privacy of natural persons, including deceased people 9(2)(a) to protect the commercial position of the person who supplied the information [25] 9(2)(b)(ii) or who is the subject of the information to prevent prejudice to the supply of similar information, or information from the [26] same source, and it is in the public interest that such information should 9(2)(ba)(i) continue to be supplied to protect information which is subject to an obligation of confidence or which any person has been or could be compelled to provide under the authority of [27] 9(2)(ba)(ii) any enactment, where the making available of the information - would be likely otherwise -
The Treaty and Democratic Government Andrew Ladley
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Open Journal Systems at the Victoria University of Wellington Library The Treaty and Democratic Government Andrew Ladley Introduction negotiation of relative degrees of autonomy, within a system based on government-by-consent. This is the first of a series of articles exploring current implications of the Treaty of Waitangi for New Zealand The limits to all claims of power governance. Here, the objective is to locate the persistent Maori demand for some form of self- Across history, the limits to power have always been government in its democratic context of government- the subject of debate, political action, war, and, more by-consent. The argument is that the issues are not recently, constitutionalism. How far can a particular conceptually difficult. In particular, fears about minority assert its distinctiveness and not become too ‘sovereignty’ are unwarranted. The current burst of divisive, perhaps bloody, for society as a whole? How activity in ‘Treaty negotiation’ is not a threat to New far can a majority assert its numerical, cultural or other Zealand’s democracy, but a sign of its strength – a dominance without crushing the distinctiveness of positive and expected part of the constitutional system. smaller groups? What are the limits of domination, As in any democracy, however, there are legitimate and of resistance to such? In the fast-churning washing questions about the framework within which such machine of today’s world, with accelerating movement negotiation takes place and its limits. of peoples, economies and cultures, what is the ‘right to self-determination’? Put differently, are there limits Self-determination is a major theme across human history to both ‘majority rule’ and ‘self-determination’ where and across cultures. -
Hon Hekia Parata Hon John Banks
Hon Hekia Parata Minister of Education Hon John Banks Associate Minister of Education Media Statement Charter School Implementation Group Members Announced Education Minister, Hekia Parata, and Associate Education Minister, John Banks, are glad to announce the appointments for the New Zealand Model of Charter School Development and Implementation Group. “Our focus is unrelentingly on raising achievement, in particular for those groups of students who have historically been under-served by the system,’’ says Ms Parata. “We already have a number of different types of schools operating in New Zealand, such as kura, religious schools, single-sex schools, private schools and co-ed schools. Charter schools are just another option, giving parents and students more freedom to choose the type of education that best suits their learning needs. “The Group will consult with a wide range of people, including the teaching profession, unions, parents, businesses, communities and educational experts from around New Zealand and around the world, to determine what charter school model will work best for New Zealand. I look forward to their findings.’’ The New Zealand Model of Charter School Development and Implementation Group will be led by Wellington businesswoman Catherine Isaac. Ms Isaac has served on a number of Boards including school Boards of Trustees, and was a member of the Welfare Working Group in the previous parliamentary term. Also appointed are former Christchurch Mayor and founder of Discovery 1 and Unlimited Paenga Tawhiti, Vicki Buck, CEO of Te Aho o Te Kura Pounamu - The Correspondence School, Michael Hollings, and Dr Margaret Southwick of Whitireia Community Polytechnic. Founder of Onehunga Business School & Just Water International CEO, Anthony Falkenstein, University of Auckland Director of Alumni Relations and Development, John Taylor, and the Dean of Te Puna Wānaka and the Director of Māori and Pasifika Studies at the Christchurch Polytechnic Institute of Technology, Hana O’Regan complete the Group. -
European Parliament DANZ Report
European Parliament Delegation for relations with Australia and New Zealand (DANZ) visit Auckland and Wellington 23-26 February 2020 Report on the European Parliament’s Delegation for relations with Australia and New Zealand (DANZ) visit 23-26 February 2020 Background The European Parliament’s Delegation for relations with Australia and New Zealand (DANZ) and the New Zealand Parliament have regular exchange meetings. This year it was the turn of DANZ to visit New Zealand for the 24th Inter-parliamentary meeting. As the visit was on a non-sitting week for the New Zealand Parliament, this meeting was held in Auckland to enable easier attendance for New Zealand parliamentarians. This was followed by meetings in Wellington, including with the Speaker of the House of Representatives, three New Zealand Cabinet Ministers and the New Zealand Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade. DANZ’s visit this year was comprised of a larger delegation than usual. Eight members of the European Parliament (MEPs) came to New Zealand, including a Vice President. The members were from five of the six main political groups in the European Parliament – the European People's Party (Christian Democrats), the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament, Renew Europe, the Greens/European Free Alliance and the European Conservatives and Reformists. 1 The DANZ visit was led by Chairperson, Ulrike Müller MEP, who also led the previous delegation to New Zealand in 2018.2 Inter-parliamentary meeting The 2020 meeting was held on Monday 24th February. The New Zealand Members of Parliament who attended are listed at the end of this report. -
Making a Difference: Victories in the Fight Against Corruption Is a Record of Many of the Achievements of Our Members and Chapters
MAKING A DIFFERENCE Victories in the fight against corruption Copyright 2014 by the Global Organization of Parliamentarians Against Corruption (GOPAC) Suite 904, 255 Albert Street Ottawa, Ontario K1P 6A9 Canada [email protected] gopacnetwork.org facebook.com/gopacnetwork twitter.com/GOPAC_Eng MAKING A DIFFERENCE Victories in the fight against corruption Message from the Chair ............................................................................... 2 Message from the Executive Director .......................................................... 3 About the Global Organization of Parliamentarians Against Corruption .... 5 Anti-Money Laundering ................................................................................ 7 Parliamentary Ethics and Conduct ............................................................... 11 Parliamentary Oversight ............................................................................... 14 Participation of Society ................................................................................. 19 United Nations Convention Against Corruption .......................................... 23 Women in Parliament .................................................................................... 27 Message from the Chair Every day articles covering issues of corruption appear in newspapers around the world. They tell stories of corrupt officials, money laundering, abuse of power—crimes that eat away at public coffers and propagate political instability. The victims of these crimes are ordinary citizens -
Simon Lusk's Plan
CHAPTER 5 SIMON LUSK’S PLAN Simon Lusk had been watching US Republican politics for years and looking for ideas that were applicable to New Zealand. Gradually he put together a plan to move the country’s politics to the right. He laid this out in conver- sations with his close political allies and in a three-page strategy paper that was never intended to be made public. The plan was practical and methodical. The idea was to target candidate selection processes in safe National seats, installing a rump of hard right candi- dates who would influence politics for many years to come. Suitable candidates could also be found and trained for local government elections. At the same time, a pool of younger people would be identified, cultivated and guided into right-wing politics. Each of these groups would be managed and supported by professional strategy advisers, notably Lusk himself. Such figures were familiar in US politics but not in New Zealand. Lusk was also well aware, from his American observations, that the single greatest advantage of right-wing parties and candidates was their ability to greatly outspend their opponents with support from wealthy and corporate donors. Fundraising was central to the plan. Next, the right could dominate the media by the dominance of right-wing blogs: ‘the right currently controls the blogosphere,’ he wrote, ‘and political journalists repeat much of what appears on blogs.’ The blogs were part of the second track of politics available for ‘black ops’ and nega- tive campaigning. Finally, his plan involved ‘weakening the power of those who believe in big government’, meaning deliberate strategies and tactics to margin- alise anyone, even within the National Party itself, who did not hold hard right views. -
Institutional Racism and the Dynamics of Privilege in Public Health
Institutional Racism and the Dynamics of Privilege in Public Health A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Management at The University of Waikato by HEATHER ANNE CAME _____________________________________ 2012 ABSTRACT Institutional racism, a pattern of differential access to material resources and power determined by race, advantages one sector of the population while disadvantaging another. Such racism is not only about conspicuous acts of violence but can be carried in the hold of mono-cultural perspectives. Overt state violation of principles contributes to the backdrop against which much less overt yet insidious violations occur. New Zealand health policy is one such mono- cultural domain. It is dominated by western bio-medical discourses that preclude and under-value Māori,1 the indigenous peoples of this land, in the conceptualisation, structure, content, and processes of health policies, despite Te Tiriti o Waitangi2 guarantees to protect Māori interests. Since the 1980s, the Department of Health has committed to honouring the Treaty of Waitangi as the founding document of Māori-settler relationships and governance arrangements. Subsequent Waitangi Tribunal reports, produced by an independent Commission of Inquiry have documented the often-illegal actions of successive governments advancing the interests of Pākehā3 at the expense of Māori. Institutional controls have not prevented inequities between Māori and non-Māori across a plethora of social and economic indicators. Activist scholars work to expose and transform perceived inequities. My research interest lies in how Crown Ministers and officials within the public health sector practice institutional racism and privilege and how it can be transformed. -
Policy Design and Māori Development in Aotearoa New Zealand
Accounting for Diversity: Policy Design and Māori Development in Aotearoa New Zealand Prepared by Dena Ringold With funding from the sponsors of the Ian Axford Fellowship in Public Policy July 2005 © Fulbright New Zealand 2005 ISBN 0-437-10213-7 i The Ian Axford Fellowships in Public Policy We acknowledge and thank the following corporate and government sponsors that support the programme: • ERMA New Zealand • LEK Consulting • The Department of Internal Affairs • The Department of Labour • The Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet • The Ministry for the Environment • The Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry • The Ministry of Economic Development • The Ministry of Education • The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade • The Ministry of Health • The Ministry of Justice • The Ministry of Research, Science and Technology • The Ministry of Social Development • The State Services Commission • The Treasury The Ian Axford Fellowships were named in honour of Sir Ian Axford, a New Zealand astrophysicist and space scientist. Since his education in New Zealand, England and later at Cornell University and the University of California, Sir Ian has been closely involved in the planning of several space missions, notably the Voyager probes to the outer planets. Since 1974, Sir Ian has been director of the Max Planck Institute of Aeronomy in Germany. He is the recipient of many notable science awards and was named “New Zealander of the Year” for 1995. In the world of space science, Sir Ian has emerged as one of the great thinkers and communicators, and a highly respected and influential administrator. Currently, he is working to create the first mission to interstellar space with the Voyager spacecraft.