Rethinking Polarity for the Twenty-First Century: Perceptions of Order in International Society
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The Climate Debate Held Hostage by the G2
China Perspectives 2011/1 | 2011 The National Learning Revival The Climate Debate Held Hostage by the G2 Jean-Paul Maréchal Translator: N. Jayaram Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/5383 DOI: 10.4000/chinaperspectives.5383 ISSN: 1996-4617 Publisher Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Printed version Date of publication: 1 January 2011 Number of pages: 56-62 ISSN: 2070-3449 Electronic reference Jean-Paul Maréchal, « The Climate Debate Held Hostage by the G2 », China Perspectives [Online], 2011/1 | 2011, Online since 30 March 2014, connection on 28 October 2019. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/5383 ; DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.5383 © All rights reserved China perspectives Articles The Climate Debate Held Hostage by the G2 JEAN-PAUL MARÉCHAL* Real optimism lies in saying that the next 25,000 years will be very that can be said about this quote is that it is confirmed by all available in - difficult. – Romain Gary dicators, be they measures of economic might or (present and future) re - sponsibility for climate change. year after the Copenhagen Summit, the Cancun Conference (29 November-11 December 2010) showed that, despite some The world’s top two economies (in PPP terms) progress, nothing decisive will happen in facing up to climate A (2) change without the engagement of the United States as well as the Peo - Calculated in “purchasing power parities” (PPP) terms, the US and Chi - ple’s Republic of China. In the climate arena, as in so many others, the G2 nese gross domestic products are the world’s two highest. -
Unipolarity, State Behavior, and Systemic Consequences
,QWURGXFWLRQ8QLSRODULW\6WDWH%HKDYLRUDQG6\VWHPLF &RQVHTXHQFHV *-RKQ,NHQEHUU\0LFKDHO0DVWDQGXQR:LOOLDP&:RKOIRUWK World Politics, Volume 61, Number 1, January 2009, pp. 1-27 (Article) 3XEOLVKHGE\&DPEULGJH8QLYHUVLW\3UHVV For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/wp/summary/v061/61.1.ikenberry.html Access provided by Princeton University (22 Oct 2015 15:35 GMT) INTRODUCTION Unipolarity, State Behavior, and Systemic Consequences By G. JOHN IKENBErrY, MICHAEL MASTANDUNO, and WILLIAM C. WOHLFortH MEricAN primacy in the global distribution of capabilities is Aone of the most salient features of the contemporary international system. The end of the cold war did not return the world to multipolar- ity. Instead the United States—already materially preeminent—became more so. We currently live in a one superpower world, a circumstance unprecedented in the modern era. No other great power has enjoyed such advantages in material capabilities—military, economic, techno- logical, and geographical. Other states rival the United States in one area or another, but the multifaceted character of American power places it in a category of its own. The sudden collapse of the Soviet Union and its empire, slower economic growth in Japan and Western Europe during the 1990s, and America’s outsized military spending have all enhanced these disparities. While in most historical eras the distribution of capabilities among major states has tended to be multi- polar or bipolar—with several major states of roughly equal size and capability—the United States emerged from the 1990s as an unrivaled global power. It became a “unipolar” state. Not surprisingly, this extraordinary imbalance has triggered global debate. -
Long Cycles: a Bridge Between Past and Futures Professor Adrian Pop, Ph.D. Lecturer Răzvan Grigoras, Ph.D
6th International Conference on Future-Oriented Technology Analysis (FTA) – Future in the Making Brussels, 4-5 June 2018 Long Cycles: A Bridge between Past and Futures Professor Adrian Pop, Ph.D. National University of Political Science and Public Administration, Bucharest, e-mail: [email protected] Lecturer R ăzvan Grigoras, Ph.D. National Defence University “Carol I”, Bucharest, e-mail: [email protected] Abstract Developing an anti-fragile behaviour by enhancing foresight capacity is a mandatory asset in the risk society. Cycles of continuity and change are preferred topics in the fields of history, economics, and international relations. Although centred on the past, the long cycles theory in general, and George Modelski's model in particular, might offer valuable insights into probable futures that might be involved in the planning practice of international actors. By identifying recurring historical patterns, one could extrapolate future developments. However, the key assumption of the paper is that possible novel developments are bound to be influenced by a series of drivers, both trends and wild cards. Therefore, it is necessary to increase the predictive capacity of the long cycle theory by using future study methodologies. The present paper attempts to suggest some ways for doing that in a two-step progressive method. The first step is to identify the most important drivers that could trigger deviations from the extrapolation of historical patterns identified by the long cycles theory and to quantify the expected shifts in the distribution power by using four indexes: the Foreign Bilateral Influence Capacity (FBIC) Index, the Global Power Index (GPI), the Gross Domestic Product (GDP), and the State of the Future Index (SOFI). -
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Science and Technology
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Science and Technology University, Gopalganj Department of International Relations Syllabus for Bachelor of Social Science (Hons) Session: 2015- 2016 to 2018- 2019 1st Year 1st Semester, Examination-2016 Course Course Title Contact hours per week Credits No. IR 101 Introduction to International Relations 3 3 IR 102 History of International Relations 3 3 IR 103 Ideas and Issues in Political Science 3 3 IR 104 Contemporary Global Issues 3 3 IR 105 Principles of Economics 3 3 IR 106 Bangabandhu in International Relations 3 3 IR 119 Viva Voce 2 Total Credits 20 1st Year 2nd Semester, Examination-2016 Course No. Course Title Contact hours per week Credits IR 151 History of Bangladesh 3 3 IR 152 Ideologies in World Affair 3 3 IR 153 International Institutions 3 3 IR 154 Fundamentals of Sociology 3 3 IR 155 The Economy of Bangladesh 3 3 IR 156 Academic English Writing 2 2 IR 169 Viva Voce 2 Total Credits 19 2nd Year 1st Semester, Examination-2017 Course No. Course Title Contact hours per week Credits IR 201 Major Political Ideas of the West and the Orient 3 3 IR 202 Media and Mass Communication 3 3 IR 203 Refugees, Migrants and the Displaced 3 3 IR 204 Theories of International Relations 3 3 IR 205 Politics and Government in Bangladesh 3 3 IR 229 Viva Voce 2 Total Credits 17 2nd Year 2nd Semester, Examination-2017 Course No. Course Title Contact hours per week Credits IR 251 International Political Economy 3 3 IR 252 Media Maneuvering and World Politics 3 3 IR 253 Theories and Problems of Ethnicity and 3 3 Nationalism IR 254 International Law 3 3 IR 255 Jurisprudence 2 2 IR 279 Viva Voce 2 Total Credits 16 3rd Year 1st Semester, Examination-2018 Course No. -
Introduction
Introduction Almost nobody disputes that the end of the Cold War had a profound impact on the whole pattern of international security but, more than a decade after the transition, the character of the post-Cold War se- curity order still remains hotly contested. This book explores the idea that, since decolonisation, the regional level of security has become both more autonomous and more prominent in international politics, and that the ending of the Cold War accelerated this process (Katzenstein 2000). This idea follows naturally from the ending of bipolarity. Without su- perpower rivalry intruding obsessively into all regions, local powers have more room for manoeuvre. For a decade after the ending of the Cold War, both the remaining superpower and the other great powers (China, EU, Japan, Russia) had less incentive, and displayed less will, to intervene in security affairs outside their own regions. The terrorist attack on the United States in 2001 may well trigger some reassertion of great power interventionism, but this is likely to be for quite narrow and specific purposes, and seems unlikely to recreate the general willingness to intervene abroad that was a feature of Cold War superpower rivalry. The relative autonomy of regional security constitutes a pattern of in- ternational security relations radically different from the rigid structure of superpower bipolarity that defined the Cold War. In our view, this pattern is not captured adequately by either ‘unipolar’ or ‘multipolar’ designations of the international system structure. Nor is it captured by the idea of ‘globalisation’ or by the dismal conclusion that the best that IR can do in conceptualising the security order of the post-Cold War world is to call it ‘the new world disorder’ (Carpenter 1991). -
Japan's Security Relations with China Since 1989
Japan’s Security Relations with China since 1989 The Japanese–Chinese security relationship is one of the most important vari- ables in the formation of a new strategic environment in the Asia-Pacific region which has not only regional but also global implications. The book investigates how and why since the 1990s China has turned in the Japanese perception from a benign neighbour to an ominous challenge, with implications not only for Japan’s security, but also its economy, role in Asia and identity as the first devel- oped Asian nation. Japan’s reaction to this challenge has been a policy of engagement, which consists of political and economic enmeshment of China, hedged by political and military power balancing. The unique approach of this book is the use of an extended security concept to analyse this policy, which allows a better and more systematic understanding of its many inherent contradictions and conflicting dynamics, including the centrifugal forces arising from the Japan–China–US triangular relationship. Many contradictions of Japan’s engagement policy arise from the overlap of military and political power-balancing tools which are part of containment as well as of engagement, a reality which is downplayed by Japan but not ignored by China. The complex nature of engagement explains the recent reinforcement of Japan’s security cooperation with the US and Tokyo’s efforts to increase the security dialogues with countries neighbouring China, such as Vietnam, Myanmar and the five Central Asian countries. The book raises the crucial question of whether Japan’s political leadership, which is still preoccupied with finding a new political constellation and with overcoming a deep economic crisis, is able to handle such a complex policy in the face of an increasingly assertive China and a US alliance partner with strong swings between engaging and containing China’s power. -
VLADIMIR PUTIN: an ASPIRANT METTERNICH? by Mitchell A
JANUARY 2015 VLADIMIR PUTIN: AN ASPIRANT METTERNICH? By Mitchell A. Orenstein Mitchell A. Orenstein is Professor and Chair of the Department of Political Science at Northeastern University in Boston and an affiliate of both the Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies and the Minda de Gunzberg Center for European Studies at Harvard University. As Russian President Vladimir Putin ordered his military into Ukraine in 2014, people were quick to compare him to Adolph Hitler, whose annexation of Austria and invasions of Czechoslovakia and Poland set off World War II. Hillary Clinton commented in March 2014 that if Putin’s justification for taking Crimea to protect ethnic Russians sounded familiar, it was because, “it’s what Hitler did back in the ’30s. Germans by ancestry were in places like Czechoslovakia and Romania and other places, [and] Hitler kept saying they’re not being treated right. I must go and protect my people.” Since that time Ukrainian Euromaidan supporters have published dramatic images of Putin as “Putler,” mashups that have trended wildly on social media and become a staple of public protests. Yet, Putin’s approach to world affairs is more similar to that of another Austrian, Prince Klemens von Metternich. Like Metternich, the dominant force in post-Napoleonic era diplomacy, Putin is a conservative imperialist who seeks to create a balance or “concert” between the great powers in Europe, while suppressing liberal democratic politics and the aspirations of small nations. By comparing Putin’s worldview with that of Metternich, one can gain more insight into Putin’s approach to world affairs than can be understood from much contemporary debate. -
How Can Realism Be Utilised in an Understanding of the United States/New Zealand Relationship Over Nuclear Policy?
How can realism be utilised in an understanding of the United States/New Zealand relationship over nuclear policy? By Angela Fitzsimons A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Masters of International Relations (MIR) degree School of History, Philosophy, Political Science and International Relations Victoria University of Wellington 2013 Abstract This thesis examines the decision making process of the United States and New Zealand on the nuclear policy issue through the lens of realism and analyses the effect of realism on the ANZUS alliance. Broader questions associated with alliances, national interest, changing priorities and limits on the use of power are also treated. A single case study of the United States/ New Zealand security relationship as embodied in the ANZUS treaty will be used to evaluate the utility of realism in understanding the decision making process that led to the declaration by the United States that the treaty was in abeyance. Five significant findings emerged: firstly both New Zealand and the United States used realism in the decision making process based on national interest, Secondly; diverging national interests over the nuclear issue made the ANZUS treaty untenable. Thirdly, ethical and cultural aspects of the relationship between the two states limited the application of classical realism to understanding the bond. Fourthly, normative theory accommodates realist theory on the behaviour of states in the international environment. Finally, continued engagement between the United -
The Congress of Vienna and the Conservative Order of Europe
The Congress of Vienna and the Conservative Order of Europe The Congress of Vienna After Napoleon had finally been defeated in 1815, the European monarchs breathed a huge sigh of relief. After all, the French Revolution and the development it had triggered had dominated European politics for more than a quarter of a century. Napoleon had not always been a passionate advocate of the French Revolution, yet his con- quest and occupation of Europe had contributed substantially to the spread of its ideas – liberty, equality, and fra- 5 ternity – all over the continent. Having defeated Napoleon, the monarchs of Europe were eager to ensure the restoration of peace and order. They were particularly anxious about the legacy of the ideas of the revolution, and therefore the governments of Europe were determined to follow policies that provided stability and squelch any kind of political turmoil. The Congress of Vienna, a conference of diplomats from all over Europe, tried to settle political and territ- 10 orial questions that had arisen from the Napoleonic Wars. The Congress began in 1814 when Napoleon was still exiled on Elba. In the beginning, delegates could not agree on any solutions which helped Napoleon re-establish his rule in France after his return from exile. However, after Napoleon’s final defeat at Waterloo in 1815, the Congress of Vienna took up its work again. The countries that had made the most vital contributions to defeat Napoleon were Russia, Great Britain, 15 Prussia, and Austria. Their representatives at the Congress were Tsar Alexander I of Russia, Lord Castlereagh – foreign secretary of Great Britain – King Frederick William III of Prussia, and Prince Klemens von Metternich* – chief minister of Austria and chairman of the conference. -
CHINA: the Awakening of Th Red Dragon
Framework Document 03/2016 March 4, 20166 Alfonso Zurita Borbón* CHINA: THE AWAKENING OF THE Visit WEB Receive Newsletter RED DRAGON CHINA: THE AWAKENING OF THE RED DRAGON Abstract: During the first decades of the century, China has positioned itself as the number one economic power in terms of GDP measured by purchasing power parity. China's economic model and its unique and individual qualities caused the meteoric economic rise of the country. President Xi Jinping is transforming the country through a comprehensive reform program. China's commitment to long- term structural change and it’s the main economic objective of moving its economy from one led by investment and exports to one driven by consumption. Many experts and analysts predict that during the current century, China will alter the balance of world order and create a new world order. Keywords: XXI century, China, Chinese economic model, world number one economic, five-year plan for national economic and social development, renminbi, global economic balance, new world order international economic system. *NOTA: Las ideas contenidas en los Documentos Marco son de responsabilidad de sus autores, sin que reflejen, necesariamente, el pensamiento del IEEE o del Ministerio de Defensa. Documento Marco 03/2016 1 CHINA: THE AWAKENING OF THE RED DRAGON Alfonso Zurita Borbón INTRODUCTION China´s Brief Historical Past Both the theory and the mentality of international relations in general are experiencing a transition from the old hardcore Classical and Structural political Realism to Pluralism. In the practice of international relations, those changes can be seen reflected in the systemic (international system) re-structuring that is taking place, due to the progressive transformation of the rigid bipolar world order dynamised and governed by Realism, to a new international multipolar Pluralist and interdependent system. -
The Rarity of Realpolitik the Rarity of Brian Rathbun Realpolitik What Bismarck’S Rationality Reveals About International Politics
The Rarity of Realpolitik The Rarity of Brian Rathbun Realpolitik What Bismarck’s Rationality Reveals about International Politics Realpolitik, the pur- suit of vital state interests in a dangerous world that constrains state behavior, is at the heart of realist theory. All realists assume that states act in such a man- ner or, at the very least, are highly incentivized to do so by the structure of the international system, whether it be its anarchic character or the presence of other similarly self-interested states. Often overlooked, however, is that Real- politik has important psychological preconditions. Classical realists note that Realpolitik presupposes rational thinking, which, they argue, should not be taken for granted. Some leaders act more rationally than others because they think more rationally than others. Hans Morgenthau, perhaps the most fa- mous classical realist of all, goes as far as to suggest that rationality, and there- fore Realpolitik, is the exception rather than the rule.1 Realpolitik is rare, which is why classical realists devote as much attention to prescribing as they do to explaining foreign policy. Is Realpolitik actually rare empirically, and if so, what are the implications for scholars’ and practitioners’ understanding of foreign policy and the nature of international relations more generally? The necessity of a particular psy- chology for Realpolitik, one based on rational thinking, has never been ex- plicitly tested. Realists such as Morgenthau typically rely on sweeping and unveriªed assumptions, and the relative frequency of realist leaders is difªcult to establish empirically. In this article, I show that research in cognitive psychology provides a strong foundation for the classical realist claim that rationality is a demanding cogni- tive standard that few leaders meet. -
An Applied Perspective of Theoretical Constructs on China's Advent As
International Journal of Arts and Humanities, Vol. 1(1) pp 1-5, November, 2013 Copyright © 2013 Spring Journals Review China’s Advent on Global Superpower Scene:An Applied Perspective of Power Transition Theory Dr Sheo Nandan Pandey and Prof. Hem Kusum Villa No. 62, Block 5, Charmwood Village, Eros Garden, Faridabad, India Corresponding Author’s E-mail: [email protected] Accepted 4th November, 2013 China rise theory’ has of late attracted a large number of scholarships. There is a common refrain to foretell shift of power pole with rather cataclysmic aftermath to the long established world order. The paper dwells on the soundness of the proposition. On methodological plane, critically applying the very tenets of Organski's Power Transition Theory in general and Modelski’s Long Cycle Theory in particular, the paper holds out that the shift of power pole at a point of time and/ or a status quo for another epoch of time was squarely contingent on the relative capability of the challenger ‘great power’ to ‘drive out’ and defending ‘dominant power’ to ‘force back’. An upshot on one and the other count was not enough. Startling performance of the PRC on economic front could thus, be a harbinger but not a sure shot raison d'être for the stride to the top of the pyramid. In the run up, conceding the veracity of Huntington’s precepts of ‘Uni-multipolar’ world in making, the paper foresees dawn of an epoch where the 'hegemonic power' of yesterday, the US and all others including the PRC in the fray would get to a slot of ‘more an ordinary normal major power’.