The Pitzer College Magazine Fall 1977 1

The Participant is planned around themes of current and broad interest, and features articles by the Pitzer Col­ lege faculty, staff, and alumni, with occasional contributions by outside writers. The magazine also brings to its readers accounts of the faculty's re­ Itinerant Thoughts on Place search, writing and other profes­ Pau I 5 hepard sional activities in their respective 3 fields. Pitzer College admits students of any race, color, national and ethnic Political Style and the Search origin to all the rights, privileges, for Black Power in Los Angeles: programs, and activities generally ac­ Frederick Roberts and Tom Bradley corded or made available to students 10 at the College. It does not discriminate Michael Goldstein on the basis of race, color: national and ethnic origin in administration of its educational policies, admissions Celldom . Bullets . Sunny Side Up policies, scholarship and loan pro­ Adrienne Turcotte grams, and athletic and other 15 College-administered programs. VOL. 11, No.3, Fall 1977 The Welfare Crisis in the United States:

The Pitzer Participant is published The Burden of Responsibility quarterly by Pitzer College, 1050 No. 17 Kirsten Gr!/lnbjerg Mills Ave., Claremont, Ca. 91711. Second class permit granted I;>y Claremont, Ca. 91711 . 26 Community Notes Designed and edited by Virginia Rauch 2

OUR CONTRIBUTORS

. . Adrienne F. Turcotte's life is .. . When pressed, Paul Shepard calls marked by a variety of professional ac­ himself a student of metaphorical tivities. A graduate of the Pitzer class cynegetics and the relation of on­ of '74, he is now at the dissertation togeny to ecology. He has just finished stage of his Ph .D. at UCLA in the study a new book on animals as the instru­ of child development. He is a consult­ ments of human thought, to be pub­ ant to the Music Research Division of lished as Thinking Animals by Viking in ASI Market Research, Inc.; a probation February. He has taught ideosyncratic officer with Los Angeles County; and courses on the relationship of man and publisher with Pygmalion Press, of nature at Pitzer and the Claremont textbooks and poetry. His poetry, Graduate School since 1973, as Avery which is reprinted here with permis­ Professor of Natural Philosophy. He sion, appears in a limi ted edi tion enti­ has been a senior Fulbright research tled Silver Dllst. scholar, a Guggenheim Fellow in writ­ ing, and he was recently designated a Rockefeller Fellow in the humanities to .. . Michael Goldstein is an assistant do research on the place of nature in professor of Political Studies. His American culture. teaching and writing have been con­ cerned with race and minority politics in both the American and comparative .. Kirsten A. Grenhjerg arrived at contexts. From 1973 to 1975 he was Pitzer C0IIege in 1965 as a foreign ex­ co-director of the Cleveland Metropoli­ change student from Denmark and ma­ tan Survey which focused upon the at­ jored in sociology. In her letter to the titudinal effects of a Black Mayor in editor she says, "After graduating Cleveland. His most recent publica­ from Pitzer in 1968 I went to graduate tion appeared in the January issue of School in sociology at the University of the Journal of Ne:.;;ro History and analy­ Chicago from where I got my Ph.D. in zes the rise of Booker T. Washington to 1974 (Thesis: Mass Society and the Ex­ a national political status. tension of Welfare). Since 1971 I have been teaching on a continuing basis, first for two years in a part-time posi­ tion at Hofstra University in Hemp­ stead, L.l., then for three years as as­ Adrienne Turcotte sistant professor at State University of New York at Stony Brook. Since last summer we have been back in Chicago, where I am teaching at Loyola University and my husband at the University of Chicago. "A joint book with David Street, my husband Gerald Suttles, and myself (Poverty and Social Change) has been accepted for publication with the Uni­ versity of Chicago Press and is scheduled for the summer of 1978. The Mass Society book has been selected for a special authors' forum at the Ameri­ can Public Welfare Association's Na­ tional Roundtable Conference in De­ cember in Washington. I will be there Michael Goldstein to discuss the book." Paul Shepard 3

Itinerant Thoughts on Place

I

It is not surprising that indi­ inspired the notion of genius loci religious impulse away from that vidual developmental processes had not meant pictures at all but a place. The bishops who consecra­ that comprise that sense of self tutelar divinity, a guardian spirit. ted them and the liturgy they fol­ often called "identify formation" It had been the same among the lowed referred to a Holy Land are generally regarded by modem Greeks., whose temples were ex­ elsewhere and a heaven and hell scholars as given wholly by the pressions of the character of par­ that were nowhere and human part of the environment: ticular goddesses in whose laps the everywhere. " Nature" is that tiny human ani­ structures were placed. The sub­ In his widely read book on Th e mal rescued and shaped by "cul­ tlety with which their architecture Sacred and the Profane, Mircea ture". Not surprising because of was accommodated to the terrain Eliade has instructed a whole gen­ the mockery made of the nonhu­ included even the configuration of eration on the making of sacred man by turning it into scenery, the the horizon; the temple passages places: the rites and ceremonies way picturesqueness reduces eve­ were designed to guide ritual that "cosmosize" a hearth or an al­ rything it touches to surfaces. processions whose central themes tar. But there is for him no real From the moment the grand were a dialogue between the peo­ chthonic, no real spirits, only tourists invented modem tourism, ple and the earth. human beliefs. Although at pains the gentility went about Italy However much they admired to insist on the religious man's speaking of the genius loci as the old arts, the neo-classicists loyalty to the heterogeneity of though it were a landscape paint­ more than a millenium later could space, he sees it only as something ing. Then it was hitched to con­ feel little of the old pagan interior made by men. The indigenous sumer recreation. The admirers of sense in which these sacred places qualities of the spring or cave or I landscape were never the oppo- were experienced as part of them­ mountain are for him little more nents of the Promethian hubris, selves. The Jews and Christians than markers. There is not the only the disguised and sometimes had methodically sought out the slightest hint that the spiritual en­ unconscious handmaidens of it. old shrines and covered them with tities which pre-classical Romans, The old Romans, whose poetry churches in order to redirect the Greeks or other so-called primi- 4

of the Paleolithic caves of Southern of memory enabled him to re­ Europe often use the erosional member everything and anything: forms of the rock as the basis of the all the words in all the paragraphs animal figure. This synthesis of in all the pages he ever saw; a man what is there and what is created who could repeat the names of a externalizes an inextricable rela­ hundred spices or a hundred flow­ tionship between the artist and his ers in order, regardless of how materials, between ourselves and much time had elapsed since he our bodies, man and nature. The saw the list. To Luria's question, artist affirms and formalizes that "How do you do it?" the man re­ tension which is the core of the plied that he could visually recall maturing self-consciousness of the book pages and that when he everyone. Art, says Modell, is al­ was given a list he took an imagi­ tives conceived as indwelling were ways a love-affair with the world. nary walk in a landscape, placing anything but cultural assertions. It was this search for self that was each object in view along the path. One always called in the forces not solely defined by acts of tran­ To recall them he had only to pic­ from a centralized heaven the way scendence and domination that ture that place again and his walk one dials a long-distance operator. moved the 19th century romantic through it. Of course he was ab­ Of course the Christians did not imagination, feelings for which normal. Most of us have the bless­ invent this making of place by will the Augustan humanist and mod­ ing of remembering trivia only in and designation. The ancient em highway-pipeline-parking-Iot the unconscious, if at all. But his civilizations of the Middle East are builder cannot conceal their scorn. anomaly was a clue to a strange speckled with temples built where Between the natural and human, and necessary relationship be­ they would be convenient to the given and made, the other and the tween place and mind. bureaucracy, the keepers of the self - what the romantics, like grain and the army barracks. The children, sought was "a place in shift of attention away from the which to discover a self." This apt Cobb's study was a search for uniqueness of habitat began long phrase of Edith Cobb's describes a the genesis of thought and creativ­ before the Church fathers declared childhood process by which the ity by studying the lives of the that all places on this earth are pret­ terrain and its natural things be­ gifted. That genius is both the ty much the same. Eliade's view is come a model for the plastic, "spirit of place" in its classical ultimately no different from that of order-seeking juvenile. sense and also the most powerful municipal street-namers: the minds among us is not coinciden­ world behind the human facade is The child, she says, seeks to tal. The essential formation of the homogenious. One founds place make a world the way the world is self in children who are yet un­ rather than discovers place. It made. Her biographical studies touched by ideology is a growing doesn't matter whether a priest led to the conclusion that the ter­ awareness of one's own anatomy, blesses an altar or the mayor cuts a rain itself provided the durable the discreteness of body parts, or­ ribbon. The autochthonous forces gestalt upon which the intellect gans, complexity of surface, the by which the earth speaks are only germinated. His "home range" for play of feelings and moods. Ex­ elements in myths by which the the eight-year old is the prime, perience for the infant is a formless peasants rationalize their designa­ patterned, concrete reality in his sea of emotion that engulfs the in­ tions of sacredness. Quality is not life, upon which his wavering and dividual. To gain control over them given, it is made. nubile powers of memory and they must be isolated and named. But the polarity and mystery of logic cling and develop, like seals They must be first seen outside, the given and the made will not go climbing out onto the rocks to give then intuited from external mod­ away. It is the duality at the heart birth. els. Diversity, richness, all those of knowledge, the central enigma The Mind of a Mnemonist, is A. R. terms of multiplicity that describe of our private and collective iden­ Luria's report on a man whom he a heterogenous world, have been tities. Arthur Modell has observed observed and studied for many demonstrated repeatedly by that the painting and sculpturing years, whose phenomenal power biologists as essential to the de- 5

velopment of intelligence. From ingly stressed and pathological. zones upon the land and inter­ nutritional and environmental Such places are not merely spaces penetrations with the wild that studies of laboratory maze­ for different activities but are the changed little between 1520 and running rats, to observation of perceptual and physical prerequi­ 1800. In an era of rapid change we babies with and without playpens, sites of the different behaviors. may forget how constant was institutionalized children, and the The habitat is not merely a con­ American life for three centuries, psychology of the playground, the tainer but a structured surround in and we may overlook how trauma­ evidence is strong that heterogene­ which the developing individual tic the collapse of that old order ity is like an essential nutrient. makes tenacious affiliations. was. In the painting by the "Hud­ But how does it work? You can­ Something extremely important to son River School" we have a body not, after all, just put a baby in a the individual transpires between of representations of terrain pre­ bag with a thousand objects and the complex structure of those par­ ceeded by an indigenous prose shake well before using. Claude ticular places and the emerging, and poetry, especially that of Levi-Strauss believes that the maturing self. What is going on is a Washington Irving, J. F. Cooper, species system of plants and ani­ kind of macro-micro correlation, a and William Cullen Bryant. From mals is a durable, dependable con­ centering mostly unconscious, es­ time immemorial the myths of cre­ crete model for the development of sential to the growth of personal ation have been presented as the powers of categorizing, that is, identity. drama, perhaps could only be comprehended that way. The 'legends' of sleepy hollow and the adventures of Leatherstocking among the Iroquois were geo­ graphically explicit. It was possi­ ble to go, as John Trumbull did in 1810, to Norwich Falls in Connect­ icut, where Cooper had placed a climactic scene in The Last of the Mohicans, and to do a portrait of the place, an analysis of its charac­ ter the way one would a person. Trumbull was the painter of heroes II and battles, whose work hangs in the Capitol in Washington. He basic cognition. Edith Cobb holds Even in its more conventional probably painted no more than that the fixation on terrain is an sense - identity as our conscious three landscapes in a busy career. organizing process by which the positions in matters - place is im­ The fictional heroes and events, no percept of relatedness is interi­ portant. Before the Revolution the less than the historical,gave place orized. White and his associates at American knew himself in three to elements of American identity Harvard find that the intelligence contexts: as Protestant, English co­ - for we "identified" with the Irv­ of children emerges relative to a lonial, and village community ing and Cooper characters. spatial movement among objects, member. As this scaffolding was From the 'actual' sites of such coupled with naming. All of these cut away by revolution, seculariza­ places, which much of the early imply real changes in the nervous tion, and industrial-urbanization, painting scrutinized with an al­ system. Psychiatrist Mayer Spivak the American of the 19th century most frantic intensity, the painters has identified thirteen "archtyped suffered an acute attack of in­ moved out in search of corres­ places." One can live without choateness from which he still has pondingly dramatic sites, appro­ these special places for resting, not recovered. The landscapes of priate to the imagination of feeding, conviviality, grooming, those institutions had been the episodes of pioneering life, or courting and so on, but without stable rural countryside tightly even storms or mountain geology. them we become, as do other simi­ and hierarchically ordered around Thomas Cole was its most fervent larly deprived mammals, increas- the church and town, making spokesman. He painted and wrote 6

unmakes himself apart from the non-human, or that his loneliness stems from inadequate social planning or ideology. It is easy to blame rootlessness, mobility, the fluidity of American life for our anguish, but all the truly primitive people - the hunt­ ing and gathering cultures - who have ever been studied move serenely through hundreds of miles without such troubles. Al­ though they traveled through vast spaces there is a scale about their lives which is different from ours. W. H. Auden once observed that the mega-world of galaxy and the mini-world of the atom are real for us mainly in frightening ways. In "Ode to Terminus" he speaks of a long essays. To be lost in the wil­ ous systems a new Eden in the middle earth derness he said, was the supreme form of a wild mountain spectacle where all visibles do have a experience. Neither the eroticism as home, to do in the New World definite nor the adolescent emotionality of what had taken centuries in outline they stick to and are his work have gone unnoticed. Europe. Of course they could not undoubtedly This immaturity for which critics possibly succeed. But in some at rest or on motion, where later had only contempt had its ways no concept of place and land­ lovers purposes, for it turned Americans scape in America since then has recognize each other by back to maternal themes, to the been without something of their their surface, land in a search for new begin­ mark. where to all species except the nings without which they would We are reminded with painful talkative remain lost. Cynics after the Civil regularity of our continuing sense have been allotted the niche and War saw the romantic artists of dislocation, the neuroses of per­ diet that merely as weak and undisciplined, sonal identity problems, the terror becomes them. This, whatever as the Victorians considered of loneliness in the crowd, of isola­ micro- women to be. To attend to trees tion both from society and from biology may think, is the world and waterfalls seemed to them to the rest of nature. These anxieties we be sentimental and silly. The art­ are fraught with doubts about the ists' own personalities were in­ purpose of life, even of order in the really live in and that saves our deed rife with immaturity. But creation. Traditional psychology, sanity.. 1 they were, in a sense, childish for peremptory humanism and even "Saving our sanity" in this us all. our religious preoccupation with mesocosm, might well include Before them, the Europeans who the self have tried to explain these putting the heaven of the other settled America were on alien dilemmas of unconnectedness as world religions along with the ground. With few exceptions their arising within society and its Adlerian psychology of simply concrete connection to locality re­ works - in the family, the home, willing your own world with other mained in Europe. The painters in the job, or the church. But our fail­ tall stories. America tried, in a few decades, to ure to either elucidate or remedy Eliade wants us to believe that overhaul that whole troubled sub­ them on those grounds raises places differ according to the jectivity, to imprint on our nep- doubts that man either makes or amount of a universal holy oil we 7

pour on them. He is in company Wilder may seem for us to create and behave like this: in Russian novels. There one gets precisely the same univer­ with the chartographers whose place - or, more exactly, he sal addiction to self-analysis. And then it surveys of latitude, longitude, creates the means of its recogni­ occurs to one also that this place is in township and range we have also tion. But his own experience is one certain respects very like Russia. accepted as the terms of location, of discovery. He is like Carlos Cas­ Chicago, like Leningrad, like Moscow, is of 'defining space.' But the world tenada, who tells us how difficult it a high spot, to use its own idiom, on the is not a billiard table until we fi­ is for one coming from a culture of monotony of great plains; a catchment nally turn it into one. It is unique the human domination of nature, area of vitality that rejoices extravagantly everywhere in combining features to discover, even in a room 12 x 8 In Its preservation because elsewhere in differently which, in some un­ feet, the spot on which he could sit this region it might have trickled away known way, both reflect and create without fatigue. His frustrating from its source and been swallowed up in an inner geography by which we search under the tutelage of bon the vastness of the earth. All round Chicago lies the Middle Western plain. It locate the self. Juan took all night. Again one stretches in every direction , a day's jour­ However exact the mathemati­ thinks of the 19th century painters ney to the east, a day and a night and a cal, political or ecclesiastical sub­ on foot, roving back and forth day to the west, and more than that to the division of space may be, if it is across the White and Green moun­ south: flat, oozy, the longest possible imposed from the outside it cannot tains, the Berkshires, the Taconics, span from horizon to horizon. All the refer to place in the sense which the Hudson Highlands and the fields look the same whether one looks is meant here, any more than Catskills searching endlessly. You from the train just after dawn or before maturity is achieved by cere­ don't need to connect with Cas­ nightfall on any of these journeys; and monies by which those institu­ tenada's brand of spirituality to again and again one passes the same vil­ tions confer power on the indi­ realize that the heterogeneity of lage, for here man has had so much to do vidual, however much ceremonial the land is not made by man - in merely covering the ground that he has neither time nor energy to develop varia ­ scenery they frame it in. Tyrone only discovered and celebrated, or tions of his establishment. What with the Guthrie, the British drama critic, ignored and diminished by him. clouds and the moon and the stars, it often once wrote of Thornton Wilder's One is reminded of John Rus­ seems as if there is more doing in the sky play, "Our Town", kin's refusal to come to America, than on earth. The physical resemblance "Wilder uses the stage not to imitate saying that he could never visit a between Russia and the Middle West is nature, but to evoke, with the utmost country which had no old castles. certainly close enough. And it may be that economy of means, a series of images . . . If you had no old castles you had life which finds itself lost in the heart of a He is essentially an American writer, a no history, and if you had no his­ vast continuent, whether that be Old or New England writer, writing about his tory there was no place in which New, has a tendency to take the same own environment. Authenticity to this the events which made you forms. Life in another case, which flows environment is essential if the best results sanctified the ground. in a number of channels and is divided are to be achieved in production. But at into small nations as an audience, who the same time his plays are sufficiently But Ruskin was inordinately at­ will give it a verdict on its performance, true to universal human experience, suf­ tached to the picturesque, to the which is none the less useful if its inevita­ ficiently transcend merely local environ­ necessity of ruins and the moral ble function is to be disbelieved; 3 and it ment and character, to make them ac­ qualities of painting. Some di­ has a basis for optimism about the uni­ ceptable on a cosmopolitan level. mensions of place do not depend verse, since it sees the neighboring na­ I believe that such a close attachment on architecture. In her introduc­ tions surviving and flourishing in spite of to, and interpretation of a particular part tion to the poetry of Carl Sand­ what it is bound to consider their in­ of the earth is an absolute essential to any burg, Rebecca West described the feriorities. But a nation that is isolated in work of art which can ever be of deep or loq uaciousness of Americans in its vastness has no audience but itself, and lasting significance. It is one of the public, their readiness to discuss it has no guarantee that continued exist­ paradoxes of art that a work can only be ence is possible or worth while, save its their lives with total strangers, universal if it is rooted in R- part of its own findings. Therefore, Russia and and the leisure they take in self­ creator which is most privately and par­ Middle West alike, it is committed to in ­ ticularly himself. Such roots must sprout explanation. She says, trospection, to a constant stocktaking of not only from the people but also the "It occurs to one, as such experiences its own life and a constant search for the places which have meant most to him in accumulate, that one has encountered in meaning of it. his most impressionable years. " 2 art, though not in life, people who talk This entails various consequence. It ac- 8

counts for the general quality of vehe­ III "fields", following "paths", and mence and significance which is common finding "boundaries", "waste­ to both peoples. For a man who is self­ My theme can now be drawn to­ lands" or . "jungles", of the diffi­ conscious will emphasize his actions so gether and signified by the "walk­ culty of seeing forests for the trees, that his self can the better come to a con­ about" of certain Australian of making mountains of molehills, clusion regarding them, and since he is aborigines. In going on the pil­ of the dark and light sides, of going desirous that his self shall be able to draw some meaning from them he will be care­ grimage called walkabout, the downhill or uphill. ful to put much meaning into them . It has Aborigine travels to a succession Cognition, personality, creativ­ other more particular results . It pro­ of named places, each familiar ity, maturity- all are in some way foundly affects the language. All over the from childhood and each the place tied to particular gestalts of space, Ul1ited States the stranger will note that of some episode in the story of cre­ to locality, partly given, partly the English and American languages are ation. The sacred qualities of each found. essentially different in genius in spite of is heightened by symbolic art What does this say to us as their partial identity of vocabulary . But forms and religious relics. The Americans? From the standpoint in the Middle West more than anywhere journey is into the interior in every of society as a whole, our disad­ else the introspective inhabitants have sense, as myth is the dramatic ex­ vantages seem obvious and developed an idiom suited for describing ternalization of the events of an enormous. We have little cultural the events of the inner life and entirely inadequate in dealing with the events of inner history. To those on walka­ continuity with the land; history the outer life." bout these places are profoundly has few tangible relics. The ves­ moving. The landscape is a kind of tiges of pre-colonial art and earth­ archive where the individual works remain, but their meanings moves simultaneously through his we do not know nor feel. At the personal and tribal past, renewing time of its settlement by Euro­ Pictures and parks are part of contact with crucial points, a jour­ peans, the continent had vast di­ that American syndrome. Tourism ney into time and space refreshing versity, as indicated by the diver­ and the park mentality, like that the meaning of his own being. sity of Indian tribes. Almost every­ which pushed American Indians Terrain structure is the model for thing we have done to it in the last onto reservations, makes enclaves the patterns of cognition. As chil­ century has worked toward the de­ - not on the theory that quality is dren we internalize its order as we struction of these differences. We everywhere unique but on the practice "going" from thought to have idealized this uniformity in theory that between the isolated thought, and learn to recognize the image of the melting pot and points of interest there is only perceptions and ideas as details in the standard of living. The indus­ weary uniformity. Carl Sandburg the sweep of larger generaliza­ trial complex levels mountains, was not singing parks and pet­ tions. We intuit these incorpora­ drains swamps, opens forests, rified villages like Lincoln's New tions and texture into a personal plants trees in grasslands and Salem. He belonged. Belonging, uniqueness. Mind has the pattern domesticates and exterminates the says Erik Erikson, is the pivot of of place predicated upon it, and we wild. We have long been aware of life, the point at which selfhood describe its excursions, like this this and of the rejoinder that it is a becomes possible - not just be­ paper, as a ramble between small price to pay for convenience, longing in general, but in particu­ "points", the exploration of security and comfort; that enter­ lar. One belongs to a universe of tainment, travel, instant news, order and purpose which must ini­ electrified homes and an unlimited tially be realized as a particular so­ array of goods are made available ciety in a natural community of in this way. Diversity, in fact, is certain species in a terrain of suspect because it is divisive, or at unique geology. What Rebecca best it is just one more source of West sees as the empty plains of pleasure in a complex of "trade­ Illinois and Russia betrays her own offs." We are doubtful and ambiva­ bias, for they are empty only - as lent about diversity. Phyllis she noted - of close neighbors .. McGinley put it this way: 9

Since this ingenious earth began Everywhere in America we con­ To shape itself from fire and rubble; tinue to be enmeshed in immatur­ Since God invented man, and man ity, caught in a drama of infantile At once fell to, inventing trouble, separation anxieties. Samuel One virtue, one subversive grace Beckett, in his plays, has rightly set Has chiefly vexed the human race. our quandary in an empty land­ One whimsical beatitude, scape, surrounded by a terrain that Concocted for his gain and glory, is both featureless and meaning­ Has man most stoutly misconstrued less, where we wait at crossroads Of all the primal category - marked only by signposts for Counting no blessing, but a flaw something to happen. Signposts That Difference is the mortal law . 4 do not make a whereness nor be­ liefs a whoness. If we were all as alike as eggs it would not matter. But we live in a world where everything we do can make or unmake the possibilities But the lament is not that as a for our further growth. We nation we lose the multifold charac­ academic eggheads like to think ter of a continent or lack architec­ that we live in a world of ideas ture that affirms these qualities. which we invent, like we create the We do not experience anything as a domestic plants and animals. But people, but only as individuals. To in some part of our skulls there is a the corporation or bureaucracy the wilderness. We call it the uncon­ quality of place is merely an amen­ scious because we cannot cultivate ity because our mythology of col­ it the way we do a field of grain or a lective power and metaphor of col­ field of thought. In it forces as en­ lective experience confirms their during as climate and bedrock transcendence of the individual. maintain our uniqueness in spite The child must have a residen­ of the works of progress. It is the tial opportunity to soak in a place, source of our private diversity. the same place to which the ado­ Among us, our collective uncon­ lescent and adult can return to scious seems almost to exist apart By Paul Shepard ponder and integrate the visible from ourselves, like a great wild extensions of his own personality. region where we can get in touch Place in human genesis has this with the sources of life. It is a re­ 1. W. H . Auden, "Ode to Terminus" New episodic quality. Knowing who York Review, July 11, 1968. 2. Tyrone Guth­ treat where we wait out the movers rie New York Times Magazine, Nov 27, 1955. you are is a quest across the first and builders, who scramble to con­ 3. Carl Sandburg's Selected Poems, Edited forty years of life. Knowing who tinually revamp our surroundings by Rebecca West, London, 1926. 4. PhylliS you are is impossible without McGinley "In Praise of Diversity", Ameri­ in search of a solution to a problem can Scholar, Vol. 23, p . 306, 1954. knowing where you are. But it which is a result of their own activ­ cannot be learned in a single ity. stroke. What makes the commer­ cial ravagement of the American countryside so tragic is pot that it .--1"'!", is changed and modernized, but that the tempo of alteration so out­ strips the rhythms of individual human life, and the patterns of going and returning. 10

Political Style and the Search for Black Po-wer in Los Angeles:

Frederick Roberts and Tom Bradley

patronage with which to maintain Political Style the faithful. There was little need Black Political Style To the untrained eye, style in to develop a slick public and media Black politicians have been no politics may appear to be as ran­ presence for a politician who al­ less subject to these contextual op­ dom as any other kind of human ready controlled the key resources portunities and constraints which behavior. It seems sensible that of Chicago politics. Quite to the produce style. Both Black passivity there should be as many political contrary, John Lindsay was devoid and militancy have also related to styles as there are different Ameri­ of virtually all of the organizational the conscious efforts of Black poli­ cans. One would hardly assume resources that Richard Daley in­ ticians to achieve power, maintain that the late Richard Daley of herited as Democratic boss of an organization, and mobilize a Chicago's Irish Bridgeport would Chicago. Party machines had been constituency. With these goals in approach politics in the fashion of defunct in New York City for dec­ mind, Black politicians have de­ John Lindsay of East Side, silk ades. Statutory power had been veloped particular styles within stocking New York. drained slowly from the Office of particular organizational contexts. Yet, political style is clearly more Mayor in New York to the point For example, Adam Clayton than just a manifestation of the that civil servants were effectively Powell, a militant and outspoken class or ethnic background of a pol­ able to resist the efforts of the Black leader of the 1940' sand itician. Style is a conscious and Mayor to govern. Lindsay's 1950's was able to use the 10,000 perfected effort to achieve political charismatic, media-oriented style member Abyssinian Baptist goals, maintain an organization, was therefore an effort to mobilize Church of Harlem as a substitute and mobilize a constituency. the public so that he could gain for Democratic Party support. Richard Daley'S low keyed, non­ sufficient power to govern. In both Utilizing the pulpit of the church charismatic approach to the gov­ the cases of Daley and Lindsay, to disseminate his militant politi­ erning of Chicago suited the needs style was, firstly, a conscious effort cal message, he avoided the of a politician who headed an im­ to obtain political goals and, sec­ punishment that the Democratic pressive party organization · and ondly, a product of a particular or­ Party would have ultimately meted who had at his disposal substantial ganizational context. out to an all too independent Black 11

man. Indeed, Powell's church be­ son's passivity and low keyed Powell's Congressional seat was, came a stronger political organiza­ stance on most civil rights issues in fact, a result of a decision by tion in Harlem than the regular were based upon his complete con­ New York Democrats to create a Democratic Party structure,which trol over patronage and services "Black" district. Dawson's influ­ had been severely weakened by that Chicago's Democratic ence continued only as long as he almost a decade of Republican rule machine had allotted to Blacks. pleased the White chieftains of the in New York City. Rather than attempt to provide Cook County Democratic organi­ Powell's militancy was then symbolic rewards through a public zation. based upon the creation of a per­ airing of abundant racial com­ These organizational contexts sonal organization that was inde­ plaints, Dawson's influence and limited the ability of Black politi­ pendent of established political organization were maintained by cians to significantly alter the posi­ parties. Although Powell's organi­ the distribution of tangible re­ tion of Blacks in American politics. zational base could gain him elec­ wards that were vital to the Black Adam Clayton Powell could be tion from the predominantly Black citizens of Chicago. Operating as militant but only because he was Harlem Congressional District, it an integral part of the Chicago an outsider with his own personal could not, however, secure for his Democratic machine, Dawson's following. He had no patronage to constituency patronage or access control extended to the most mi­ offer and his access to New York to policy-making in Washington. nute aspects of public services that City and Washington policy mak­ Nevertheless, Powell could pro­ citizens of other cities might ex­ ing was limited. William Dawson vide a variety of intangible bene­ pect to be provided by right. In could provide substantial service fits which maintained his organi­ essence, Dawson's ward office be­ and patronage rewards but only as zation and following. The aura of came the center of political life in long as these material benefits did Adam Clayton Powell, openly con­ Black Chicago, the equivalent of not threaten the racial status quo in fronting his White opponents, liv­ the welfare office, police station, Chicago. The Democratic machine ing the good life in a more blatant and city license bureau all com­ was hardly in the forefront of the and outlandish fashion than White bined into a single unit. As an ob­ civil rights movement in that city. politicians would ever dare to do, server of Dawson's headquarters The dilemma for Black politi­ provided to an impoverished Black described it: cians has been the following: To community the hope . that it was gain positions of authority, one possible to secure the amenities of On the bench outside his office on a had to adapt to a White-created the White world. typical day might be found a police and controlled political context. If Adam Clayton Powell's mili­ captain, a couple on relief, a young Yet, that very context limited the tancy was a function of an organi­ Negro lawyer, an unemployed man, possibilities of racial change in zational context which allowed a politician, and a university profes­ American politics. him to successfully develop such a sor. style, other less assertive if not The Los Angeles passive Black political styles have Despite the apparent similari­ also reflected the conscious efforts ties, what makes Black politicians Context to gain influence and maintain a such as Powell and Dawson dis­ If style is a response to a particu­ following within quite different tinct from their White counterparts lar political context, the organiza­ contexts. One final example which is that their styles are adaptations tional features of Los Angeles poli­ reflects an adaptation to a different to contexts which are essentially tics are crucial to our discussion. context is that of William Dawson, defined for Blacks by Whites. Even Although many Los Angelenos longtime Chicago Congressman though Adam Clayton Powell was would proudly point to their poli­ (1943-1972) and Black leader of the quite militant and William Daw­ tics as being unique and many Eas­ Democratic machine in that city. son was just the opposite, both terners would derisively agree, the While Powell's militant and men were elected to positions that relationship between political con­ iconoclastic actions related to his were created by White politicians text and political style reveals the inability to provide tangible re­ who had at least implicit notions of· similar origins of Los Angeles poli­ wards to his constituency, Daw- the proper role of Blacks in politics. tics and that of other urban areas. 12

Politicians in Los Angeles, as poli­ to overcome lack of party organiza­ tally divorced from the political ticians in New York or Chicago, tion and resources. As a result of context or that Black politicians have consciously developed Progressive-inspired changes in were as free as their White coun­ strategies based upon the available the election laws, most local offi­ terparts to mobilize a wide variety resources, the particular political cials have been elected at large or of potential supporters. Indeed, structures, and the overall rules of from large heterogeneous districts. the lack of traditional political re­ their urban arena. For example, the Los Angeles City sources has led most White politi­ In Los Angeles, these resources, Council includes only fifteen cians to establish ties with the pub­ structures and rules were predom­ members elected from perhaps the lic through the mass media, inantly influenced by the Progres­ largest council districts, in a geo­ through the creation of issues de­ sive movement in the early part of graphical sense, in the nation. Los signed to mobilize support and in h . twentieth century. Enforced Angeles covers more square miles tum produce these sorely lacking n n-partisanship, strong civil than any other American city yet it resources. Yet, Black politicians ervice, weakened if non-existent has one of the smallest city coun­ have been less able to respond in arty organizations were all Pro­ cils. this fashion. The creation of new ~gressive sponsored "reforms" The overall result of these struc­ issues by Black politicians always which have produced a context in tural features of Los Angeles poli­ risks potential racial polarization which politicians can secure few tics is a dearth of resources to which, in a city with a small Black resources to wield power or gov­ bridge the gap between citizen population, is a losing proposi­ ern. Traditional avenues of mobil­ and politician. The rewards of of­ tion. ity provided by the political par­ fice, the resources of political par­ It is difficult to identify in Los ties have therefore been absent ties, the sense of community that Angeles politics the structures and while many political offices, even small uniform electoral districts resources that other urban centers when secured, cannot supply the can provide, are all scarce com­ find familiar. Nevertheless, Los tangible rewards or services that modities in Los Angeles politics. Angeles does possess both a con­ are necessary for politicians to Politicians have been left to devise text which determines general build and maintain followings. For other means to mobilize follow­ political style and stringent imped­ example, in 1960 the Office of the ings and wield power in that city. iments upon Black political be­ Mayor of Los Angeles had at its havior. Whatever the Black politi­ disposal exempt (non civil service) Black Political Style cal style, it reflects the influence of positions which amounted to only this broader context and these re­ 8% df all city employment, while in Los Angeles: strictions as they affect Black poli­ fifty years earlier the Mayor's Of­ Frederick Roberts ticians. fice controlled 45% of city The quite different styles of Los employment. In absolute terms, and Tom Bradley Angeles' two most prominent this has been a loss of over 5,000 Black politicians in Los Angeles Black politicians, Frederick jobs for the Mayor to distribute to have therefore operated within a Ro berts and Tom Bradley, are cases the faithful. political context devoid of both the in point. Roberts, Los Angeles' Additionally, the sheer size of traditional resources of politics first Black elected official, gained a most electoral units in Los Angeles and the traditional impediments of well deserved reputation as an has made it difficult for politicians politics. For example, party or­ outspoken combatant for civil ganiza tions not only provided rights and race interests. Editor of 1f{11l1f{1(f..\1 i{()IlIf{IS mobility for a certain limited his own newspaper, the New Age, 111111'1 f{ ( I '\ I \\11 f{IC \'\ number of Blacks, but also defined Roberts let few hints of prejudice I()f{ \\SI \11l1 ) \1 \'\ -.jth illS I f{1( the terms of Black participation. In and discrimination escape edito­ \ \1\'\ \\ Il ( ) \\ II I \ ( I I \ I! ) Los Angeles, the political struc­ rial comment. The Mayor of Los f{1 1'f{1 \1'\ I IIlI 1'1 ()I'I! tures that were most closely iden­ Angeles, the city Board of Film S I \ '\ I )S I () f{ \ I I I II \ I IS \ \11 f{ I( \ '\ tified with this two-faced process Censors, the Fire Department, and ) (ll f{ \ ()" \\ II i \1 \ f.. I III \1 were missing. even Presidents Wilson and Hard­ IIlI f{11 ' 11l11( \'\'\()\1I'\11 This is not to say that politicians ing, were all warned of militant ac­ 1' f{I\1 \I{ II \ . \1 SI ~ - . I'II ~ (o! in Los Angeles developed styles to- tion if Black civil rights were not 13

respected. For example, in a tone Roberts' success in utilizing his as assertive as one could find in militant style to gain elected office any Black newspaper in the coun­ was therefore based upon his A Leader for try, he notified President Wilson choice of the smallest electoral unit Race and City in February of 1916 that Blacks available and his ability to would appropriately remember mobilize the Black population him in the upcoming presidential through his newspaper. His own­ All the News election. According to Roberts, ership of New Age allowed him to For All the People "the Black man has a mighty kick supplement the dearth of party re­ coming up. He remembers that sources and also to avoid the re­ there were 69 of the race lynched maining restrictions upon Black clear racial isolation. during the past year; he remem­ electoral activity. The majority For a Black to run for Mayor of bers that nothing was even said White population in the district Los Angeles is to reject both the about it to discourage it; he re­ had never been represented by a isolation that was imposed upon members that Mr. Wilson and his Black, and party leaders, left to Frederick Roberts as well as the administration had kicked him their own choosing, would cer­ militancy that can exist as part of from every position of honor and tainly not have selected him as that isolation. As Roberts was vol­ trust. .. " Roberts' election to the their candidate. atile, outspoken, and unrelenting California State Assembly in 1918, Although there were clear racial in his attacks upon his opponents, therefore, merely provided him a undercurrents in the campaign, Tom Bradley, Los Angeles' first new forum to practice this unwav­ with one opponent reminding Black Mayor, has been cool, dig­ ering struggle for Black rights. voters that they should be aware of nified, and measured. Indeed, Roberts' color, successful mobili­ Bradley'S political style reflects ef­ zation of the minority Black com­ forts to move beyond the seques­ The aura of Adam Clayton Powell, munity in the district and suffi­ tered politics of the "Black" dis­ openly confronting his White op­ cient support among Whites gave trict. Yet, it also reflects the very ponents, living the good life in a the militant editor a narrow victory tenuous position of Black politi­ more blatant and outlandish fash­ in a three way race. Yet, Roberts' cians in citywide arenas where the ion than White politicians would election did not pose a challenge to Black population is a clear minor­ ever dare to do, provided to an the racial status quo. His con­ ity. impoverished Black community tinued militancy and continued Bradley's ability to win elections the hope that it was possible to electoral success (he served in the is based upon his success in fash­ secure the amenities of the White State Assembly until 1934) were ioning a fairly wide coalition world. tolerated by the quick conversion of voters. This, of course, of his assembly district into the means securing sizeable numbers sole "Black" district. When of votes outside the Black commu­ However, Roberts' militancy Roberts was first elected in 1918, ni ty. While Frederick Roberts was a function of the unique re­ the population of Los Angeles was could emphasize and re­ sources he possessed and a politi­ less than 3% Black; the Black com­ emphasize issues of immediate cal context which could tolerate if munity comprising less than Black concern, Tom Bradley must not manipulate that political style. 15,000 residents. As a result of ger­ choose issues and present images The key to Roberts' success was rymandering and other structural of himself that appeal to non that he needed just over 2000 votes controls, Los Angeles would not Blacks. to be elected. This was the smallest have any other Black elected offi­ In this respect, Bradley's three number of votes that was neces­ cials until the 1960's when more campaigns for Mayor (1969, 1973, sary for success in any of the Los than 300,000 Blacks accounted for 1977) have been struggles to pre­ Angeles electoral disl ricts. For 17% of the population. For more vent a racial definition of the polit­ example, a Black Socialist running than forty years, Frederick Roberts ical arena. When this kind of racial for City Council in 1911 made a and his Black successors in the 74th polarization occurs, a Black relatively poor (and unsuccessful) Assembly District would continue Mayoral candidate in Los Angeles showing with over 40 ,000 votes. this militant style in the context of is in trouble. 14

Bradley's first campaign in 1969 cial terms, Bradley could be beat­ Race, Style, and and most recent campaign of last en. The Mayor responded by run­ spring are examples of the difficul­ ning a low keyed, if non-existent, Politics ties that Black Mayoral candidates campaign which avoided any po­ It is clear that all politicians in have in maintaining and expand­ tential controversies. He even ad­ their efforts to secure power and to ing an inter-racial coalition. In mitted "that the fact there was not maintain a following develop 1969, Bradley saw an impressive a daily confrontation between the styles within a particular political show of support in the primary incumbent Mayor and ... the con­ context. However, it has been the election rapidly disintegrate into a tenders caused less visibility in the goal of this essay to argue that final election defeat. Under the campaign and less interest". Black politicians operate under an onslaught of Mayor Yorty' s blatant­ Although Bradley survived additional set of constraints which ly racial tactics, which included Robbins' racial innuendoes, two make either open discussion or ef­ newspaper ads and bumper stick­ liberal Los Angeles Board of Edu­ fective resolution of problems con­ ers with virulent racial messages, cation members were defeated by cerning Blacks difficult. Even mili­ Bradley could not expand his challengers closely associated with taney, as reflected in the career of non-Black support after the prima­ Robbins. Evidently Bradley's ef­ Frederick Roberts, has often re­ ry. In fact, only among middle and forts to run a low visibility, non­ flected isolation and powerless­ upper middle class Whites was he controversial campaign hurt the ness. able to make marginal gains. embattled White supporters of Despite the election of Blacks Mayor Yorty had successfully busing. For example, the defeat of such as Tom Bradley to high public linked Black militants and student liberal School Board Member Dr. office, race remains a relevant radicals to his opponent. As the Ro bert L. Docter was due in part to political distinction for many Mayor put it, if Tom Bradley were surprisingly mixed support from Americans, one which divides the electgd, "the militants could come the Black community. population and isolates the Black down and intimidate the city As a Black Mayor, Tom Bradley minority. As long as this continues council" . also faces many impediments to to be the case, the style of Black his political maneuverability. politicians will either reflect this While campaigning, he must be isolation or the ever present threat As Roberts was volatile, outspo­ constantly wary that issues are not of it. ken, and unrelenting inhis attacks defined in racial terms; in govern­ upon his opponents, Tom Bradley, ing, racial considerations make it Historical background material contained in Los Angeles' first Black Mayor, has difficult for him to utilize tech­ this essay was collected as part of a broader been cool, dignified, and meas­ niques that his predecessors have project on Los Angeles Black politics supported ured. by the Haynes Foundation. The opinions ex­ found successful. For example, pressed in the essay are, of course, those of the Mayor Yorty, in his efforts to author. Bradley's re-election campaign mobilize public support and there­ in the spring of 1977, although fore to govern, could make Los By Michael Goldstein successful, revealed additional re­ Angeles "the only city with a straints upon a Black candidate in a foreign policy". However, Bradley situation where there was a poten­ must be much more cautious in his tial for racial polarization. The use of the media and issues. Mayor's chief opponent, State Again, racial polarization means Senator Alan Robbins, attempted isolation and defeat. In this sense, to make mandatory busing and Bradley cannot use a strategy crime his major issues. The rape which his White cohorts con­ whistle was chosen as the symbol sciously perfect as a response to of his campaign and Robbins the political con text. In the vowed to distribute several citywide electoral arena, Black pol­ hundred thousand. These issues iticians are therefore limited in the obviously had strong racial conno­ issues they may raise and the tations and if Robbins could force means through which they may the campaign to be defined in ra- govern. Celldom

Your hemisphere of dominance, so powerful and vast, your subtle prison of the mind, so treacherous and fast, that rarely have I passed your fence and then there was not much to find, for you are good at hiding treasure and making one forget just where he thought he left the trail, then making him regret ever having sought the pleasure that made him lose his goal and fail. So every time I go I must come back and spend another night upon the rack.

Bullets

All the things that I most feared to be I am. , Sunny Side Up There's nothing that I am now A breakfast touch of Easter's eyes that reminds me burst with sudden surprise of myself. as you, across the table, try a new disguise.

I stare into a black sea of caffein and thoughts that can't be seen penetrate into your world so small and submarine.

I spread my butter, then my jam and eat my piece of ham. ! I wonder how I got here and I wonder where I am.

By Adrienne Turcotte 16 17

The Welfare Crisis in the United States:

The Burden of Responsibility

In recent years both the number quantitative data collected for this The problem of explaining the of welfare recipients and the purpose I will also arrive at several causes of poverty and need, of amount spent on welfare have in­ conclusions which bear on the ori­ course, has long been of concern to creased dramatically. So great has gin, development, and future of many writers. Historically, how­ been this increase that some have the "welfare crisis" and on its so­ ever, there have been and still are called it a "welfare crisis." Much cial significance as well. But the essentially two arguments con­ time and effort has been spent in central objective is to show that cerning the causes of poverty in attempting to explain this rapid understanding the "welfare crisis" advanced industrial society.3 The increase in dependency despite a requires us to go beyond the cur­ first and earliest is that the causes general rise in the national stand­ rent proponents of the debate and of poverty must be sought out in ard of living. A multitude of books place the issue squarely in the the individual characters of those and articles attempting to find the glo bal processes of moderniza tion. who are poor. The second and right solution to the" crisis" have more recent explanation4 is that been published since the early there are certain structural and sys­ 1960s. 1 Clearly, the welfare crisis is temic causes of low income and as much a crisis of explanation as Popular and Sociological unemployment which lie outside of financing or managing the Conceptions of Poverty the control of the individual and growth in dependency. One might There are two basic questions can be ameliorated through proper even argue that an "explanation" which beset discussions of public economic and social policies. The of this crisis is as essential as, say, assistance in the United States: (1) two arguments derive from folk finding new funds to support the why are people poor and in need theories of poverty, but each has dependent or new administrative in the first place? and (2) what has received major support in the so­ procedures to control who be­ been the collective response to cial science literature. comes eligible for assistance. No these needs? These two questions single interpretation of the welfare have different answers and need to crisis has won public or academic be answered separately, although INDIVIDUAL acceptance so far, although, as we they clearly are related. At the very RESPONSIBILITY will see, there are many contend­ least, any given explanation of the ers.2 causes of poverty has implications Although the first of these two The primary purpdse of this for the decision whether any ac­ explanations of poverty is the ear­ book is to restate the problem of tion need be taken as well as for the lier, its remnants are still prevalent the we1fare crisis so as to place it in level at which such intervention outside of academic circles in the a larger perspective. In the process should occur and the type of policy United States. Originally the ar­ of describing and analyzing the which would be most effective. gument emphasized laziness and 18

immoral behavior as the causes of of the individual. These charac­ of poverty in the United States destitution. This viewpoint was teristics are transmitted to him is questionable. Most empirical most clearly stated very early in the through his distinctive and local studies do not lend support to writings of Malthus (1817) and social environment, milieu, or cul­ the theory, 8 and its conceptual Ricardo (1821). Later the argument ture, thus producing apathy, isola­ framework has also been ques­ shifted somewhat, especially after tion, or a preference for casual as­ tioned (Valentine 1968). My pre­ the introduction of psychiatry in sociations and an indifference to­ supposition in this study is that the 1920s. This new argument es­ ward achievement in the larger so­ structural and situational factors sentially substituted charac­ ciety. The accompanying absence are basic causes of poverty and as terological shortcomings for moral of interest in improving oneself such lead people to seek some form ones as the primary reason for through education hinders one's of financial assistance. poverty. More recently, the ability to climb the social ladder in However, the culture of poverty explicit formulation of the culture terms of occupation, income, and theory and its antecedents have of poverty theory has transformed prestige. For some writers, the cul­ provided the major foundations the argument of characterological ture of poverty theory also in­ for responses to poverty, dating shortcomings into an emphasis on cludes the notion that those en­ back to the Elizabethan Poor Law S culturological or even biological trapped in this cycle are satisfied of 1601. On one hand, the argu­ 6 ones. with their life, in fact that they are ment has been made that since Although each of these related enjoying their casual social rela­ poverty is self-imposed and perspectives still has supporters, tionships, their lack of responsibil­ perhaps even a "natural" during the 1960s the culture of ity, their time for recreation, sex­ phenomenon (biological or cul­ poverty theory received the most uallicense, and so forth. 7 Thus the tural), nothing can or should be attention. This theory tends to see satisfaction of the poor provides a done about it. At most, only the poverty as perhaps originally the positive barrier to changing their barest necessities, with adequate creation of the social structure, but lives (Banfield 1968; Miller 1958). safeguards against misuse, should as soon becoming an integral func­ The ability of the culture of pov­ be made available to those whose tion of the personal characteristics erty theory to explain the existence poverty may be seen as a matter of fate or God's will, or whose condi­ tions are truly desperate and life­ threatening. This is the type of government response Piven and Cloward (1971), Elman (1966), and Bell (1965) have amply described and documented. On the other hand, if government is to take ex­ tensive action, as we have increas­ ingly come to believe it must, these theories indicate that antipoverty policies must both be comprehen­ sive and involve concerted (and usually expensive) attempts to make the poor better-adjusted members of society. This was, of course, one of the major goals of the War on Poverty. Ironically, its widely accepted failure may inad­ vertently have lent further support to its theoretical foundation, the culture of poverty theory, because the failure could be attributed to 19

the strength of the culture of pov­ sion of some regions, the conse­ although many have been more erty and the correspondingly in­ quences of discrimination, or successful than the United States. adequate funding of the antipov­ many other selective criteria out­ erty programs (Pilisuk and Pilisuk side the control of the individual. 1973). In the process, the War on Furthermore, changes in the Poverty helped discredit many economic structure have led to The Ideological Uses major government responses to greater demand for highly skilled, of Poverty poverty. well-educated employees, which For our purposes, the question The degree of governmental in­ of course has meant less room for of why people are poor in the volvement in antipoverty efforts the low-skilled, poorly educated United States is important primar­ has been much less problematic for person. The effects of discrimina­ ily because the answers have been the other major explanation of tion have therefore become more the basis for the response to pov­ poverty, which emphasizes the crucial and the result may in fact be erty, a topic of primary concern in societal and economic creation of a more permanent and more de­ this book. In particular, the two poverty and the unfortunate vic­ pendent poor population. arguments outlined above have tims of these processes. been important in shaping policies Many of these problems are di­ of eligibility for the various public rectly linked to the process of in­ assistance programs. dustrialization, which implies that Arguments on the causes of their solution must also be of a poverty have tended to move in SOCIETAL RESPONSIBILITY structural nature. Especially since one of two directions to account for Beginning with factory and the Great Depression, the respon­ both the causes of poverty and the wage-and-hour legislation during sibility for such solutions has in­ growth of welfare: (1) the improvi­ the Progressive Era around 1900, creasingly been placed at the feet dence of the poor, along with the and especially since the Great De­ of successively more central levels carelessness of those distributing pression, an increasing number of of government. And as urbaniza­ welfare; (2) the permanency and writers have pointed to a series of tion and industrialization have increase of poverty owing to struc­ structural factors in industrial progressed, government has be­ tural conditions and their increas­ societies which create needs that come increasingly capable of un­ ing impact on the most unfortu­ cannot be met through income dertaking such responsibilities nate, along with the assumptions from wages.9 Such circumstances (Almond and Powell 1966, pp. that welfare rates may be either as climatic conditions, natural dis­ 207-12). As a result, federal fiscal only a reflection of how many are asters, political considerations, or and monetary policies playa direct poor or a result of government the absence of a subsistence role in the production of both manipulations in making welfare economy to fall back on may create employment and unemployment available to the poor for political or exacerbate these structural fac­ in the United States today. reasons. The first of these argu­ tors. Indeed, unhealthful working There seems to be sufficient evi­ ments has generally been adopted conditions, industrial accidents, dence on these causes of poverty to by those with a conservative polit­ occupational diseases, automa­ warrant the conclusion that most ical persuasion and their argument tion, regional depressions, poverty in the United States is rests to a large extent upon theoret­ economic cycles of boom or bust, linked to structural needs created ical propositions similar to those and occasional shortages of vari­ by the industrial society. How­ belonging to the culture of poverty ous forms of raw materials may ever, these needs have not been theory. Any effort to combat pov­ create poverty even though met by either private or public erty and rising welfare rolls, then, everyone attempts to ,provide for funds to the extent that they elimi­ must begin with rehabilitating himself. Unemployment, for in­ nate poverty or a sense of the gross and changing the poor, since they stance, can no longer be consid­ injustice about how material bene­ are assumed to be deficient or at ered just a matter of individual fits are distributed. Nor have any fault. choice. Instead, it is largely the re­ other industrial countries com­ The second argument has in its sult of aging, the economic depres- pletely accomplished these goals, more extreme forms been adopted 20

------The Extension of Social------Citizenship in Modern Society by the radical left but, in general, to be thought of as the responsibil­ those who are usually charac­ The movement towards the wel­ ity of state and federal govern­ terized as liberals have adopted fare state has been slow and halt­ ments (Briggs 1961). similar points of view. Here the ing in the United States because of argument has been that since low the profound difficulties Ameri­ The expansion of government incomes and unemployment are cans have had in interpreting the activities is of course a commonly due to structural and systemic meaning of poverty and depen­ accepted observation. However, it elements of the social structure, dency. Nevertheless, increasing is less frequently emphasized that these inequities can be alleviated industrialization and urbanization such government duties are only only through proper structural have brought some realization that the counterpart of citizens' rights. changes and economic and social the responsibility for coping with A number of observers have noted policies. In this case, social reform poverty cannot be left to the indi­ the way in which these changes in involves at the very least changing vidual or private charity alone (see the economic structure due to in­ the economic and employment GrI2mbjerg, Street, and Suttles, dustrialization have significantly policies of the central government. forthcoming, chaps. 2 and 3; increased the range of government However, in most cases this has Wilensky and Lebeaux 1965). Al­ capacity and responsibility and included an insistence upon some though industrialization and ur­ expanded the rights of the indi­ restructuring of the economic sys­ banization created many social vidual vis-a-vis the state. 11 Over tem, especially the elimination of problems, especially those as­ time, the widely recognized discrimination and its effects. In a sociated with old age, unemploy­ "modem" societies have actually more extreme form the argument ment, disability, blindness, and seen a broadening of citizens' has been extended to the demand child dependency, these processes rights and increasing popular par­ for a complete overthrow of the also promoted other changes ticipation in both political affairs economic system in favor of a more which made some sorts of solu­ and central cultural institutions.12 collectivist form, or at the very tions possible. In particular, a The history of the United States least a universalistic approach to greater demand for well-educated has been one of a more or less con­ public welfare. employees, higher incomes, and a tinuous trend in this direction Neither of these basic types of more national scale of organiza­ (Huntington 1973). reforms may eliminate poverty or tion, which facilitated economic Citizenship, however, involves the need for welfare programs. The growth, were very important in several different elements. Mar­ United States, with its emphasis providing the necessary resources shall singles out three as the most on individualism, has large pock­ and capacities for attempted solu­ important: political, civil, and so­ ets of poverty and a variety of so­ tions (Almond and Powell 1966). It cial citizenship (1964, pp. 71-72). cial welfare programs. However, should be recognized, of course, Undoubtedly all three forms of even the most collectivist of the that each of these changes also citizenship have expanded in the modem industrial societies with tended to intensify the problems of United States. Originally the vote their extensive welfare sy.stems poverty for those who did not was granted only to property­ have not been able to eliminate share in the improvement in edu­ holding white males.13 In recent poverty.lO A comprehensive sys­ cation or rise in income. Large­ years, only felons, the insane, and tem of social welfare programs scale economic organizations the mentally incapacitated have seems necessary to meet the en­ furthered economic interdepend­ been legally restricted from par­ demic failures of industrialized ence and concentration and in time ticipating in the political life of the societies. The United States is a gave birth to large-scale govern­ nation. heavily industrialized society, but ment as a way of counteracting Historically the movement to­ the integral need for a more com­ some of their disruptive effects. As ward increasing participation in prehensive and less stigmatizing a result, the problems of the indus­ political affairs was preceded by welfare system has not yet been as trial society, especially those of (but overlapped to some extent) fully appreciated or endorsed here poverty and inequality, have in­ the movement toward more inclu­ as it has in Great Britain and the creasingly been located within the si ve rights of civil ci tizenshi p Scandinavian countries. political economy and have come (Marshall 1964, p. 71): the rights 21

necessary for individual freedom, fluence, commands, and beliefs Marshall's three types of citizen­ liberty of the person, freedom of originating in the center. Such ship rights are likely to be equally speech, thought, and religion, the members of a society are less af­ and fully extended. For this rea­ right to own property and to enter fected by the central culture and son, it is Marshall's third form of into contracts, and the right to authority structure (Shils 1975, pp. citizenship in which I am mainly equal justice. Neither political nor 3-16,34-47). interested as a dependent variable. civil forms of citizenship, how­ According to Shils (1975, pp. Social welfare and public assist­ ever, have yet been fully realized 91-107), the expansion of the ance are forms of income which by all members of American socie­ center has occurred primarily originate from such social and ty, and the degree to which these through the expansion of educa­ economic citizenship rights. On a rights have been achieved varies tion and mass communication, national level, however, the actual among the states. this presupposing an economically extension of these social rights has The extension of both civil and developed society. Education and been rather slow and uneven, al­ political citizenship has been fol­ mass communication make possi­ though a major step forward was lowed more or less closely by the ble closer interaction between taken with the adoption of the So­ granting of what Marshall has members of a society, and the cul­ cial Security Act in 1935. called "social citizenship," that is, ture of the center can be more "the whole range from the right to widely diffused. However, it is a modicum of economic welfare only in democracies with rep­ and security to the right to share to resentative institutions that there the full in the social heritage of a is a strong possibility of expanding The movement toward the ex­ civilized being according to the the center to include members of tension of ci tizenshi p in the standards prevailing in the socie­ the periphery on a more equal United States has been compli­ ty." Obviously, this third form of basis. In such societies, the dis­ cated by the fact that for a highly citizenship is even less realized in tance between the center and the industrialized nation the Ameri­ the United States than the other periphery may consequently be can political system is relatively two forms. reduced and a sense of common decentralized (Huntington 1973). This secular drift in terms of in­ identity and mutual responsibility States have jealously guarded their creasing partici pa tion in the promoted. These societies Shils constitutional prerogatives to set economy and polity is similar to calls "mass societies,"14 and I have policies in areas where the con­ Shih( notion of changes in the found it preferable to use this term stitutional authority does not rest center-periphery division of socie­ rather than "modernization" to exclusively with the federal gov­ ty, or the extent to which the cen­ indicate that economic develop­ ernment (as it does, for example, in tral belief system and common ment by itself is not sufficient. areas of defense, customs, immig­ associational forms come to be In the mass society, where the ration and naturalization). The de­ shared by larger proportions of center, or the elite, includes a wide gree of state and local autonomy the population (Shils 1975). The selection of the population, and which persists in the United States "center" is not to be understood in where the distance between the is extensive and can be seen as a a geographical or physical sense center and the periphery is di­ remnant from a preindustrial era, but indicates the central institu­ minished; the well-being and dis­ when the economic systems of the tions of a society, where authority position of the periphery becomes different states or localities were is exercised and cultural symbols a criterion for policy. This percep­ not as interdependent as they are are created and diffused. The soci­ tion of equal "civil quality" of the today. 15 However, the widespread ety is most effective when the cen­ elite and the masses (Shils 1975, suspicion of government, and tral value system, share,d by elites, pp. 304-6) is one of the most impor­ especially of big government, is also in accordance with the cen­ tant foundations of the modern which has been an integral ele­ tral authority structure. The welfare state. And it is when the ment of the American culture since "periphery," in contrast, includes civil quality of the masses comes to before the Revolution,has helped those who are less in touch with be fully recognized as comparable maintain the political viability of the center and are recipients of in- or equal to that of the elite that the state as a unit of government. 22

Ironically, the federal govern­ granted considerable autonomy in periphery. Consequently, states ment itself has been instrumental their operation of welfare pro­ most nearly approaching the mass in maintaining and perhaps even grams, sometimes beyond the in­ society type would be expected to increasing the political autonomy tent of the federal government extend primary and secondary of the states. Thus states have been (Break 1967; Derthick 1970, 1975). citizenship rights to the masses encouraged, prodded, and pushed The continuing ambivalence most fully, while those states with to establish a variety of new pro­ about the significance of poverty small centers and great distance grams or to expand existing ones in the United States, evident in the between the elite and the masses into areas previously not consid­ difference between culture of pov­ would be expected to evaluate pol­ ered the responsibility of gov­ erty and structural interpretations icies more nearby in terms of how ernment at all, or into areas of dependency, must be reem­ these protect the elite. Political sci­ under local government control phasized at this point. The differ­ entists will recognize this type of (Stephens 1974). Much of the en­ ent approaches to explaining the categorization of the states as simi­ couragement for such state action problem of poverty have necessar­ lar to Elazar's attempt (1972) to can be traced to federal grants-in­ ily affected government responses identify state political cultures. aid to specific state (and local) pro­ to conditions of poverty. Each of What I call mass society states cor­ grams. 16 The states also have long the different explanations of pov­ respond most clearly with Elazar's h istorical claims to independent erty has been associated with cer­ moralist state culture, while states political action, sanctioned by the tain political ideologies and, to least characterized by mass society Constitution. In the words of one some extent, with particular politi­ traits correspond most closely to political scientist, although they cal administrations. Consequent­ Elazar's traditionalist state cul­ are part of the overall American ly, the changing public assistance tures (Elazar 1972, pp. 93-102) . civil society, the states are also civil · policies have reflected theories of By any of the conventional societies in their own right (Elazar both individual and structural measures of economic develop­ 1972, p. 2). The states have, in fact, causes of poverty. Perhaps more ment - industrialization, urbani­ succeeded in preserving their in­ important, federal policies have zation, education, wealth, and so tegrity as political units, as is indi­ deliberately left room for state in­ forth - there is great variation cated by the high salience of state terpretations in order to entice the among the fifty states in terms of politics to the attentive public states to participate in the pro­ how "modern," or mass-society (J ennings and Zeigler 1970). grams. In short, exponents of both oriented they are. This is a point Perhaps for these reasons, state types of explanation have had to be which political scientists and politicians and administrators placated. We are likely, then, to economists have documented well often complain of undue federal observe the effects of both explana­ and have related to the ability to interference in state affairs tions in the diverse policies the undertake public programs. 17 through the strings attached to states have adopted to deal with They have not, however, clearly grants-in-aid (Break 1967; Der­ conditions of poverty and depen­ emphasized the degree to which thick 1975). dency. states would be expected to differ The regulation of public assist­ This is particularly true since the in their approaches to granting cer­ ance is no exception to this state­ political subdivisions in the tain forms of citizens' rights - that federal rivalry in the division of United States are unlikely to move is, willingness to undertake public political power. At present, the equally fast in the direction of programs apart from availability of federal government offers a series mass society or modernization. financial resources. of public welfare programs in In Shils' formulation, some states One would expect to find the which the states may elect to par­ are more likely to be included in greatest collective support for the ticipate to obtain federal financial the national center while others are economic, political, and social support for public assistance. In more nearly part of the national rights of citizens in the states with return, the states agree to operate periphery. Not only may the states the highest overall mass society according to federal regulations for be seen as more or less integrated status - that is, in the urbanized, the administration of these pro­ into the national society in this industrialized states with large grams. However, there is consid­ manner, but the states themselves professional and occupational erable room for state-by-state vari­ have centers of varying sizes, with elites, high levels of education, ation, and the states have been longer or shorter distances to the and high voter participation. 23

States that are progressive in some the population at large, at least in groups are limited in a society, the ways may be expected to be pro­ some states.18 social rights almost always will be gressive in their welfare programs Those who are in need but do limited as well. This type of dis­ as well. In other words, such states not fall in the category of favored crimination may be seen as basi­ should have high standards of wel­ "citizens" have for some time, in cally a premodern pattern which fare payments, lenient, less puni­ some states, been left to care for (presumably) declines with mod­ tive eligibility requirements, little themselves, or at least have had to ernization and the development of stigma attached to public assist­ be in greater need before they were the mass society. It is the continua­ ance, and therefore more people likely to be considered deserving. tion of such forms of discrimina­ receiving such aid. The major Thus aid may be available primar­ tion which makes it difficult at point to emphasize here is that in ily or only to the respectable poor present to classify the United the mass society states public as­ and the destitute poor. The criter­ States as a truly "modern" society sistance itself may become a way of ion for providing assistance, then, (Shils 1975, pp. 91-107). Further­ extending citizenship to a larger the person's place in the stratifica­ more, the continued presence of proportion of the population. tion system - not economic need such "guest groups" and uncer­ Conversely, we would expect alone, although that may be seen tainites about their full inclusion least support for the social rights in as a convenient index, for if in society are likely to place ulti­ states least characterized by mass economic need is very extensive mate limitations on the potential society status. In these states pub­ the poor are likely to include some for further movement of the lic assistance is likely to be granted very respectable people. The best United States toward higher mass only or primarily to those who are approximation to identifying such society status and full extension of already members in good standing an approach to public assistance social citizenship rights. - that is, "citizens," or people among the states may be to In poor states, as well as in those who are included in the "center" examine "potential need" or "po­ with large numbers of people but are poor. To a large extent this tential pressure" on the welfare whose citizenship status is in would mean that aid would be rolls. 19 doubt, there is likely to be great provided primarily to those who This concern with who is to be pressure on public assistance rolls are white, native-born, and who provided with aid is particularly (needs), but also a stratification previously have been hard­ important if there are present in approach to granting such aid - working and not destitute. Bell the state any groups (usually racial that is, restrictive policies to limit (1965) argues that this approach and ethnic groups) which are not aid to those of appropriate status not only was prevalent very early thought to be "deserving" or "full and to conserve scarce fiscal re­ in the Aid to Dependent Children members" of the society but which sources. In addition, the level of (ADC) program but was necessary are part of the periphery. If the welfare benefits may also be set to make the program acceptable to civil and political rights of such low in order to limit their attrac­ tiveness and discourage "misuse." Because many of those considered "good citizens" are also likely to be poor in states with widespread need, as well as for humanitarian reasons, states with low mass soci­ ety status have found themselves extending public assistance to size­ able proportions of their popula­ tions. The role of the federal gov­ ernment in providing special in­ centives for poor states to extend low levels of benefit to large num­ bers of poor people should not be ignored. 20 In summary, then, we have two general, somewhat different prop- 24

ositions about how and wl1y states some stat~s, while in other states differ in their responses to condi­ the "stratification" approach may tions of poverty and need. In be emphasized. backward states the absolute need Another way of separating out for assistance is likely to be great, the implications of these two and therefore welfare rolls can be propositions is to look at changes expected to be relatively large. In over time. Since the United States turn, welfare policies should be as a whole has become increas­ less generous and more restrictive ingly modernized, so have the dif­ in these states so as to insure that ferent states. Over time, then, only those in great need obtain as­ states should move in the direction sistance. On the other hand, the of mass society, or, to put it differ­ more modernized and wealthy a ently, their approaches should state, the more likely it is that its move further toward the "ideal" standards of need will be high, and mass society approach - the wel­ the more people are likely to have fare state. extensive notions of what their If that is indeed the case, we rights are. Therefore, public as­ have found a plausible explanation sistance rolls will also be high, but for the "welfare crisis" discussed welfare policies should be lenient. earlier. It is not that more people There is no confounding of these are poor or increasingly find wel­ propositions in regard to welfare fare the easy way out, or that pub­ policies alone. The two hypotheses lic assistance officials have let lead to similar predictions for the more people onto the rolls because same states. However, both prop­ they are careless or fear public dis­ ositions suggest that welfare rolls order. Instead, changing notions will be high in both backward and of what constitutes need and de­ mass society states - in the weal­ servedness have increased both thy as well as the poor states. There the number of people who may be are two ways of separating out the eligible for some form of assistance implications of these two hypoth­ despite a general improvement in eses. First, these theoretical individual incomes and the perspectives represent two differ­ number of people aware of and ent approaches which states or willing or eager to obtain such their populations may take in re­ benefits. In some states, this sponding to conditions of need. A movement has been drastic; in state may take a very restrictive others it is less noticeable. But all view of the purpose of public as­ states have moved in this direc­ sistance and grant aid only to those tion, placing a severe strain on considered desperately in need. government resources and public Or it may consider public assist­ comprehension as well. Both seem ance a way of responding equita­ to be major ingredients in the bly to broader needs than absolute crisis. destitution, such as temporary un­ One must not lose sight of the employment and the need to finish countervailing fo rces in American higher education. The two models society which retard the move­ of responding to poverty then rep­ ment toward a mass society and resent a continuum of options of welfare state: the continuation of how and to what extent the state mutual suspicions between vari­ will respond to conditions of need. ous ethnic and racial groups, the At any given time, the "mass socie­ extent to which some members of ty" approach may predominate in the society continue to be seen as a 25

threat to cultural ideals, as well as to income-security program payments. the total population of the United States the need to maintain some meas­ They argue that the" crisis" reflects the was eligible to vote (Gendell and Zet­ inappropriate tendency to blame non­ terberg 1964, p.5; also reported in Ben­ ure of inequality to instate the dif­ whites and single parents for the dix 1968, p. 75). ferential importance of social val­ growth in welfare which should be 14. This use of the term "mass society" is ues and their achievement blamed on the expansion in Medicare quite different from that of William and Medicaid, as well as on the growth Kornhauser (1959) , which emphasizes (Dahrendorf 1974). The first two of in social-service expenses (see also Der­ negative and anti-democratic tenden­ these factors are likely to limit se­ thick 1975). cies in modern societies. I believe that verely the extent to which ,social 2. See for example Banfield (1969), Rein Shils is correct in criticizing Kornhauser and Heclo (1973), Durbin (1973), Honig and his followers for an overly simple citizenship may be extended (1973, 1974), Piven and Cloward (1971), interpretation of modern processes, within relatively short periods of Kasper (1968), and Winegarden (1973). which fails to distinguish between time. The last factor places ulti­ 3. I am deliberately limiting the discus­ democratic and totalitarian societies. sion to causes associated with poverty The former type of society is charac­ mate limitations on the develop­ in industrial societies, since poverty in terized by short distance between the ment of the welfare state. the agrarian or feudal society often was center and periphery, while the latter This study is an attempt to attributed to nature, fate, or acts of God tend to have restricted centers far re­ with no necessary intervention by man. moved from the periphery (Shils 1975, examine some of these issues: not 4. The explanation is recent primarily in pp. 34-47). only whether and how the states terms of its widespread acceptance. As 15. See Janowitz (1961), Brazer (1958), and respond to conditions of need in early as the beginning of the nineteenth Hawley and Zimmer (1961) . Stephens century Paine (1792, new edition 1894), (1974) presents data indicating the in­ their respective populations, but Owen (1817), and Godwin (1820) ad­ creasingly prominent role of state gov­ how that pattern may have vanced essentially the same argument ernments and state centralization at the changed over time. In the process I about why poverty existed and how expense of local autonomy. government should respond to it. 16. For discussions of the importance of will also provide an interpretation 5. Mohl (1972), however, found evidence such federal grants-in-aid for the viabil­ of the welfare system which at cru­ of a culture of poverty perspective in ity of state governments and the type cial points departs from the expla­ American cities in 1780-1840. and extent of their activities, see Bahl 6. See Jensen (1967, 1969, 1970) and and Saunders (1965), Break (1967), nation provided by Piven and Herrnstein (1971). Clement (1962), Crittenden (1967) , Der­ Cloward (1971) in their widely 7. This notion is related to Rainwater's thick (1970),1975), Gayer (1972), Gram­ read study. In particular, I will (1970b, pp. 21-22) apothesizing perspec­ lich (1968), Osman (1966), Pogue and tive - a view of the poor as the natural Sgontz (1968), Smith (1968), Steiner argue that their interpretation of or heroic man. (1966), and Strouse and Jones (1974). pu blic assistance as primarily, if 8. See Herzog (1963), Rainwater (1967, 17. State socioeconomic development is not exclusively, a mechanism for 1970a), Liebow (1967), Goodwin (1972), almost always included by political sci­ Rodman (1971), Hylan Lewis (1967), entists and economists alike in explain­ social control of the poor is too Kriesberg (1970), Hannerz (1969), as ing state expenditures and other policy simple-minded. Their account.not well as Billings (1974), Coward, Feagin, outcomes. See for example Cnudde and only does violence to the data, and Williams (1974), Davidson and McCrone (1969), Dawson and Gray Gaitz (1974), Elesh (1973), Goering and (1971), Dawson and Robinson (1963), where such data exist, but fails to Coe (1971), Gruber (1972), Irelan, Dye (1966, 1969a), Hofferbert (1966a , recognize - or refuses to accept as Moles, and O'Shea (1969), Kaplan and 1968), Sharkansky and Hofferbert genuine - real social facts. The Tausky (1972), Rodman, Voydanoff, and (1969), Sharkansky (1967a,b , 1968a ,b, Lovejoy (1974), and Stewart, Lauder­ 1971a ,b) , Crittenden (1967), Luttbeg system of welfare, I will argue, has dale, and Shuttlesworth (1972) . (1971), Morgan and Lyons (1975), Cow­ changed; it is less restrictive and 9. See Alger et al. (1906-7), Addams (1903), art (1969), Jones (1974), Morss, Fred­ does provide assistance to those United States Bureau of Labor (1910-13), land, and Hymans (1967), Cowart and Seager (1921), Downey (1924), Weiss Jones (1974), Baer and Jaros (1974), Gary less desperately poor than was (1918-35), Hurry (1917), and Robinow (1973), Grumm (1971), Fabricant (1952), previously the case. (1913) . and Fisher (1964) to mention only some 10. This remains true although both the such studies. By Kirsten Gr0nbjerg USSR and Communist China maintain 18. Bell illustrates this point in her study of subsistence economies to fall back on. the "suitable home" clause in the ADC Reprinted from Mass Society and the Exten­ 11. Durkheim (1964), for example, was one program. She especially emphasized sion of Welfare 1960-1970, by permission of of the first sociologists to point to the how the states originally used the clause University of Chicago Press changing forms of solidarity in societies to limit ADC to the respectable poor: experiencing increaSing division of white, middle-class widows, especially labor- e.g ., industrialization. war widows, with small children. Piven 12. See Almond and Verba (1965), Benja­ and Cloward (1971) also document re­ min, Blue, and Coleman (1971), Inkeles strictive eligibility requirements Chapter 1 (1969), Nie, Powell, and Prewitt (1969), which, as they argue, operate to exclude 1. It is even possible that the "crisis" may Olsen (1968), and Verba and Nie (1972) blacks from public assistance, espe­ be a function of how statistical data for such analyses of political partici pa­ cially in southern agricultural states. have been analyzed. Thus Rein and tion in relation to economic structure 19 . For a study which is a direct attempt to Heclo (1973) indicate that public assist­ and socioeconomic status. deal with this issue, see Tropman ance payments have decreased relative 13. Thus in 1860 only about 17 percent of (1974). See also Tropman (1973). 26

• Community Notes

· . . In cooperation with Interna­ stories and articles, Atherton's Comparison of Kohlberg's and tional Student Advisors of Japan, work has appeared in Saturday Re­ Hogan's Theories of Moral De­ Pitzer is offering a program in Eng­ view, New Yorker, Yale Review, and velopment" was delivered at the lish as a Second Language to visit­ several anthologies. annual meeting of the Western ing Japanese students, according He is dean of liberal studies and Psychological Association in Seat­ to James B. Jamieson, vice presi­ professor of English at the Univer­ tle. "The Relationship of Moral dent and professor of political sity of New York in Brockport, and Maturity and Ethical Attitude" studies. president emeritus of Pitzer Col­ was presented at the American This fall, seventeen students lege. The convocation marked Psychological Association in San from Tokyo are enrolled in the ESL Atherton's first return to the cam­ Francisco. Tsujimoto is assistant program, which is designed to pus since his resignation as presi­ professor of psychology and Nardi provide students with communi­ dent in 1970. is assistant professor of sociology. cation skills that will prepare them for entry into an American college or university. The ESL program does not offer credit. The students will receive 25 hours of intensive language train­ ing each week through the courses "American Culture and Customs"; "Grammar Structure and Form"; "Oral/Reading/Writing Skills"; and "Listening Comprehension."

· . . Patsy H. Sampson has been appointed dean of faculty and pro­ fessor of psychology beginning this fall, replacing Albert Schwa~z, who has returned to the Patsy H. Sampson Patricia G. Hecker classroom as associate professor of sociology as well as serving as act­ ing director of student services. Ms. Sampson brings a wealth of . . . Glenn Goodwin, associate . .. Patricia Gamble Hecker of St. professional experience, among professor of sociology, presented a Louis, Missouri, has been elected which are coordinator of adoles­ paper on "Applied Sociology and to "a four-year term on the Pitzer cence research, National Institute the Profession: A Reconsideration College Board of Trustees. of Child Health and Human De­ of Emphasis" at the National Meet­ A native of St. Louis, Mrs. velopment, and psychologist, Na­ ings of the Society for the Study of Hecker is a founding member, tional Institute on Alcohol Abuse Social Problems in Chicago. Co­ Board of Directors, Wild Canid and Alcoholism. presenter of the paper was Merl Survival and Research Center; Coon. serves on the Board of Directors for · .. Pitzer's first convocation of the Mycenaean Foundation, Inc.; the year featured the College's . . . Richard Tsujimoto and Peter is president of the Decorative Arts founding president, John W. M. Nardi co-authored two articles Society, Friends of the St. Louis Atherton, speaking on "Poetry: based on their collaborative re­ Art Museum; and is a member of Patterns of Possibility." A poet search which were presented at na­ the Board of Managers, St. Louis and the author of several short tional meetings this summer. "A Zoo Association. 27

ducted a large scale site survey in Kenya last year, Miller gathered research data emphasizing the ecological relationships of recent stone age people in that area with that environment. While in Africa, she presented a paper summarizing her research on the Later Stone Age of Malawi, at the Pan African Congress for Prehistory and Quanternary Studies international meeting.

· .. John R. Rodman, professor of political studies, delivered a paper Clyde W. Ericksen John Rodman at the annual meeting of The American Political Science Associ­ . A $15,000 research grant from without charge and are held in the ation this fall in Washington, D .C. the Robert Sterling Clark Founda­ Founders Room, McConnell on "Ecological Resistance: John tion of New York enables Robert S. Center. Information on times and Stuart Mill and the Case of the Ken­ Albert to continue his research on topics may be obtained by calling tish Orchid." In November, Rod­ families of exceptionally gifted 714-626-8511, ext. 3145. man will participate in the Sixth children. He is currently inter­ International Conference on the viewing families of mathemati­ . . . The Harry G. Steele Founda­ Unity of the Sciences to be held in cally precocious offspring. tion of Newport Beach, California, San Francisco. Albert' s article on "Observa­ has awarded $74,938 to Pitzer Col­ tions and Suggestions Regarding lege for scholarships. The grant · . . Appointments of three new Exceptional Children and Their will be used to establish the Harry full-time faculty members and one Families" will appear in a forth­ G. Steele Foundation Scholarship part-time faculty member have coming issue of the Gifted Child Fund for the benefit of students been made for the 1977-78 Quarterly. He will also chair a ses­ requiring financial assistance dur­ academic year. Winford Naylor, sion and present a paper at the Oc­ ing the 1977-78 academic year. assistant professor of economics; tober meeting of the National As­ President Robert Atwell accepted Richard Poppen, instructor in sociation for Gifted Children to the gift on behalf of .Pitzer College mathematics; and Robert Garratt, be held in San Diego. Albert is Pro­ and praised Board members of the visiting assistant professor of Eng: fessor of Psychology. Harry G. Steele Foundation for lish, join the full-time staff, w ith their " outstanding support of pri­ JoAnne Hayakawa as assistant . . . Through the generosity of the vate higher education and their professor of art teaching part-time. late Frederick Salathe, Jr., former important contribution to the member of the Pitzer Board of Pitzer College scholarship pro­ · .. Clyde W. Eriksen, professor of Trustees, the Frederick Salathe, Jr. gram." biology, presented a paper at the Fund for Music and the Cultural 20th Congress of the International Arts provides for a variety of ... Sheryl Miller, associate pro­ Association of Theoretical and exhibitions, performances, and fessor of anthropology, spent Au­ Applied Limnology at the Univer­ aesthetic interests. This fall, the gust and September in Africa, ex­ sity of Copenhagen in Denmark. committee for the Fund announces cavating Later Stone Age sites in Co-authored with C. Robert a program on "Change and Trans­ the Rift Valley of Kenya and on the Feldmeth, the paper was titled, formation in Western Art, Ar­ East African Plateau. " An Hypothesis to Explain the chitecture and Literature" with lec­ Associated with a project or­ Distribution of Native Trout in a tures in music, art, and literature. ganized by the University of Mas­ Drainage of Montana's Big Hole Lectures are open to the public sachusetts at Boston, which con- River." 28

Helia Sheldon · .. Applications for admission to Pitzer increased 17.5% last year Dorothea Yale over the preceding year. Pitzer's freshman class this fall is 208, about 11 % larger than the one which entered in 1976. According ... Pitzer College is one of four .. . Laud Humphreys, professor to William R. Lowery, dean of colleges in the United States of sociology, attended meetings of admission, "This increase in selected by the National Associa­ the Society for the Study of Social selectivity comes despite increas­ tion of Bank Women to offer a de­ Problems in Chicago this fall, and ing prices for higher education, gree for women in the banking in­ as chairman of the Committee on and is a tribute to Pitzer's steadily dustry. Standards and Freedom of Re­ growing reputation as a challeng­ The NABW/Pitzer program is search, Publication, and Teaching ing, demanding, productive col­ designed expressly for the woman of the Society for the Study of So­ lege." About 35 % of this year's who is committed to a full-time cial Problems, chaired an open freshman class are men. career in banking and who wishes meeting of that organization. Dis­ to pursue a bachelor's degree in a cussion centered on the role of the · . . Dorothea Kleist Yale, profes­ management-related field without SSSP in the Council of Learned sor of German, has been awarded a interrupting her career. Societies on Academic Freedom. Mellon Foundation grant to de­ Pitzer is the only college on the velop teaching modules in the field West Coast p articipating in the ... A paper by Helia Sheldon, as­ of Women's Studies. Under the NABW program. sociate professor of Spanish, was general heading of "The Character ... The National Endowment for accepted for presentation at the and Status of the German Woman the Humanities (NEH) has Contemporary Methods of Liter­ in Recent History '~ she will offer awarded a grant of $49,060 to ary Analysis: Third Colloquium on seven topics, including "The Pitzer College to develop interdis­ Hispanic, French, and Italian Lit­ Feminist Movement During the ciplinary humanities courses erature in New York. The title was Second Empire" and "The Role of especially directed toward the "La aventura del heroe mitico en Motherhood in Nazi Germany." older student entering or returning Los dias Terrenales." to college after a number of years Ms. Sheldon interviewed Mar­ · .. Andrew W. Zanella, assistant away from formal education. garita Garcia Flores for Radio professor of chemistry, has been Three seminars to be offered Universidad on the "Third World admitted to membership in Sigma during this academic year - Women and Their Role in the Xi, Scientific Research Society of "Symbols of Change and Trans­ Founding Convention of National North America. His most recent formation in Western Art and Ar­ Women's Studies Association. " publication is " Intramolecular chitecture," "Culture and Society The interview, conducted by Ms. Hydration of Nitriles Coordinated in Renaissance England," and Sheldon as a delegate from Pitzer to Colbalt (III). Formation of Five - "Chaucer and Joyce" - have been College's Women's Studies Field and Six - membered Chelated developed especially for Pitzer's Group, will be published by Fern, a Amides", which appeared in the New Resources students under ~ he feminist publication in Mexico August issue of Inorganic Ch emis­ NEH grant. City. try.