1 Emily Billett Allison Finkelstein HIST208L the Physical Transformation of Fort Ticonderoga and the Evolution of Historical

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1 Emily Billett Allison Finkelstein HIST208L the Physical Transformation of Fort Ticonderoga and the Evolution of Historical DRUM note: Images have been removed from this paper due to copyright restrictions. Emily Billett Allison Finkelstein HIST208L The Physical Transformation of Fort Ticonderoga and the Evolution of Historical Memory The fort on the peninsula where the La Chute River runs into Lake Champlain in present- day New York state has had several names, including Vaudreuil and Carillon. Today the fort is known as Ticonderoga, from a Mohawk word meaning “the land between the two great waters.”1 The site encompasses a rich military history, but this paper focuses on the historical memory of the capture of Fort Ticonderoga in 1775, particularly through the collective memory of Ethan Allen and the restoration of the fort. Early American attempts to create a national republican mythology incorporated memories of Revolutionary War battles and their heroes, including Ethan Allen. Later, the common soldier received more cultural prominence, and the American drive for historical restoration, of which Fort Ticonderoga represents one of the earliest examples, brought attention to the physical environment of history. The movement to restore Fort Ticonderoga in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries represented a transition from the commemoration of the heroes of the American Revolution to a focus on the ordinary soldiers of the Revolution. In its history as a military encampment, Fort Ticonderoga acted as a garrison for soldiers from France, Great Britain, and the Thirteen Colonies. In 1755 the French Canadian Michel Eustace Gaspard, Marquis de Lotbinière, began construction of the fort, which the French first 1 William R. Nester, The Epic Battles for Ticonderoga, 1758 (Albany, N.Y.: State University of New York Press, 2008), 1. 1 named Vandreuil and then called Carillon.2 During the struggles between France and Britain for control of Lake Champlain as part of the Seven Years War, the French commander Louis Joseph, Marquis de Montcalm, successfully defended Fort Carillon against an attack by the British under Major-General James Abercromby in 1758.3 In 1759 the British captured the fort under General Jeffery Amherst, who renamed it Ticonderoga.4 Over the course of the Revolutionary War, both British forces and American patriots held Ticonderoga. After the Battles of Lexington and Concord in 1775, colonial militia under Ethan Allen and Benedict Arnold captured Fort Ticonderoga from a small British regiment.5 Many newspaper articles eagerly reported on this important early victory for the patriots.6 Colonel Henry Knox took the fort’s cannon and gunpowder supplies to Boston in 1776 to help defend the city against the British.7 After the British under General John Burgoyne recaptured the fort in 1777, they destroyed Fort Ticonderoga and nearby fortifications and then abandoned the fort, ending the site’s role as a military stronghold.8 Fewer newspapers reported on the British recapture of Ticonderoga, perhaps due to the disheartening loss of this symbolically important but no longer militarily valuable fort.9 After the end of the Revolutionary War, the fort returned to American possession, but Ticonderoga, a prize in two wars, had lost its strategic significance. 2 Carl R. Crego, Fort Ticonderoga (Charleston, S.C.: Arcadia Publishing, 2004), 18. 3 Ibid., 25-33. 4 Ibid., 36. 5 Ibid., 49-52. 6 Nathaniel Goham, Notary Public, untitled article, Newport Mercury, May 22, 1775, accessed November 16, 2013, America’s Historical Newspapers. Untitled article, New-Hampshire Gazette, May 26, 1775, accessed November 16, 2013, America’s Historical Newspapers. “Hartford, May 29. Extract of a Letter from Ticonderoga, Dated May 23, 1775,” Essex Journal, May 29, 1775, accessed November 16, 2013, America’s Historical Newspapers. 7 Carl R. Crego, Fort Ticonderoga (Charleston, S.C.: Arcadia Publishing, 2004), 55-56. 8 Ibid., 68-70. 9 “Boston, July 14. Extract of a Letter from a Colonel in the Northern Army, dated, July 4, 1777,” Boston Gazette, July 14, 1777, accessed December 16, 2013, America’s Historical Newspapers. “To the People of the Massachusetts-Bay,” letter to the editor, Independent Chronicle, July 17, 1777, accessed November 16, 2013, America’s Historical Newspapers. 2 The abandonment of Ticonderoga mirrored what happened to other Revolutionary War sites. According to Dr. Thomas Chambers, as few people visited Ticonderoga and other battlefields of the Seven Years War and Revolutionary War, memory of these sites waned, and immediately after the Revolution, “Ticonderoga faded into obscurity.”10 In the late eighteenth century, Ticonderoga was too remote for visitors to reach, and the few people who did attempt to visit the fort found impassable roads and a lack of nearby inns.11 Because soldiers no longer used the fort and the few visitors came to the site, people saw little reason to preserve the site. The State of New York became the owners of the fort and its grounds and granted the land to Columbia and Union Colleges for their own use in 1790.12 The walls collapsed, and settlers in the Lake Champlain valley took the stones for building material.13 Both the deteriorated physical condition of the fort and the salvaging of stones from its walls demonstrate the lack of interest Americans in the late eighteenth century had in preserving the site of Fort Ticonderoga. The memories of Fort Ticonderoga in the early American republic focused on Ethan Allen’s heroic capture of the fort. After breaking their allegiance to Great Britain, the people of the United States needed to create their own unified culture and national history. Dr. Sarah Purcell explained that heroes like Allen were necessary for a new, republican “national mythology,” which formed to make “the bloodshed, violence and division of the war into beautiful symbols of unity and national cohesion.”14 Like other Revolutionary War leaders, Allen became associated with heroic actions and patriotism. A 1789 newspaper article reported the death of Allen, whom it called noteworthy for making the “first capture (the fortress of 10 Thomas A. Chambers, Memories of War: Visiting Battlefields and Bonefields in Early American Republic (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2012), 32. 11 Ibid., 33. 12 Edward P. Hamilton, Fort Ticonderoga: Key to a Continent (Boston: Little, Brown, and Company, 1964), 226. 13 Ibid., 226. 14 Sarah J. Purcell, Sealed with Blood: War, Sacrifice, and Memory in Revolutionary America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010), 2-3. 3 Ticonderoga)” of the Revolutionary War.15 An epitaph for Allen, supposedly written by a Green Mountain Boy, one of Allen’s Vermont militiamen, called him “a hero born” and said that other famous commanders would welcome him into heaven.16 Newspapers also used Allen as a patriotic example for the politicians and soldiers of the present day. An 1807 newspaper article contrasted “the real patriots of 1775,” naming Ethan Allen in particular, with “the sham patriots of the present day,” such as Aaron Burr, a former vice president who had tried to provoke a war with Spain without the government’s approval.17 These newspaper articles generally omitted other leaders and militiamen’s roles in capturing the fort in favor of honoring Allen. This focus on the hero of Ticonderoga over the contributions of ordinary soldiers echoed other early American memories of the Revolution. Ethan Allen’s own account of the capture of the fort heavily influenced the popular memory of Fort Ticonderoga. Ethan Allen described capturing the fort “in the name of the great Jehovah, and the Continental Congress” in his Narrative of Colonel Ethan Allen’s Captivity.18 Allen intended to show himself as a hero and a great patriot, and he succeeded in influencing the popular memory of Ticonderoga. Popular memory reflects what the common people remember.19 Some early newspaper articles gave other participants in the attack more prominence and reported his words differently, such as a 1775 newspaper article that emphasized the contributions of Colonel Easton, one of Allen’s lieutenants, and recorded Allen’s words as “in 15 Untitled article, Massachusetts Spy, March 5, 1789, accessed December 16, 2013, America’s Historical Newspapers. 16 A Green-Mountain Boy, “An Epitaph Written on the Death of Gen. Ethan Allen,” The Rural Magazine; Or, Vermont Repository. Devoted to Literary, Moral, Historical, and Political Improvement, September 1, 1795, accessed September 30, 2013, American Periodicals. 17 “Jeffersonians; Burr; Spanish; Treasonable; Patriots; Col. Ethan Allen; Ticonderoga; Crown Point,” article, Portsmouth Oracle, June 13, 1807, accessed December 16, 2013, America’s Historical Newspapers. 18 Ethan Allen, A Narrative of Colonel Ethan Allen’s Captivity, Written by Himself, 3rd ed. (Burlington, Vt.: H. Johnson and Co., 1838),17. 19 Michael Kammen, The Mystical Cords of Memory: The Transformation of Tradition in American Culture (New York: Alfred A Knoff, 1991), 10. Michael Kammen defined “popular memory” as the memories of “ordinary folks,” in contrast to “collective memory,” the memories of the “dominant civic culture.” 4 the name of America.”20 However, Allen’s account became the basis for most subsequent reports about Ticonderoga’s capture, and most writers of histories about Allen and the fort accepted it as fact.21 Ethan Allen’s self-centered narrative suppressed other accounts of the capture of the fort and focused attention on Allen rather than his men. By the 1820s, interest in Fort Ticonderoga itself, not just its heroic capturer, began to increase, and travelers started
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