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Die Fritsch-Krise Im Frühjahr 1938. Neun Dokumente Aus Dem Nachlaß Des Generalobersten
Dokumentation Horst Mühleisen Die Fritsch-Krise im Frühjahr 1938. Neun Dokumente aus dem Nachlaß des Generalobersten I. Die Bedeutung der Dokumente Es gibt Skandale, die lange fortwirken und auch die Forschung immer noch be- schäftigen. Zu diesen gehört jener, der mit dem Namen des Generalfeldmarschalls Werner von Blomberg, des Reichskriegsministers und Oberbefehlshabers der Wehr- macht, sowie des Generalobersten Werner Freiherrn von Fritsch, des Oberbefehls- habers des Heeres, verbunden ist. Der Anlaß für Blombergs Entlassung am 4. Februar 1938 war seine Heirat mit einer Frau, deren Vorleben als kompromittiert galt. Fritsch aber war der Homose- xualität, des Vergehens nach § 175 Strafgesetzbuch, beschuldigt worden. Auch er erhielt am selben Tage, dem 4. Februar, seinen Abschied. Um die gegen Fritsch er- hobenen Vorwürfe aufzuklären, ermittelte sowohl die Geheime Staatspolizei als auch das Reichskriegsgericht. Dies waren die Tatsachen, die im Frühjahr 1938 indessen nur wenigen Perso- nen verlaßlich bekannt waren. Der Öffentlichkeit war mitgeteilt worden, die Ver- abschiedung von Blomberg und Fritsch sei aus gesundheitlichen Gründen erfolgt. Wenige Jahre nach Kriegsende, 1949, veröffentlichte Johann Adolf Graf Kiel- mansegg, Fritschs Neffe, eine Darstellung über den Prozeß des Reichskriegsge- richts gegen den Generalobersten1. Die persönlichen Zeugnisse, die der ehemali- ge Oberbefehlshaber des Heeres hinterlassen hat, waren indessen spärlich, da Fritsch keine umfangreiche Korrespondenz führte. Ferner standen Kielmansegg die Prozeßakten nicht zur Verfügung, da sie verbrannt waren. Fotokopien der Ak- ten und Verhandlungsstenogramme, die in nicht sehr zahlreicher Ausfertigung vorlagen, ebenso wie die Handakten des Verteidigers, des Grafen Rüdiger von der Goltz, wurden durch Bombenangriffe vernichtet2. Ob die Protokolle, die Reichs- kriegsgerichtsrat Dr. Karl Sack während des Prozesses führte, tatsächlich nach Kriegsende in die Hände der amerikanischen Besatzungsmacht gefallen sind3, ist ungewiß; bis heute sind sie nicht wieder aufgetaucht. -
The Chinese Civil War (1927–37 and 1946–49)
13 CIVIL WAR CASE STUDY 2: THE CHINESE CIVIL WAR (1927–37 AND 1946–49) As you read this chapter you need to focus on the following essay questions: • Analyze the causes of the Chinese Civil War. • To what extent was the communist victory in China due to the use of guerrilla warfare? • In what ways was the Chinese Civil War a revolutionary war? For the first half of the 20th century, China faced political chaos. Following a revolution in 1911, which overthrew the Manchu dynasty, the new Republic failed to take hold and China continued to be exploited by foreign powers, lacking any strong central government. The Chinese Civil War was an attempt by two ideologically opposed forces – the nationalists and the communists – to see who would ultimately be able to restore order and regain central control over China. The struggle between these two forces, which officially started in 1927, was interrupted by the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese war in 1937, but started again in 1946 once the war with Japan was over. The results of this war were to have a major effect not just on China itself, but also on the international stage. Mao Zedong, the communist Timeline of events – 1911–27 victor of the Chinese Civil War. 1911 Double Tenth Revolution and establishment of the Chinese Republic 1912 Dr Sun Yixian becomes Provisional President of the Republic. Guomindang (GMD) formed and wins majority in parliament. Sun resigns and Yuan Shikai declared provisional president 1915 Japan’s Twenty-One Demands. Yuan attempts to become Emperor 1916 Yuan dies/warlord era begins 1917 Sun attempts to set up republic in Guangzhou. -
February 04, 1949 Memorandum of Conversation Between Anastas Mikoyan and Mao Zedong
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified February 04, 1949 Memorandum of Conversation between Anastas Mikoyan and Mao Zedong Citation: “Memorandum of Conversation between Anastas Mikoyan and Mao Zedong,” February 04, 1949, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, APRF: F. 39, Op. 1, D. 39, Ll. 54-62. Reprinted in Andrei Ledovskii, Raisa Mirovitskaia and Vladimir Miasnikov, Sovetsko-Kitaiskie Otnosheniia, Vol. 5, Book 2, 1946-February 1950 (Moscow: Pamiatniki Istoricheskoi Mysli, 2005), pp. 66-72. Translated by Sergey Radchenko. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/113318 Summary: Anastas Mikoyan and Mao Zedong discuss the independence of Mongolia, the independence movement in Xinjiang, the construction of a railroad in Xinjiang, CCP contacts with the VKP(b), the candidate for Chinese ambassador to the USSR, aid from the USSR to China, CCP negotiations with the Guomindang, the preparatory commisssion for convening the PCM, the character of future rule in China, Chinese treaties with foreign powers, and the Sino-Soviet treaty. Original Language: Russian Contents: English Translation On 4 February 1949 another meeting with Mao Zedong took place in the presence of CCP CC Politburo members Zhou Enlai, Liu Shaoqi, Ren Bishi, Zhu De and the interpreter Shi Zhe. From our side Kovalev I[van]. V. and Kovalev E.F. were present. THE NATIONAL QUESTION I conveyed to Mao Zedong that our CC does not advise the Chinese Com[munist] Party to go overboard in the national question by means of providing independence to national minorities and thereby reducing the territory of the Chinese state in connection with the communists' take-over of power. -
Guangdong-Guangxi War & Sun Yat-Sen's Return to Canton
Sun Yat-sen's Return To Canton After Expelling Gui-xi by Ah Xiang Excerpts from “Tragedy of Chinese Revolution” at http://www.republicanchina.org/revolution.html For updates and related articles, check http://www.republicanchina.org/RepublicanChina-pdf.htm In Southern Chinese Province of Guangdong, Sun Yat-sen and Chen Jiongming would be entangled in the power struggles. (Liu Xiaobo mistakenly eulogized Chen Jiongming's support for so-called "allying multiple provinces for self-determination" as heralding China's forerunner federationist movement.) Yue-jun (i.e., Guangdong native army), headed by Chen Jiongming, was organized on basis of Zhu Qinglan's police/guard battalions in Dec of 1917. To make Chen Jiongming into a real military support, Sun Yat-sen originally dispatched Hu Hanmin and Wang Zhaoming to Governor Zhu Qinglan for making Chen Jiongming into the so-called "commander of governor's bodyguard column". Governor Zhu Qinglan was forced into resignation by Governor-general Chen Bingkun of Gui-xi faction (i.e., Guangxi Province native army that stationed in Guangdong after the republic restoration war). Sun Yat-sen asked Cheng Biguang negotiate with Lu Rongding for relocation of Chen Bingkun and assignment of twenty battalions of Zhu Qinglan's police/guard army into 'marines' under the command of Cheng Biguang's navy. On Dec 2nd of 1917, Chen Jiongming was conferred the post of "commander of Guangdong army for aiding Fujian Province" and was ordered to lead 4000-5000 'marine' army towards neighboring Fujian Province where he expanded his army and developed it into his private warlord or militarist forces. -
General He Yingqin: the Rise and Fall of Nationalist China. <I>By Peter Worthing</I>
Pacific Affairs: Volume 90, No. 3 – September 2017 The chapters that frame this volume make clear the different approaches that China and the United States have towards energy security. Ideologically, US and Chinese pursuit of energy security reflect radically differing embedded assumptions. As the authors note, while the US has long advocated markets over mercantilism and institutions that help avoid zero-sum approaches in crisis, China has emphasized securing external supply and developing long- term state-to-state relationships. The cases presented here suggest that the US has not used energy to constrain China’s rise, but neither has it focused on safeguarding the US market vision for energy. This volume strongly illustrates China’s long-term commitment to ensuring its access to adequate energy for the future. Meanwhile, the United States, through the development of its resources at home (and radical shifts in price), has become less engaged in energy development and in the concerns of resource-rich states. How China’s participation will change markets and relations in the long term remains to be seen, but this volume offers rare insight into how China’s participation is progressing to date. National War College/National Defense University Theresa Sabonis-Helf Washington, DC, USA *Views expressed in this review are solely the author’s and do not represent the official position of the US Government, Department of Defense, or the National Defense University. GENERAL HE YINGQIN: The Rise and Fall of Nationalist China. By Peter Worthing. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016. viii, 316 pp. (Maps.) US$99.99, cloth. ISBN 978-1-107-14463-7. -
INFORMATION to USERS the Most Advanced Technology Has Been Used to Photo Graph and Reproduce This Manuscript from the Microfilm Master
. INFORMATION TO USERS The most advanced technology has been used to photo graph and reproduce this manuscript from the microfilm master. UMI films the original text directly from the copy submitted. Thus, some dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from a computer printer. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyrighted material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are re produced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each oversize page is available as one exposure on a standard 35 mm slide or as a 17" x 23" black and white photographic print for an additional charge. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. 35 mm slides or 6"X 9" black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. Accessing theUMI World’s Information since 1938 300 North Z eeb Road, Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 USA Order Number 8820321 Operational art and the German command system in World War I Meyer, Bradley John, Ph.D. The Ohio State University, 1988 Copyright ©1088 by Meyer, Bradley John. All rights reserved. UMI 300 N. ZeebRd. Ann Arbor, Ml 48106 OPERATIONAL ART AND THE GERMAN COMMAND SYSTEM IN WORLD WAR I DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Bradley J. -
Ijnit 27 Post-Revolutionary Developments, 1911-19
IJNIT 27 POST-REVOLUTIONARY DEVELOPMENTS, 1911-19 Objectives Introduction Political Instability Post-Yuan Events Warlords and Warlordism 27.4.1 Armies, Cliques and Polity 27.4.2 The Wars 27.4.3 Warlords and Foreign Powers 27.4.4 View from Peking Warlordism and Chinese Society Emergence of the Kuomintang The May Fourth Movement Let Us Sum Up Key Words Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises - -27.0 OBJECTIVES After reading this Unit you should be able to: explain why the Revolution of 1911 failed to establish a better political system in China, know the reasons behind the emergence of militarism in China, a blow aboutthe emergence ~f Kuomintang as a political force and its failure to become a mass based party, and understand the genesis of the May Fourth Movement and it's revolutionary character. - -27. B INTRODUCTION Dynastic rule came to an end in China in 1911. Historians have called this event a revohtion. In the area of politics, the end of the monarchy was animportant event but for the Chinese people as a whole, the Revolution of 1911did not in any significant way make much difference. Nonetheless, the period between 1911-19 is characterised by many events and developments which had a long-term impact. This period is marked by political strife, instability and disunity leading to the emergence of Warlords, which in turn threatened the unity of the Chinese nation. Some efforts were made towards a constitutional democracy in the early years of the so-called Republic, but they failed. The Kuomintang (KMT), which had given up its secret society characteristics and had participated actively in the overthrow of the Manchu regime, passed through many trials and tribulations. -
Karl Barth's Contribution to the German Church Struggle Against National
Karl Barth’s contribution to the German Church struggle against National Socialism Ramathate Dolamo Department of Philosophy and Systematic Theology, University of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa Abstract Germany was under a totalitarian regime led by Adolf Hitler from 1933 to 1945. This article looks at the responses of the churches in Germany during that period. In particular, Karl Barth’s theology on church and state is examined to determine to what extent it did assist Germany in fighting National Socialism and in rebuilding Germany after the war. The author is of the view that most of Barth’s insights could be relevant and would be applicable today especially in those countries that are still being ruled by autocrats and dictators. Introduction Not only do theologians differ as to whether the (divine) com- mand should be grounded in the Christology or in the “orders of creation”, but also some theologians appear unwilling to recognise that the command is the ground and the instrument of God’s creative will of love both in originating and in sustaining creation in its historical development (Maimela 1984:158). Karl Barth’s views on sociopolitical matters especially those on church and state relations that he started to formulate during his Safenwil pastorate in 1911 were put to the harshest and rigorous test during the reign of Adolf Hitler from 1933 to the end of World War II in 1945. This article is an appre- ciation of the insights of Barth as a theologian and as an activist during the church struggle in Germany against National Socialism. -
Nordic Narratives of the Second World War : National Historiographies Revisited
Nordic Narratives of the Second World War : National Historiographies Revisited Stenius, Henrik; Österberg, Mirja; Östling, Johan 2011 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Stenius, H., Österberg, M., & Östling, J. (Eds.) (2011). Nordic Narratives of the Second World War : National Historiographies Revisited. Nordic Academic Press. Total number of authors: 3 General rights Unless other specific re-use rights are stated the following general rights apply: Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal Read more about Creative commons licenses: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. LUND UNIVERSITY PO Box 117 221 00 Lund +46 46-222 00 00 Download date: 01. Oct. 2021 nordic narratives of the second world war Nordic Narratives of the Second World War National Historiographies Revisited Henrik Stenius, Mirja Österberg & Johan Östling (eds.) nordic academic press Nordic Academic Press P.O. Box 1206 SE-221 05 Lund, Sweden [email protected] www.nordicacademicpress.com © Nordic Academic Press and the authors 2011 Typesetting: Frederic Täckström www.sbmolle.com Cover: Jacob Wiberg Cover image: Scene from the Danish movie Flammen & Citronen, 2008. -
The Chongqing Negotiations: a Political Offensive for the Peace and Democracy Policy
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by CSCanada.net: E-Journals (Canadian Academy of Oriental and Occidental Culture,... ISSN 1927-0232 [Print] Higher Education of Social Science ISSN 1927-0240 [Online] Vol. 19, No. 1, 2020, pp. 40-45 www.cscanada.net DOI:10.3968/11788 www.cscanada.org The Chongqing Negotiations: A Political Offensive for the Peace and Democracy Policy WANG Jin[a],* [a]Chongqing Hongyan Revolutionary History Museum, Chongqing, ended up with victory. Along with the victory, the most China. important, urgent and real political issue facing the KMT *Corresponding author. and the CPC was how to distribute the right to accept Supported by the State Administration of Cultural Heritage: surrender. The dispute between the KMT and the CPC Demonstration Project of Revolutionary History Museum Education on campus. over the right to accept surrender was not just a military issue, but a political one as well, which would involve the Received 24 May 2020; accepted 6 August 2020 move direction of the post-war China and fundamental Published online 26 September 2020 changes in domestic political landscape. Chiang Kai-shek gave orders to He Yingqin at the Abstract midnight: externally to issue an ultimatum to the highest In response to changes in the domestic and international commander of Japanese army, demanding a response with situations around the victory of the anti-Japanese war, the 24 hours to such surrender conditions as ceasing military Kuomintang (KMT) and the Communist Party of China operations, maintaining public order, protecting public (CPC) adjusted their established strategic deployments and private properties, and deferring to KMT troops; in due course to cope with the new post-war domestic while internally requiring the KMT troops to follow political and military landscapes. -
Naval Warfare and the Refraction of Qing 19Th Century Industrial Reforms Into Failure
Naval Warfare and the Refraction of China's Self-Strengthening Reforms into Scientific and Technological Failure, 1860-1895 Benjamin A. Elman UCLA, History Department For presentation at the conference "The Disunity of Chinese Science" Organized by Roger Hart (University of Texas, Austin) Sponsored by the History of Science Program at the University of Chicago, May 1-12, 2002. Please do not cite without the permission of the author. The Scope and Scale of the Foreign Affairs Movement In the 1950s and 1960s, Western and Japanese scholarship on the post-Taiping Rebellion (1850-64) era debated the success or failure of the 1865-1900 schools and arsenals in a mod- ernizing Qing China. American scholars such as Mary Wright contended that the imperial system and its classical ideology, which she labeled Confucian, were incompatible. The Taiwanese scholar Wang Ermin _ º¸ ±Ó subsequently challenged Wright's claim that classical learning and modernization were incompatible. In his study of modern Chinese naval development, John Rawlinson contended that traditional institutions based on classical ideology gave the Tongzhi Restoration (1862-74) and the "Foreign Affairs Movement" (Yangwu yundong ¬v °È _B °Ê) its essential character and limited its achievements. Rawlinson concluded that the Qing failure to develop a national navy yielded a number of competing provincial squadrons based on weak im- perial institutions and strong regional loyalties.1 Others such as Thomas Kennedy have assessed both the external and internal forces that influenced the efficacy of the Foreign Affairs Movement and its programs. According to Ken- nedy, China's modern ordnance industry was an institutional innovation that ushered in new era of mass production. -
Cr^Ltxj
THE NAZI BLOOD PURGE OF 1934 APPRCWBD": \r H M^jor Professor 7 lOLi Minor Professor •n p-Kairman of the DeparCTieflat. of History / cr^LtxJ~<2^ Dean oiTKe Graduate School IV Burkholder, Vaughn, The Nazi Blood Purge of 1934. Master of Arts, History, August, 1972, 147 pp., appendix, bibliography, 160 titles. This thesis deals with the problem of determining the reasons behind the purge conducted by various high officials in the Nazi regime on June 30-July 2, 1934. Adolf Hitler, Hermann Goring, SS leader Heinrich Himmler, and others used the purge to eliminate a sizable and influential segment of the SA leadership, under the pretext that this group was planning a coup against the Hitler regime. Also eliminated during the purge were sundry political opponents and personal rivals. Therefore, to explain Hitler's actions, one must determine whether or not there was a planned putsch against him at that time. Although party and official government documents relating to the purge were ordered destroyed by Hermann GcTring, certain materials in this category were used. Especially helpful were the Nuremberg trial records; Documents on British Foreign Policy, 1919-1939; Documents on German Foreign Policy, 1918-1945; and Foreign Relations of the United States, Diplomatic Papers, 1934. Also, first-hand accounts, contem- porary reports and essays, and analytical reports of a /1J-14 secondary nature were used in researching this topic. Many memoirs, written by people in a position to observe these events, were used as well as the reports of the American, British, and French ambassadors in the German capital.