The democratic political life in has been marked by a long series of deep and painful convulsions…The Session of the 47th Congress of BSP held in October 2009 was marked by the deep crisis of the party’s leadership. Will the party’s current ideological and organizational crisis become still an- other case in the series of fatal political convulsions in democratic Bulgaria?

Bulgarians are very much dissatisfied with the quality of the political life in the country. They have good reasons to be skeptical and critical since cases of corruption have been identified in all political parties… As seen from another point of view, are strikingly inactive in socially relevant voluntary activities in the same time. Thus, BSP and all other Bulgarian political parties and coalitions have to cope with threatening local effects of the global crisis and with a series of specific local problems. Some of them have long history while others have been mostly caused and reproduced by the badly conceived and implemented reforms after 1989.

One should see the heated discussions just as an indicator for the pro- found problems facing BSP, the social democratic ideology and politics in Bul- garia and, first of all, the development of Bulgarian society. The problems con- cern the desirable and possible political agenda of social under the new conditions of global insecurity, the difficulties in the European integration and the shaky grounds of economy, politics and culture in a country which belongs to the global semi-periphery and the European periphery.

There should be political will for moving the party leadership together with the party’s rank and file away from factional and interpersonal struggles towards clarifying priorities for the development of Bulgarian society and Bul- garian state in the dynamic domestic, regional and global environment. This is the precondition for the meaningful specification of the social democratic visions of freedom, solidarity and justice into aims and means of social demo- cratic politics. The task is not new at all in this general formulation but perma- nently new in its specific local implementation.

June 2010 Ups And Downs of in Bulgaria 1

Contents

1. Notorious Instability of the National Party System...... 2 2. The Roots of Bulgarian Social Democracy...... 3 3. Organization, Membership and Electorate of BSP...... 9 4. Evolution of the Party’s Ideology and Programs...... 11 5. BSP in the Present Day National Party System...... 19 6. The New Turning Point for BSP...... 26 2 Ups And Downs of Social Democracy in Bulgaria

1. Notorious Instability of the Bulgarian population two times each, the National Party System voters desired and expected a miracle. It immediately came about with the return The democratic political life in Bulgaria has of the former king Simeon II to Bulgarian been marked by a long series of deep and political life. After a smashing electoral painful convulsions. At the beginning of victory in 2001 he became the next Prime the reform process in 1989 it seemed that Minister. SDS massively lost public sup- the human and social capital was mostly port for a while or probably in the long incorporated in the organizations of the run. However, the government of Simeon Bulgarian which was Saxe-Coburg Gotha also failed to sub- soon renamed Bulgarian stantially improve the material situation of (BSP). In fact, unlike the party develop- Bulgarian households in 800 days as it was ment and electoral results in other post- promised in his electoral campaign. The socialist societies, BSP managed to attract electoral defeat of Coburggotski’s party in the support of nearly half of the voters in 2005 was pre-determined. But the elec- the first democratic elections held in 1990. tion results were inconclusive. Only a par- However, the disappointments from the adoxical governing coalition turned out to two short-lived BSP governments thereaf- be possible. It was lead by the traditionally ter opened the way to the electoral victory anti-monarchist BSP which had as partner of the right-wing Union of Democratic the former king’s party, the electorate of Forces (SDS) in the next year. The SDS did which was mostly pro-monarchist and not have the qualified personnel needed anti-socialist. Another partner was the for efficiently governing the country. An ethnic Turkish Movement for Rights and interim government took the responsibility Freedoms. Its electorate still remembered to prepare the next elections. The BSP won the “revival process” carried out by the the elections held in 1994 and returned to BSP’s predecessor BCP during the eighties power with the promise for stability and of the twentieth century. prosperity. Instead, a second transitional The historical achievement of mem- crisis shook the national economy and pol- bership in the in 2007 itics. In 1997 the SDS could win the par- notwithstanding, the coalition parties lost liamentary elections for the second time the elections in July 2009. The clear win- with a political landslide due to the same ner was the Mayor of promise for stability and prosperity. and his party GERB. The victory of this Economic stability was achieved but new star on the Bulgarian political hori- the voters were once more disappointed zon was accompanied by the heavy de- by the slow increase of the living standard. feat of the former king’s party. It could Since the governments of BSP and SDS not enter the Parliament and has prob- failed to fulfill their promises for a fast im- ably no chance to recover. However, the provement of the living conditions of the major loser in the elections was actually Ups And Downs of Social Democracy in Bulgaria 3 the Bulgarian Socialist Party despite the tion. Intellectuals and politicians regarded respectable 18 percent of the votes it re- it as pure mimicry of Western European ceived. BSP managed to attract to itself all ideological and political fashions. Blagoev criticisms against the administrative inef- had to rhetorically answer the question if ficiency, corruption scandals and even al- there was any “soil” for social democracy leged pro-Turkish policies of the coalition in Bulgarian society indeed. The evidence government. The Session of the 47th Con- was provided by the economic and politi- gress of BSP held in October 2009 was cal processes themselves. They confirmed marked by the deep crisis of the party’s Blagoev’s assumption that Bulgaria was leadership. Will the party’s current ideo- going with some delay along the same logical and organizational crisis become path of historical development which still another case in the series of fatal po- brought about and sustained the Western litical convulsions in democratic Bulgaria? European social democracy. Controversial The questions do not concern just processes of industrialization, urbanization one of the many political formations in and deep structural differentiation in soci- the country. In various organizational ety became the background for the spread forms BSP and its predecessors used to and strengthening of social democratic symbolize the major left-wing ideologi- ideas and organizations in the country.1 cal orientations and political platforms Complexities and conflicts in the social in the country. Are they also profoundly processes themselves together with the questioned by the political development intensive disputes in the German and Rus- as the political support to BSP actually is? sian social democracy determined the ear- A definite answer is not possible yet. But ly split of moderate and radical Bulgarian some elements of this very much needed social democrats in 1903. The moderate answer could be already identified by ana- social democracy under Yanko Sakazov, lyzing changes in political platforms and Krastyo Pastuhov and others gained some political preferences. political prestige and participated in several coalition governments. But it was the radi- 2. The Roots of Bulgarian cal wing in the Bulgarian social democracy Social Democracy headed by Dimiter Blagoev, Georgi Kirkov and later which took the Social democratic ideas, political platforms upper hand in the public impact and po- and political practices have a long tradition litical activities. After the First World War in Bulgarian society. However, when Dim- the radical social democrats known as iter Blagoev and his fellow young socialists “narrow socialists” changed the name of established the Bulgarian Social Demo- their party to Bulgarian Communist Party cratic Workers’ Party in 1891, the public in 1919, joined the Third International opinion was massively skeptical about the prospects of the new political forma- 1 see Genchev, Dimiter (2006) Parvoapostolite na ideala [The First Apostles of the Ideal]. Sofia: Hristo Botev. 4 Ups And Downs of Social Democracy in Bulgaria

and became the second strongest political profit from this historical memory of close force in the country. Going through peri- relationships with Russia. This memory ods of legal and illegal activities they sub- provided arguments supporting the devel- stantially influenced Bulgarian politics in opment of particularly tight relationships the interwar period. The political impact of of Bulgaria with the .2 the moderate social democrats remained The regime which was established af- limited to intellectual circles. ter 1946–1947 slowly evolved in the direc- During the Second World War the Com- tion of a relatively moderate authoritarian munists were the major organizers and type of government during the seventies victims of the resistance. Their influence and the eighties. The policies of the rul- rose together with the changes in the geo- ing party for attracting intellectuals to the strategic situation. As the Soviet Army en- party line turned out to be efficient.O ppo- tered the country in September 1944, the sitional intellectuals became public figures membership of the illegal Bulgarian Work- in Bulgaria only at the end of the eighties. ers Party (Communists) was small. But its At no point of time explicit propagation or impact on the political processes was over- representation of social democratic alter- whelming. This was due to the records of natives could be possible between 1947 the party in the resistance and to the full and 1989. However, there were leading support it enjoyed on the part of the Soviet politicians in the ruling party who had re- military authorities. The moderate Social form visions along social democratic prin- Democrats used to be politically split and ciples. This became manifest immediately did take part in the resistance only periph- after the political turn on 10 November erally. After September 1944 they could 1989. It was organized by functionaries of not rely on mass support. In comparison the Communist Party itself. They immedi- with other Eastern European countries, it ately started to argue in favor of universal was relatively easy to unite some of them human rights in the heated debates mark- with the rapidly expanding Communist ing the break with the violent assimila- Party in 1948. It ruthlessly eliminated all tionist ethnic policy of ’s re- political adversaries ideologically, politically gime during the second half of the eight- and physically. In contrast to the develop- ies. Social democratic ideas were openly ment in other Eastern European countries, represented and partly materialized in some legitimacy of the concentration of the policies animated and implemented political power in the hands of the Com- by who happened to be munist Party came from the specifics of Prime Minister of two short-lived BSP gov- Bulgarian history. The re-establishment of ernments in 1990. The cautious reorienta- the modern Bulgarian statehood in 1878 tion of the Socialist Party towards social was the result of a Russian-Turkish war. In the efforts to establish and stabilize an au- 2 See Kalinova, Evgeniya and Iskra Baeva (2002) Balgarskite pre- thoritarian regime the Communists could hodi 1939–2002 [The Bulgarian Transitions 1939-2002]. Sofia: Paradigma, p. 38 f. Ups And Downs of Social Democracy in Bulgaria 5 democratic principles in the ideology and the radical leftist past undoubtedly de- politics was implemented under the guid- layed the ideological re-orientation of the ance of Aleksander Lilov who was Chair- party.4 But the slow ideological and politi- man of the BSP during this first phase of cal re-orientation also prevented dramatic the turbulent transition period. Move- organizational splits and thus the possible ments and groups in the party like Road rapid and substantial loss of the party’s to Europe, Demos, Alternative Socialist political influence. Alliance and others put their pressure on The attempts of young ambitious poli- the party’s leadership for more radical and ticians to establish their organizational faster re-orientation towards social demo- autonomy by splitting from the BSP were cratic principles and policies. Some ideas predictable. This happened first with the and the literary talent of the then editor- Alternative Socialist Alliance headed by in-chief of the party newspaper “Duma” Nikolai Vasilev. It evolved into Alternative Stefan Prodev very much facilitated the Socialist Party and joined the oppositional ideological re-orientation of BSP. SDS. In the wake of the defeat of BSP in It was in this turbulent domestic politi- the second democratic elections (1991) cal situation that the Round Table discus- and under the influence of the vigorous sions of the leaders of the Socialist Party anti-communist propaganda and policies with representatives of the opposition or- of the first government of the liberal Union ganized in the Union of the Democratic of Democratic Forces the former faction Forces3 had to be conducted in the spring Demos in the BSP evolved into a separate of 1990. The situation in the country was political formation Bulgarian Social De- tension-ridden, the international pressure mocracy lead by Aleksander Tomov. The for fast changes was immense. Never- formation later changed into the electoral theless, the leadership of BSP managed coalition Citizens’ Alliance for the Repub- to channel the discussions with the op- lic (GOR) and further into the Bulgarian position towards a peaceful evolutionary EuroLeft (BEL). It provoked many expecta- transition to political pluralism, market tions and caused severe disappointment. economy and interethnic understanding. The formation still exists as the politically ir- This was a political achievement of both relevant party Bulgarian Social Democracy. the BSP and of the emerging counter- Both the Alternative Socialist Party elite. BSP started its step by step distanc- and the formation GOR (BEL) tried to es- ing from the ideology and organization- tablish cooperation with the social demo- al practices of the still influential radical cratic groups and organizations which communist tradition in the party and in appeared or re-appeared in Bulgaria in the country. The preservation of some the early nineties. Immediately after the ideological and political links of BSP with political turn it was Petar Dertliev who

4 See Karasimeonov, Georgi (2003) Novata partiyna sistema 3 The Union of Democratic Forces (SDS) was established in De- v Balgariya [The New Party System in Bulgaria]. Sofia: Gorex cember 1989. Pres, p. 136 f. 6 Ups And Downs of Social Democracy in Bulgaria

seemed to become the promising leader However, among the various social demo- of the re-vitalized moderate Bulgarian cratic organizations it is only the Bulgarian Social . Dertliev had im- Socialist Party which has broad and stable pressive personal records of stable anti- public support and political relevance so authoritarian attitudes and behavior in far. The party still has larger membership the decades before 1989. Moreover, he than the membership of all other parlia- was a charismatic speaker and could gain mentary parties taken together. Party or- influence in the Great National Assembly ganizations are present in all municipali- which was preparing the new democratic ties of the country. The electoral basis of Constitution. Dertliev became one of the BSP proved to be quite reliable during heroes of the political moment when the all organizational ups and downs of the Constitution was passed by the Assem- transformation period6. The massive ef- bly on 12 July 1991. However, mostly due forts to persuade parts of the party’s hard to his consequent support to the politi- electorate to vote political cally well-balanced Constitution he was formation like the Bulgarian EuroLeft (BEL) increasingly regarded as too moderate or the United Block of Labor failed in the by the radical anti-communist leaders of long run. The organizations which split the Union of Democratic Forces. He was from the BSP used to search for coalitions gradually isolated and politically mar- with it in order to retain some influence ginalized. The small Social Democratic or just to survive in the political landscape. Party lead by Yordan Nihrizov remained Gradually they all lost public support and the only representative of the right-wing political relevance. social democracy in the SDS. He and his One of the many explanations of this organization shared its rise to power in remarkable stability of the electoral ba- 1997 and the rapid decline of its political sis of BSP is the ideological tradition of influence following the smashing elector- party members and party followers to al defeat in 2001. value the unity of the party high. Deeper After all these controversial organiza- going explanations stress structural fac- tional developments, international sourc- tors determining the attractiveness of es identified 43 leftist political organiza- egalitarian ideas and practices in Bulgar- tions in Bulgaria in 20055.Taking a broad ian society. During the whole twentieth definition of social democracy as a crite- century it has been basically character- rion for selection, some 13 or 14 of them ized by the influence of large groups of could be more or less clearly identified as poor peasants and workers and their social democratic organizations. They are understanding of egalitarian justice. The present in all kinds of political coalitions. rapid economic and social differentia-

6 See also Spirova, Maria (2008) ‘The Bulgarian Socialist 5 Leftist Parties in the World. Bulgaria (Last update: September Party: The Long Road to Europe’. Communist and Post-Com- 28, 2005). http://www.broadleft.org/bg.htm (16.05.2009). munist Studies 41, pp. 481-495, p.486. Ups And Downs of Social Democracy in Bulgaria 7 tion between rich and poor during the debt payments was unavoidable but the transformation period after 1989 could consequences turned out to be worse only strengthen this traditional culture than expected. The country got isolated and its leftist political implications. from the international financial markets The international reputation and rec- in a moment in which financial support to ognition of BSP became undisputable the costly profound reforms was existen- after it was accepted as member of the tially needed. During the next Lukanov’s in 2003 and as government in the second half of 1990 member of the Party of European Social- large segments of society were struck ists in 2005. In domestic terms, the BSP by rapid and massive impoverishment was the leading political force in the co- due to the high inflation. Social unrests alition which governed the country be- broke out. The political opponents were tween 2005 and 2009. The parliamen- quick to lay the blame for all negative de- tary elections held in July 2009 substan- velopments on BSP. Key elements of the tially changed the political configuration program of the first anti-communist SDS by leaving BSP with only 40 members of government lead by Filip Dimitrov envis- the National Assembly having 240 seats. aged repressive measures against the BSP. Nevertheless, it is a widely shared point Proposals to outlaw it were under discus- of view in the country that it is only the sion. They could find parliamentary sup- BSP which is currently an influential politi- port and even some public acceptance. cal force on side of the political Just the collapse of the SDS government spectrum. It is also a common knowledge made all slogans for radical measures that the BSP has ideologically and politi- against BSP as successor of the BCP po- cally abandoned radical and has litically irrelevant. firmly accepted the typical ideology and The next BSP government headed by politics of the European social democracy. came to power following This outcome of the post-socialist po- the parliamentary elections of 1994. The litical transformation requires some spe- new government raised high expectations cific explanations since there were some for overcoming the transformation cri- rather difficult periods in the development sis but ended up with the economic and of the BSP during the last two decades. political catastrophe of 1996–1997. The Besides the hard probe after the political public support to BSP reached the low- turn in 1989, BSP had to manage a long est point after 1989. After the failure of series of other challenges. The economic Videnov’s government there was mostly situation of the country got so bad dur- the move to social democratic ideology ing the first Lukanov’s BSP government in and political practices which step by step 1990 that Bulgaria was not able to pay gave the BSP new public legitimacy. The back its international indebtedness. The move was prepared by the activities of the decision to impose moratorium on the party faction Alliance for Social Democ- 8 Ups And Downs of Social Democracy in Bulgaria

racy lead by Chavdar Kyuranov but was At first glance, all these ups and downs practically implemented by the new party in the status of BSP as governing party or leadership headed by . oppositional force and in its political per- The leadership managed this ideological formance after 1989 seem to be mostly re-orientation in intensive polemics with the outcome of fluctuations in politics. the BSP factions Open Forum and Marxist This would be a false conclusion. The fate Platform and being supported by another of the BCP and its successor BSP histori- influential faction Movements for Unity cally represented and currently represents and Development. The Open Forum grad- the dynamics of long-lasting economic ually lost popularity, the Marxist Platform and political structures. In the area of poli- left BSP and the Movement for Unity and tics this applies to a deep and persistent Development dissolved itself after its aim political cleavage in Bulgarian society. The to initiate and support a re-orientation in cleavage became manifest in the bloody the domestic and international politics of right-wing coup d’état of June 1923. The BSP was achieved. ruthless suppression of the leftist uprising The election of Georgi Parvanov for in September 1923 deepened the cleav- President of the country in 2001 made age. The tragic events in April 1925 and it obvious that the return of BSP to a the repressions against leftist organiza- leading role on the political scene was tions after the coup d’état of May 1934 ahead. The new challenge came with the became other milestones in the reproduc- success of the party in the parliamenta- tion of the same cleavage. The resistance ry elections held in 2005. The party be- movement during the Second World War came once more the first political force and the heavy repressions against the war- but the electoral results could not allow time-elites together with the suppression it to govern alone. The only possible so- of the opposition forces after 1944 marked lution was the governmental coalition other extremes in the political split of the of BSP, the of the former national society. In this long-lasting histori- King Simeon II NDSV and the Turkish cal experience families, clans, settlements dominated party DPS. Many regarded and regions developed emotional and or- the coalition as unnatural, doomed to ganizational links to BCP and later to BSP. be inefficient and short-lived. Contrary Besides these specifics of the national his- to these prophecies, it was exactly this tory, the Eastern European experience of coalition government which managed badly regulated and functioning to prepare the country for membership systematically strengthened and strength- in the European Union. The Chairman of ens leftist political preferences. They have BSP signed the Agree- their social roots as ideological and politi- ment for the membership of Bulgaria in cal reflections on the economic status of the European Union as Prime Minister of large groups in the economically divided the country in 2007. Bulgarian society. This is the background Ups And Downs of Social Democracy in Bulgaria 9 of the expectation that in one or another There was and still is another human organizational form leftist ideas and prac- factor influencing the continuity and sta- tices will remain attractive and influential bility of the electorate of BSP. For decades in the country in the long run. after the Second World War the positions of decision-makers at all territorial levels 3. Organization, Membership and in all sectors of social life in the coun- and Electorate of BSP try were filled in with BCP loyalists. Some of them were discredited and lost politi- One of the major reasons for the relative cal influence or moved to other political organizational stability of the BSP, for its re- forces. But many remained linked to BSP peated electoral successes and for its fast in one way or another and influential in recovery after heavy defeats was and still their local environment. They could and is the influential organizational continu- still can raise political support for BSP in ity with the BCP. Before the change of the their interpersonal networks even under name its membership reached 983 899, the conditions of the aging of the party which made out roughly one in 7 voters membership, of general organizational in the country. BCP was a strongly central- disarray of the party and the dissolution of ized party with organizations in all indus- a large number of its basis organizations. trial and agricultural enterprises, in state After all sharp turns in Bulgarian po- institutions, in educational and health care litical life after 1989, the number of the establishments, etc. In addition, the party regular members of the Bulgarian Socialist had territorial organizations in all settle- party was announced to be 191 601 (54% ments and districts. After the organizations males, 46% females) at the end of 2007. of BSP were expelled from the enterprises This is just one fifth of the membership of and other institutions, they re-appeared as the BCP at the beginning of the changes. clubs of interests. Thus, immediately after Some 11% of the BSP members have their the start of the changes BCP/BSP was not occupations in the industry, 6.5% in the confronted with the task to be organiza- agriculture, 7% in the science, education tionally re-built after political prohibitions or and culture, 6.9% in trade and services, self-dissolutions as this happened in other unemployed 7.4%, students and university post-socialist countries. Retaining its orga- students 1.5%. The pensioners are report- nizational continuity with BCP, BSP got a ed to be 52.4%. The educational structure strong advantage in comparison to all new- of the party membership includes 21.3% ly emerging movements and organizations of the members having completed only pri- in Bulgarian political life. Despite getting mary school, 47.2% with secondary edu- weaker and weaker due to the reduction cation and 31.8% with tertiary education. of the party membership and its aging, this As to the age structure 9.8% are below 35 organizational advantage of the BSP is still years, 17.2%between 35-50 years, 22.5% a key factor for the stability of its electorate. between 50 and 60 years and 47.8% 61 10 Ups And Downs of Social Democracy in Bulgaria

and older.7 The negative parameters of the inflow of young members is a signal that age structure of BSP notwithstanding, the BSP is still regarded as a promising lift to efforts of the party functionaries to attract political and administrative positions. This young party members have been relatively assumption is confirmed by the permanent successful. This is an achievement given parliamentary presence of BSP, its largely the general lack of interest among young varying and generally declining electoral people to get politically organized. The results notwithstanding:8

Table 1: Electoral results of the major political parties in Bulgaria (Parliamentary elections 1990–2009, % of the valid votes)

June October December April June June July Party 1990 1991 1994 1997 2001 2005 2009 Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) and electoral alliances 47.15 33.14 43.58 22.07 17.15 30.95 17.70 Union of Democratic Forces (SDS) and electoral alliances 36.20 34.36 24.17 52.26 18.18 7.68 6.76 Bulgarian Agrarian People’s Union (BZNS) 8.00 3.90 – – – – – Movement for Rights and Liberties (DPS) 6.03 7.55 5.43 7.60 7.45 12.81 14.50 National Movement Simeon II (NDSV, NDSP) – – – – 42.74 19.88 3.02 Ataka – National Union – – – – – 8.14 9.36 Democrats for Strong Bulgaria (DSB) – – – – – 6.44 – Bulgarian National Union Alliance (BNS) – – – – – 5.19 – Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria (GERB) – – – – – – 39.70 Order, Legality and Justice – – – – – – 4.13

The data concerning the social com- electoral coalitions. Briefly summarized, position of the electorate of the BSP fluc- the electorate of the most recent electoral tuates substantially due to changing po- coalition of BSP consists predominantly of litical situations, fluctuations of the party’s elderly people with slight over-representa- electoral results are due to its changing tion of inhabitants of small towns and of

7 See Otchet na Visshiya savet na BSP pred 47-ya Kongres na BSP 22-23.11.2008 [Report of the Higher Council of BSP to the 47th Congress of BSP 22-23.11.2008 (2008) Sofia: BSP, p. 7ff. 8 The data stem from the official Bulletins of the Central Elec- The information is not statistically perfect. toral Commission in Sofia. Ups And Downs of Social Democracy in Bulgaria 11 the group of the lower educated. Voters der-represented in the party’s electorate, of Turkish ethnic origin are strongly un- while Roma are over-represented.

Table 2: Social profile of the electorate of Coalition for Bulgaria (BSP and coalition) in the parliamentary elections in July 2009 (in per cent) 9

a) By type of settlement

Sofia Regional Town Small Town Village

17.7 16.8 21.4 18.3 b) By age 18-30 31-40 41-50 51-60 61+ 8.2 8.6 11.8 21.8 36.6 c) By education

Higher/ Primary and High School University Lower

18.1 16.5 24.7 d) By gender Male Female 16.8 19.9 e) By ethnic group Bulgarian Turk Roma Other 20.1 3.4 29.7 11.8

4. Evolution of the Party’s experience after the sharp political turn Ideology and Programs on 10 November 1989. In the spring of 1990 the BCP successfully completed the It is a quite challenging task to compare Round Table discussions with the opposi- three programmatic documents of the tion and went through difficult internal Bulgarian Socialist Party published at developments preparing the change of three symbolically crucial points in the its name into BSP.10 The second docu- recent national history. The first docu- ment is the first Program of the BSP after ment is the Electoral Platform of the BSP the changes. The Program was approved for the first democratic elections held in

June 1990. The Platform was published in 9 The data has been collected and processed by the Alfa Re- search agency for market and social research in Sofia. April 1990 and contained the condensed 10 See Predizborna Platforma na Balgarskata Socialisticheska Partya 1990 [Electoral Platform of the Bulgarian Socialist Party 1990] (1990) Sofia: BSP. 12 Ups And Downs of Social Democracy in Bulgaria

by the 41th Congress of BSP held in June November 1989 were convincingly pre- 1994.11 The major task at that time was sented. The outstanding political problems to spell out the outcomes of an intensive were precisely outlined. The messages learning process which the national soci- concerning the strategic aims and the tac- ety and the party had gone through, to tical means of the party were conveyed in unite and mobilize the party for the forth- an understandable manner to the party coming parliamentary elections at the membership and to society. The Marxist end of the year and to roughly outline the heritage and Marxist self-understanding of policies of the BSP government after the BSP were explicitly underlined. The party expected victory in the elections. The third used to be defined and was intended to be document under scrutiny is the second further defined as the party of the working Program of BSP after 1989. It was passed people. The strategic aim of the party was by the regular 47th Congress of the BSP the reformed defined held in November 2008. The document as free of bureaucratic deformations. The refers to processes which basically com- leadership argued for an organizationally pleted the post-socialist transformation of strong state needed for managing the dif- Bulgarian society. It has been opened to ficult reform processes. The reforms were global markets and politics, re-integrated envisaged both as continuing democratiza- in economic, political and cultural terms, tion of political institutions and as opening has become member of EU and NATO and of the national economy to various forms was facing serious new challenges. They of property. No strategy for introduction of are very similar to the challenges all coun- large-scale private property was outlined. tries having achieved this domestic and Obviously, neither the party nor the Bul- international status have to cope with. garian society was ripe for a strategy of But there are also challenges which are privatization at that time. The maximum specific for Bulgarian society.12 of possible clarity was the programmatic The electoral platform of BSP of April announcement of equal legal treatment of 1990 was an achievement in terms of both all forms of property. political substance and literary style. The The vision of BSP concerning the speed new ideological and political self-defini- of the economic reforms put the stress on tion of the party was clearly related to the “accelerated” but not “shock-like” reforms. history of its predecessors and to the his- The goal was the establishment of a regu- tory of the country. The political achieve- lated and socially responsible market econ- ments in interethnic appeasement and in omy. Protection of the national culture from the institutional democratization after 10 the pressure of the market was promised together with strong support to the educa-

11 Programa na BSP “Novi vremena, nova Balgariya, nova BSP” tional system. The party kept to the vision [Program of the Bulgarian Socialist Party “New Times, New Bul- garia, New BSP” (1994) Sofia: BSP. of health care free of charge and argued for 12 Programa na Balgarskata Socialisticheska Partiya za Balgariya urgent improvement of the environmental – svobodni grazhdani, spravedliva darzhava, solidarno obshtest- vo [Programme of the Bulgarian Socialist Party for Bulgaria – situation, for social support to the pension- Free Citizens, Just State, Solidarity in Society] (2008) Sofia: SB P. Ups And Downs of Social Democracy in Bulgaria 13 ers, mothers, young people, etc. There was tion of markets was badly prepared and a special stress on the need to implement had long-term negative impacts on the the reforms without confrontation, for employment and the living standard of mil- strengthening the republican institutions, lions in Bulgaria. The rise of unemployment and particularly for the unity of both great and impoverishment pushed large numbers ideas of democracy and socialism as united of emigrants to leave the country. Howev- in the vision of democratic socialism. The er, one should not forget that some badly policies for protection of human rights were designed and implemented reforms had underlined. The statement that the agricul- at least temporary or partially the support tural land should belong to the people who of the weakened and disoriented BSP. This cultivate it should be regarded today as too holds true, for instance, for the rather im- general. Obviously, there was no clear con- portant reforms of agriculture. They started cept yet of what new legal regulation of the with the Law on the Ownership and Use ownership and the use of the agricultural of the Agricultural Land14 which was sup- land could or should be introduced. Today ported by the BSP in the 7th Great National it sounds striking but one may have under- Assembly. This and some other false politi- standing why the BSP still wanted to keep cal decisions and actions notwithstanding, to the membership of Bulgaria in the War- the major achievement of the party activists saw Treaty Organization. It was assumed to was that they managed to stabilize the or- be self-evident that no other realistic guar- ganizational structures of BSP and its tradi- antee for the international security of the tional electoral support under very difficult Bulgarian state and society was available or conditions of economic decline and political in sight at that time. confrontation. The coalition policies con- As seen in a retrospective, the political sequently carried out after 1991 brought strategy of BSP adequately corresponded to about the result that together with several the realities in April 1990. The strategy en- small coalition parties BSP could achieve a visaged constructive solutions to the most parliamentary majority after the elections burning issues of the country at the begin- of December 1994. ning of the nineties. However, the devel- The platform for the then upcoming opment of Bulgarian society moved away elections was based on the new Program from these visions. Now it might be taken of the BSP. It outlined a clear distinction for granted that the weakening of the state between BSP and the ideology and politics due to neoliberal ideological influences and of the . The strate- to political confrontations facilitated the re- gic aim of BSP for the future remained the peated economic crises, political instability, democratic socialism. But it was already rise of crime and cultural disorientations.13 understood in the traditional social demo- In more specific terms, the hasty liberaliza- cratic conceptual framework of liberty, jus- tice and solidarity. There was no reference 13 See Genov, Nikolai (2001) The Bulgarian State at the Turn of the Century. In: Theodore Caplow Ed. Leviathan Transformed. Seven to class struggle and revolutionary action National States in the New Century. McGill-Queens University Press, Montreal & Kingston – London - Ithaca, 2001, pp. 172-192. 14 See Darzhaven vestnik [State gazette] N 17 of 01. March, 1991. 14 Ups And Downs of Social Democracy in Bulgaria

any more. The social basis of the party was public opinion in legal and moral terms. defined broadly. The visions for the desir- The consequence for the BSP was the very able future were focused on the social questioning of its position in Bulgarian poli- market economy and the parliamentary tics. Was the party going to become mostly democracy.15 In this way, BSP moved one the party of the successful business people? important step in the direction of Were these links of BSP functionaries with the incorporation of the ideological and business structures among the important organizational principles of modern social factors which caused the deep . In practical terms the party and political crisis in 1996 and 1997? mostly aimed at stopping the destructive This was an entirely new situation processes in the economy and society. which put the social identity of the party During the first year of the government in question and had far-reaching organiza- of Zhan Videnov it seemed that both the tional consequences. In spite of some splits strategic and tactical aims of BSP as defined from BSP and the appearance of other so- in the Program “New Times, New Bulgaria, cial democratic formations, in the first half New BSP” were confirmed by the develop- of the nineties BSP stood unchallenged ment of the country. In reality, the gap be- on the left side of the tween the Program and the economic pro- in the country. This position of the party cesses was deepening. Bulgarian economy, was loudly questioned in 1997 for the first society and BSP were moving towards a time when several popular functionaries of severe crisis. The causes of the crisis were BSP left it in critical times and gave a new domestic and international, economic and push to the popularity of the Bulgarian Eu- political, organizational and ideological. roLeft, (BEL) headed by Aleksander Tomov. One of the major issues for public concern It seemed that the influence of this new was the relationship between the ruling party would continue to rise. One rather groups of BSP and the new Bulgarian busi- important reason for this impression was ness strata. The topic itself was not new. the widely discussed symbolic and practical It was raised many times during the two support to BEL, provided by the Party of BSP governments of Andrey Lukanov in the European Socialists at that time. One 1990. However, the economic reforms had could interpret the situation in the sense not really started at that time. In 1995 the that without this internationally legitimiz- major winners of the privatization were al- ing support BSP could only retain some ready known. Some of them used to keep peripheral and limited local relevance for a manifest or not that visible links with BSP short period and then would vanish. It took organizations or functionaries. This was time for BSP to accumulate domestic and hardly an asset for the party. In many cases international experience in order to change and in various aspects the activities of the this threatening development. new rich people were inacceptable for the It was the new leadership of the BSP around Georgi Parvanov which took the 15 See Programa na BSP “Novi vremena, nova Balgariya, nova crisis as an opportunity in order to move BSP”…, pp. 14-15. Ups And Downs of Social Democracy in Bulgaria 15

BSP programmatically and practically fur- ter the elections of 2005. In their outcome, ther on in the direction of social democratic the party became the senior partner in the political principles and patterns of political ruling coalition with NDSV and DPS. It was action. Parvanov and his supporters could during the government of this coalition that capitalize on the nationally responsible de- the strategic national goal of membership cisions of the leadership of BSP in the times in the European Union was achieved. Thus, of the acute political crisis at the beginning given the accumulated rich experience un- of 1997. In addition, BSP took the initiative der the conditions of market economy and to establish working relations with other political and cultural pluralism, it is a chal- parties and groups having social demo- lenging task to analyze the manner in which cratic orientation like BEL, the United Block this new experience was presented in the of Labor, headed by Krastyo Petkov and new Party Program of November 2008. the Political Movement Social Democrats, One important similarity of the new Pro- headed by Nikolai Kamov. Thus, the time gram with the above mentioned previous had come to organizationally consolidate programmatic documents is immediately the social democratic turn of BSP. This hap- visible. Similarly to the self-definition at the pened most impressively at the 45th Con- beginning of the profound changes in 1990, gress of BSP, held in 2002. At least partly in 2008 BSP also laid programmatic stress this became possible due to the strength- on the continuity in its long institutional ening of the international connections of history which started with the founding BSP and the improvement of its image in of the Bulgarian Social Democratic Work- the international social democratic circles. ers’ Party. The continuity is mostly seen in Since BEL did not manage to enter the Par- the consequent political representation of liament after the general elections held in the principles of and solidar- 2001, the symbolic and practical support of ity, egalitarianism, republicanism, patriotism the Party of European Socialists was prag- and internationalism. However, the new matically re-oriented from BEL to the BSP. self-understanding of BSP as a left people’s Thus, domestically and internationally the party radically deviates from the traditional BSP was already fully legitimized as a social self-understanding of its predecessors. They democratic party. More precisely, it was le- used to define themselves as revolutionary gitimized as the only one politically relevant Marxist parties of the working people or social democratic party in Bulgaria.16 even more restrictively as Marxist parties of In practical terms, the 45th Congress pre- the working class. Another major similarity pared the political come-back of BSP as ma- of the three programmatic documents con- jor actor on the national political scene af- cerns the definition of the political goal of BSP. In all documents it is the democratic

16 The ideological and political background of the turn to so- socialism. But in the most recent interpre- cial democratic ideas and practices is very well represented in the discussion published under the title Sotsialdemokratsiyata v tation of this political goal some elements noviya vek. Perspektivi za balgarskata levitsa [Social Democracy in the New Century. Perspectives for the ] (2002) of the European integration appear which Sofia: Fondatsiya “Solidarno obshtestvo”, Tsentar za istoriches- were impossible in 1990 and 1994. The ki i politologicheski izsledvaniya. 16 Ups And Downs of Social Democracy in Bulgaria

goal is defined in 2008 in pragmatic terms In some points the argumentation might be as “shaping of a social state according to compared with slogans of the Third Inter- the European models and the new signifi- national about the historically unavoidable cant transformation in them and by taking world-wide proletarian revolution. How- the Bulgarian specifics into account”.17 ever, the value-normative framework of the The stress on the social state sounds Program is not focused on particularistic rather convincing against the background class values but on universal human rights of the ruthless diagnosis of the outcomes and universal issues of sustainability. Along of the reforms after 1989 given in the Pro- this line of universalistic value-normative ar- gram. It presents an alarming picture of the gumentation the preservation of the natu- present day situation of Bulgarian society: ral environment is not defined as a national conflict-laden social differentiation; pov- task alone but as a subject matter of global erty and crime; lasting demographic crisis; concerns and cooperation. The reference capitalism in its worst incarnations. It is a to the European Union as an organiza- new programmatic element that this diag- tional framework for the implementation nosis of the national situation is conceptu- of common social policies in the fields of ally placed in the broader diagnosis of the employment, life long learning, high quality “new global age” and in the context of the health care, child protection, tolerant inter- contradictions of the present day global ethnic relations, etc., is entirely new.18 BSP capitalism. The Program identifies the ma- programmatically underlines the necessity jor reasons for the destructive development to prepare and implement a strategic pro- of the present day capitalism with the neo- gram for the development of the country. liberal ideological domination of economy, In the framework of this program special at- with the economic polarization, democratic tention should be given to the long lasting deficits and injustice on the global scale. demographic crisis which has the potential Special stress is put on the impact of the to evolve into catastrophe.19 This latter for- neo-liberal economic policies for the col- mulation is new in this form of alarm but lapse of the financial system of economi- too general to suggest any specific political cally and politically leading countries. measure against the large-scale emigration The alternative embraced by BSP re- from the small country which has already fers to the international left. The argument lost nearly two millions of its population of reads that the political struggle for leftist 1989. Still another strategy should be fo- political values requires global and regional cused on the fostering of scientific research solidarity together with a global political and technological development together regulation of the economic processes. This with reforms of the higher education.20 The is an entirely new line of argumentation as need is stressed for a new policy of strate- compared to the Electoral Platform of 1990 gic forecasting, programming and indicative and the Program of the BSP passed in 1994.

18 Ibid., pp. 10-11, 20-24. 17 Programa na Balgarskata Sotsialisticheska Partiya za Balgariya…, 19 Ibid., p. 18. p. 15. 20 Ibid., pp. 24-25. Ups And Downs of Social Democracy in Bulgaria 17 planning at state level in order to design and for directive state planning. In this sense, apply clearly defined industrial and export the stress on the need of long-term plan- policies.21 A new strategy for guaranteeing ning in Bulgaria perfectly fits the current the security of the country should also be political mood in Europe and in the world. developed.22 The strategy is explicitly related Analyzing the Electoral Platform of BSP to the organizational and political frame- of April 1990 and the Programs of BSP of work of NATO and to the policies of the Eu- 2004 and 2008 in comparative terms the ropean Union for security and defense. This reader is particularly struck by still another is the clear recognition of the substantial surprising similarity. All three programmatic changes in the geostrategic positioning of documents of the party of working people the country and of the BSP as compared to (Electoral Platform) and party of democratic the situation in 1990 and in 1994. socialism (the Programs) lack any discussion Some of the above visions and propos- on both trade unions (syndicates) and civil als sound strikingly similar to the style in society. This omission cannot be just an ac- which party politics used to be strategi- cidental mistake and requires explanation. It cally defined and propagated in the times refers to the specifics of the institutional de- of the party-state rule in Bulgaria before velopment of Bulgarian society after 1989. 1989. As seen from another vantage point, The lack of programmatic reference to however, the whole domestic and inter- the trade unions (syndicates) is easier to ex- national situation is so obviously different plain. Shortly after the start of the political now that the similarities of formulations reforms the leadership of the still powerful do not imply any intended similarity in the and rich “old” Bulgarian Trade Unions (BPS) policies. Such practical similarities are im- was changed. They were also renamed to possible. For instance, strategic state plan- Confederation of the Independent Syndi- ning is very much needed now since plan- cates of Bulgaria (KNSB). The functionar- ning was dramatically neglected during the ies of BSP were well aware of the fact that pretty long period of neoliberal ideological the independent syndicates could not be dominance. It was accompanied with the any more ‘transmission belts’ of the party lack of political will and lack of resources ideology and politics. But they sincerely be- needed for strategic planning and its im- lieved that the BCP and later BSP should plementation. This was one of the major and would keep friendly and constructive reasons for the general institutional and relationships with KNSB. This assumption value-normative instability which long pre- was widespread not only because of the vented the economic, political and cultural long traditions of cooperation of the trade recovery of Bulgarian society after the start unions with all predecessors of BSP. The ex- of the profound institutional changes. The pectation seemed to be realistic since the stress on planning is definitely focused on persons elected at the top of the new syndi- the need for indicative and definitely not cates had long records of party functionar- ies. However, political circumstances, orga- 21 Ibid., p.30. nizational interests and personal ambitions 22 Ibid., p. 36. 18 Ups And Downs of Social Democracy in Bulgaria

made the coordination of policies between society in the country before 1989. They all BSP and KNSB difficult at least for a while. were politically guided and closely super- The issue became even more complex and vised by structures of the party-state since difficult due to the appearance of new syndi- civil society itself was rather weak under cates. The major new syndicate “Podkrepa” in Bulgaria. The major so- had a clear political orientation against the cial-structural reason was the presence of BSP. As a result, the very topic concerning an economically weak and politically irrel- working relations between the syndicates evant middle class. Given the full national- and the BSP disappeared from the Electoral ization of the industrial property and trade Platform of 1990. Despite personal changes and the nearly full collectivization of agri- and changes of organizational policies, the culture, there were no economic grounds topic did not return into the programmatic for a strong traditional (“old”) middle class documents of BSP of 1994 and 2008. In re- based on property and income. The new ality, everyday political life required contacts state socialist middle class consisted of of the party functionaries with all syndicates state employees in the education, health and coordination of the policies of BSP with care, research and development, etc. Thus, the activities of the syndicates. This could be middle class as carrier of autonomous civil managed more or less successfully on the activities was only in statu nascendi in case-by-case and day-by-day basis. Bulgaria before the changes in 1989. The The programmatic neglect of the coop- functioning of civil society associations and eration with the syndicates in the Program organizations which could be autonomous of the BSP of 2008 has still another explana- partners or even control state institutions tion. Party functionaries carefully observed was just a matter of wishful thinking. As and analyzed the decline of the member- far as existent, the civil society was expect- ship of the syndicates and their diminish- ed to play the role of supportive organi- ing impact on Bulgarian political life. This zational mechanism of the political will of made the syndicates less and less relevant BCP like the trade unions. as political partners. All explanations not- The situation changed rapidly after withstanding, the very omission of discus- 1989. Many organizations which were in- sion on the relationship with the syndicates fluential under state socialism were quick in the programmatic documents of a social to specify their goals and structures in order democratic party can only meet astonish- to better serve the interests of age groups ment. The issue will be certainly a subject and professional groups or of the environ- for considerations and new decisions of the mental protection. But they still typically BSP governing bodies further on. lack the strong economic and social basis The relationships of BSP with the civil which would allow them to be active and society are even more complicated than valued autonomous partners of state in- its relationships with the syndicates. There stitutions and political parties. The enlight- were numerous voluntary or semi-volun- ened well-to-do middle class as bearer of tary associations and organizations of civil civic initiatives is still rather weak in the Ups And Downs of Social Democracy in Bulgaria 19 country. Nevertheless, the interaction of the of polyarchic democratic political structures representatives of civil society with organi- and processes of decision-making and of zations or functionaries of BSP is a matter democratic political control. of everyday politics. Therefore, the refer- ence to civil society in connection with the 5. BSP in the Present Day National politics of BSP would be most natural in the Party System programmatic documents of a party which has the ambition to act according to social At the beginning of the reforms the Bul- democratic political principles and under- garian Socialist Party tried to capitalize on stands itself as a left-wing people’s party. the experience and initiative of leading The issue has still another specific di- party functionaries in order to smoothly mension. A variety of environmental orga- adapt to profoundly changing interna- nizations, foundations, think tanks, etc. ap- tional and domestic circumstances. It peared immediately after 1989 on the ba- seemed that the efforts were pretty suc- sis of generous funding from abroad. The cessful. The electorate gave support to the obvious intention of the donors was to es- continuity of BCP and BSP and to its elec- tablish and support them as political coun- toral program which promised evolution- terbalance to the state which was believed ary economic reforms at low social costs. to be still very much under the control of This promise could not be kept after the BCP/BSP at that time. Most of these inter- first democratic elections in June 1990 un- nationally supported representatives of the der the conditions of strong international civil society kept to manifestly anti-commu- pressure and domestic political confronta- nist or anti-socialist ideology and politics. tion. The party was not able to mobilize Consequently, the activists of BSP used to strong political will in favor of reforms due regard them as unfriendly at least and as to struggles between the factions in the not prospective for political partnership as party itself. As a result the GDP and the a rule. The political situation has changed living standard dropped fast and deeply. in the meantime. Neither anti- The second BSP government headed by nor the extremes of neo-liberalism are fash- Andrey Lukanov lost the legitimacy to gov- ionable any more. In practical terms, the ern the country which badly needed well non-governmental organizations which prepared and implemented reforms. survived need coordination of their activi- The interim government of Dimiter ties with the activities of all leading parties Popov (1990–1991) included politicians in the country, BSP including. This is still an- from BSP together with representatives of other reason to think that the discussion on the oppositional political forces and tech- this potential for coordination of activities nocrats. The task of the government was of BSP with the activities of actors from the to start the economic reforms and prepare civil society in the programmatic documents the general elections to be held in the au- of the party would be necessary. This would tumn of 1991. Since BSP had already failed be the formal recognition of the relevance in guiding the reforms it was logical that 20 Ups And Downs of Social Democracy in Bulgaria

the oppositional liberal coalition Union of ers. This became the formal reason for the Democratic Forces (SDS) should make its DPS to withdraw its support to the SDS. try in guiding reform politics. In fact, the The agony ended with a vote of the Parlia- SDS won the elections with a small margin ment which was initiated by Filip Dimitrov ahead of BSP. The predominant support to himself with the intention to get a vote of BSP was obviously diminishing. It seemed support. It turned to be a vote of rejection. that a bipolar model of rotation of the two A second intermediary and non-party- large parties BSP and SDS was emerging. affiliated government with This assumption was confirmed by the as Prime Minister was established (1992- turbulent developments which followed. 1994). Berov’s government could only The SDS had no parliamentary majority. function with the support of the BSP. This Neither the Union as a political organi- put the party in an advantageous position zation nor its leading functionaries were in the preparation for the new parliamen- prepared to govern the country success- tary elections announced for the end of fully. The administrative weakness of the 1994. In the meantime the new leadership government could only temporarily be of BSP under Zhan Videnov had managed excused with the situation of the political to consolidate its position in the BSP. The confrontation. Instead of laying the stress party passed its first Program after the start on the national agreement in favor of very of the profound changes and seemed to be much needed reforms, the leadership of organizationally fit enough in order to take the SDS and its government headed by the responsibility for governing the country Filip Dimitrov opted for intensive confron- in the period of emerging economic and tation with the BSP. The political radicalism political stabilization. The memories of the of the government provoked side effects outspoken failure of the SDS government by spoiling its relationships with the mod- were fresh in the memory of the electorate. erate forces in the SDS. They were mostly There was no other political alternative in represented by the President . sight than the BSP. Consequently, the elec- The tensions between the two institutions toral support to its re-election was over- evolved into an open conflict concern- whelming. One important reason for the ing the aims and means of the reforms. electoral success was the stress put in the In reality, economic reforms were put on party’s electoral campaign on the memo- ice. The living standard continued to de- ries of the social stability and the higher liv- cline. This particularly applied to the living ing standard under the government of BCP standards of the ethnic Turks whose major before the changes. The promise of BSP to source of income was tobacco growing. re-establish this stability and economic se- Since the former Soviet markets were not curity seemed to be plausible since some accessible any more, the well developed signs of economic recovery were visible. national tobacco industry was deeply af- In fact, the first year of the new SB P gov- fected. However, no state support was ernment was marked with a small positive provided to the suffering tobacco grow- GDP growth for the first time after 1989. Ups And Downs of Social Democracy in Bulgaria 21

However, time-bombs were in-built in managed to submit the documents for the the national economy and were already candidacy of Bulgaria for membership in ticking. The first one was the high budget the European Union in December 1995. expenditure for support to losing industrial A third interim government was ap- enterprises which could not be privatized pointed in order to stop the social unrests in due to the lack of promising investors. The the beginning of 1997. After the failure of second was the unavoidable bankruptcy the BSP government the rotation of power of numerous private banks which were es- to the Union of Democratic Forces did not tablished at the beginning of the nineties have any alternative. The elections of April without any capital of their own. The sta- 1997 brought about the second govern- bilization or closure of the losing industrial ment of the Union of Democratic Forces enterprises and the streamlining of the under . It took the responsibility banking system was practically impossible to implement very much delayed economic without financial support from abroad. reforms. The government immediately in- Formally, the IMF offered it under the con- troduced the Currency Board which was ditions of rapid privatization and cutting already proposed by the Videnov govern- of social expenditures. In reality, the World ment. Following the requirements of the Bank and the IMF were hesitating in their Board, severe limitations were imposed negotiations with a socialist government on consumption. The restrictive measures which wanted to conduct independent stabilized the state finances. Privatization domestic and international politics. The was carried out at a high speed. The inter- reaction of the Videnov government was national activities of the country were fo- the announcement that it would manage cused on the membership in NATO and in the financial situation without the support the European Union. However, the second of the international financial institutions. SDS government was shattered by internal Under the conditions of large payments conflicts and splits. Several ministers and to international debts this was impos- other high administrators were involved in sible. The financial collapse and the high a long series of scandals connected with inflation were the unavoidable effects. corruption in privatization deals. Besides The Videnov government of BSP lost the its achievement in implementing the eco- support of the electorate together with nomic recovery, the government turned the support of the party itself. One of the out to be not sensitive enough to the social major reasons was the strong accusation consequences of the economic differentia- of unclear relationships between the gov- tion in Bulgarian society. The improvement ernment and representatives of the newly of the macro-economic situation did not emerging national capital. Thus, the BSP have the expected trickle-down positive ef- had to resign from government under fects. Some privatization deals like that of rather critical circumstances. One out- the national air carrier “Balkan” in 1999 standing achievement remained in its re- were so badly prepared and implemented cords, however. The Videnov government that the trust in the government declined 22 Ups And Downs of Social Democracy in Bulgaria

fast. Nevertheless, Ivan Kostov firmly be- to stabilize the economic situation of the lieved that his achievements in stabilizing country by attracting large foreign invest- the national economy would make his re- ments. Moreover, the NDSV government election in June 2001 unquestionable. was expected to consequently improve He was false in his assumption. The the functioning of the state administration SDS lost the elections dramatically. Splits and most importantly – to substantially and defeats accompanied the political de- improve the living standard of Bulgarian velopment of the Union thereafter until it households in 800 days as Simeon II prom- reached its present day marginal position ised to do during the election campaign. in Bulgarian political life. This convulsion of If objectively judged, the achievements the national party system came about after of the NDSV government in almost all of the hasty return of the former king (tsar) these political fields were respectable. The Simeon II to the Bulgarian political scene. country became a member of NATO as a He had lived in exile after a referendum in major condition for its international secu- 1946 and had limited knowledge about rity. The GDP used to rise stably between the intricacies of the Bulgarian political 2001 and 2005. The country received a realities. So, he believed to be able to be- road map for membership in the European come a respectable President of the coun- Union. But the very much desired rapid rise try. However, this option was closed for him of living standards could not come about. due to political decisions under the influ- Since this was the major motivation of the ence of the SDS President incumbent Petar basically republican Bulgarian electorate to Stoyanov. The surprising reaction of Sime- vote for an offspring of the Saxe Coburg- on Saxe-Coburggotski was the registration Gotha dynasty, NDSV could only suffer a of a new party called National Movement serious defeat in the parliamentary elec- Simeon II (NDSV) just before the parliamen- tions of June 2005. The next convulsion of tary elections. He managed to understand the party system was unavoidable. what Ivan Kostov did not: the intensity of Still another miracle happened at the dissatisfaction in the country was very high. end of 2001 with the election of the then The dissatisfaction did not concern the SDS Chairman of the Bulgarian Socialist Party government alone but the bipolar political Georgi Parvanov for President of the Re- model and the rotation of BSP and SDS as public. Parvanov already had the reputa- well. The disappointments with the three tion of a moderate politician with strong governments of BSP and with the two gov- social democratic inclinations. But he could ernments of SDS after 1989 were so deep only be elected under the impact of the that large groups of the Bulgarian elector- electoral catastrophe of the SDS and the ate expected and wanted miracles. following splits of its leadership and confu- The expectations related to Simeon II sions of its electorate. Whatever the rea- and his party were very high. Many believed sons for this hardly predictable political that the new government and mostly the turn, it signaled the possibility for return new Prime Minister Simeon II will be able of the already social-democratic BSP to a Ups And Downs of Social Democracy in Bulgaria 23 leading position in Bulgarian political life. organizational efforts were invested in or- This trend was only partly materialized with der to prepare the legal institutions and the the parliamentary elections of 2005. There state administration for membership in the were no miracles in sight and SDS was in Union in January 2007 as was announced. a catastrophic shape as organization. So, This major national task was achieved as the it was mostly BSP the electorate could rea- result of a long effort which started with the sonably vote for. But the results of the vote Application of Bulgaria for membership in could only allow a coalition government. the European Union submitted by anoth- The leading force in the coalition gov- er BSP government in 1995. The country ernment 2005-2009 was the BSP. Its Chair- achieved the highest level of FDI per capita man Sergey Stanishev became the Prime among the new EU member states in 2007. Minister. The events during the period sup- The unemployment declined substantially port the argument that the social demo- during the rule of the coalition government. cratic re-orientation of the party was al- Thus, in the context of relatively favor- ready accomplished. The first evidence for able international conditions the economic the unquestionable adaptation of BSP to policies of the coalition government turned the democratic rules of the political game out to be basically effective. Given the eco- was its handling of the electoral results. Af- nomic progress, the government was able ter intensive internal discussions the party to pay more attention to the social sphere leadership was pragmatic enough to decide which used to be more or less neglected to take the major responsibility in the ideo- by the previous governments due to finan- logically and politically unusual coalition cial limitations. This applied to the old age of BSP, NDSV and DPS. The leaderships of pensions first of all. They still remain low all three parties managed to overcome the in European comparison but are no more mutual reservations and the delays in the as dramatically low as they used to be negotiations. The stake was high: the coali- many years after 1989. The real incomes tion government had to prepare the coun- of households increased faster than in any try for membership in the European Union comparable period after the political turn according to the negotiated schedule. in 1989. The time span of the paid mater- It was clearly defined in the program of nity leave was prolonged. Larger funding the coalition government that the prepara- was made available to the primary, second- tion for membership of Bulgaria in the - ary and tertiary education. The funding for pean Union required accelerated economic research and technological development growth since the country was and remains increased substantially as well. one of the poorest in Europe. This goal was A positive mark should be given to the basically achieved. In 2007 the national leadership of the BSP for the style of pre- economy at last reached its GDP level of sentation of these results achieved by the 1989 after a deep and prolonged recession. coalition government. The propagation of The GDP growth of 6-7% per year was its success did not preclude the sober as- among the highest in Europe. Tremendous sessment of the real situation of the popula- 24 Ups And Downs of Social Democracy in Bulgaria

tion in the country.23 It was and still remains they still define themselves as predominant- stricken by mass poverty. The public opinion ly rather poor and unhappy. It was only in polls funded by the EU show unmistakably the crisis stricken Hungary from all 10 new that Bulgarian households are massively Eastern European member states of the EU confronted with economic problems, cor- that the assessment of the economic situa- ruption and crime in their everyday life. Af- tion of the households was as negative as in ter a series of economically successful years Bulgaria at the end of 2008:24

Table 3: “How would you judge the current financial situation of your household?”

Answers BG CZ EE LV LT HU PL RO SI SK Very good 2 6 3 3 2 1 5 3 6 5 Rather good 32 63 70 55 54 24 55 41 56 56 Rather bad 41 26 24 32 37 50 28 40 29 33 Very bad 21 5 2 9 6 24 8 13 7 4 DK 4 1 1 1 1 1 4 3 2 2

Bulgarians are very much dissatisfied global crisis and with a series of specific lo- with the quality of political life in the coun- cal problems. Some of them have long his- try. They have good reasons to be skeptical tory while others have been mostly caused and critical in this respect since cases of cor- and reproduced by the badly conceived and ruption have been identified in all political implemented reforms after 1989. Together parties. Two key BSP ministers of the coali- with the long record of successful policies tion government had to leave the govern- like the keeping of the interethnic peace in ment under the suspicion of corruption. the country or the accession of Bulgaria to The suspicion could not be supported by the European Union, these problems mark legal evidence but the cases are indicative the present day identity of Bulgarian soci- for the widespread reservations concerning ety25 and will determine its development the legal and moral foundations of party in the long run. Given the relevance of the functionaries. As seen from another point long-term effects of political action it is quite of view, Bulgarians are strikingly inactive in indicative for the cultural and political situa- socially relevant voluntary activities in the tion in the country that the Bulgarian public same time. Thus, BSP and all other Bulgar- mind is rather uncertain about the positive ian political parties and coalitions have to or negative effects of the profound reforms cope with threatening local effects of the after 1989 for the personal wellbeing:26

24 23 See Politicheski doklad na Sergey Stanishev pred 47-ya kon- Eurobarometer 70 (2008) Table QA4a.5http://ec.europa.eu/ gres na Balgarskata Sotsialisticheska partiya [Political report of public_opinion/archives/eb/eb70/eb70_annex.pdf 25 Sergey Stanishev before the 47th congress of the Bulgarian So- See Genov, Nikolai (2006) ‘Bulgaria’s New Identity’. South cialist Party] (2008) Sofia: SB P East European Review, N 3, pp. 43-57. 26 http://old.bsp.bg/fce/001/0097/files/Doklad-kongres-finalRN.doc Eurobarometer 70, Table QC1.3. Ups And Downs of Social Democracy in Bulgaria 25

Table 4: “In 1989, the fall of the Berlin wall marked the end of the Iron Curtain that separated Eastern from Western Europe. Please tell me to what extent you have personally benefited or not from the fall of the Iron Curtain?”

Answers BG CZ EE LV LT HU PL RO SI SK Benefited to a great extent 6 25 11 7 8 11 11 9 6 14 Benefited to some extent 18 46 17 24 13 19 27 15 16 46 Not really benefited 20 13 21 15 13 30 22 19 14 14 Not at all benefited 36 3 43 43 54 37 31 39 54 13 DK 20 13 8 11 12 3 9 18 10 13

The above data is not particularly en- from the malfunctioning and the couraging. Obviously, Bulgarian society is corruption among politicians and state still in a situation in which the expectations administrators. His electoral campaign for and the requirements concerning the po- the parliamentary elections in July 2009 litical forces are very high and remain un- had some anti-BSP, anti-DPS and national- met in the practice. Given the exceptionally ist overtones which were well received by long history of BSP and the stable support the electorate. In the effect, Boyko Borisov it used to enjoy during the whole trans- and his leader’s party GERB became the formation period, its responsibility for the clear winner in the elections. Obviously, the present day and the future of the country Bulgarian electorate still desires and expects was and remains particularly high. This is miracles. The outcomes of the elections the major reason why the electorate was brought about still another deep convul- not going to reward the achievements of sion of the Bulgarian party system. Besides the coalition government highly. To the the triumph of GERB, the elections provid- contrary, it was widely perceived as organi- ed evidence that the nationalist party Ataka zationally week and involved in economi- stabilized its public support and parliamen- cally inefficient or directly corrupt deals. tary presence after its surprisingly success- Particularly strong accusations in this re- ful performance at the parliamentary elec- spect were focused on the activities of DPS. tions in 2005 and the presidential elections In the meantime, a new party-move- in 2006. Formally, the major loser is NDSV ment “Citizens for the European Develop- since it did not manage to enter the new ment of Bulgaria” (GERB) informally head- Parliament and is probably going to disap- ed by the Mayor of Sofia Boyko Borisov pear from the political scene. This requiem appeared on the Bulgarian political scene. could be basically foreseen since this party Using strong populist vocabulary, Borisov is too strongly identified with the personal- established himself in the public mind as ity of the former king who had largely lost the next savior of the Bulgarian state and public confidence and political support.T he 26 Ups And Downs of Social Democracy in Bulgaria

losses for BSP are also very substantial not expected under such circumstances, the because of the unexpectedly low electoral incumbent was re-elected but with less results alone. Due to the circumstances, the than two thirds of the votes. Competi- party attracted all criticisms concerning the tors made the slogan for a politi- coalition government and particularly the cal program topical. Whether this slogan criticisms concerning real or alleged cor- might have implications for the organiza- ruption of politicians in the coalition gov- tional unity of the BSP – this will become ernment. After the election it seemed that clear in the foreseeable future. the party and its leadership were very much One may focus the analysis of the cur- disoriented about the future party strategy rent ideological and organizational situation and its implementation. of the Bulgarian Socialist Party on specific uncertainties and disorientations. Anoth- 6. The New Turning Point for BSP er relevant topic for analysis could be the general loss of trust as the most respected The Session of the 47th party congress held party functionary and famous actor Stefan on 18 October 2009 provided political an- Danailov put the diagnosis of the Congress alysts with new evidence about the critical Session.27 However, what should be most situation of the Bulgarian Socialist Party urgently drawn as a conclusion from the after the lost elections in July and the rapid turbulent Session is another general lesson. rise of the GERB party to power. The first Only on the surface were the congress dis- surprise was the over-personalized report cussions focused on the assessment of the of the party Chairman Sergey Stanishev achievements and the failures of the coali- called “My Confession”. This style of re- tion government, on the results of the Eu- porting was obviously intended to manage ropean and Parliamentary elections and on a deep organizational crisis. Another clear some interpersonal tensions and conflicts. indication of critical circumstances was Properly placing these rather pragmatic the difference between the announced discussions in the broader context of the and the real agenda of the Congress Ses- Bulgarian national development, the Euro- sion. No election of party Chairperson was pean integration and the global processes, mentioned in the draft of the Session Pro- the analyst should see the heated discus- gram. Nevertheless, election took place sions just as an indicator for the profound following the proposal by the incumbent problems facing BSP, the social democratic himself. Moreover, the election between ideology and politics in Bulgaria and, most four candidates representing a variety of of all, the development of Bulgarian society. visions about the strategy and tactics of The problems concern the desirable and BSP became the core of the debates dur- possible political agenda of social democ- ing the Session of the Congress. Thus, racy under the new conditions of global extraordinary approaches were obviously needed in order to secure the legitimizing 27 Danailov, Stefan (2009) Veche sam star da ticham sled tramvai [I am Already Old to Run after Tramways]. Interview support for the leadership. As it could be with Daric News, 19.10. http://dariknews.bg/print_article. php?article_id=418868. Ups And Downs of Social Democracy in Bulgaria 27 insecurity, the difficulties in the European indicative for the real situation of the inter- integration and the shaky grounds of econ- ethnic relations in the country. Moreover, omy, politics and culture in a country which the Ataka party stabilized its parliamentary belongs to the global semi-periphery and representation on the same ideological ba- the European periphery. sis of interethnic intolerance. Together with most national economies This quite selective list of the much larger in Eastern Europe, Bulgarian economy was range of challenges facing Bulgarian society badly hit by the global economic crisis de- and the political parties in the country con- spite the long-term restrictive budgetary vey a clear message. All national govern- policy implemented by various govern- ments will continue to be confronted with ments. The continuing crisis questions the these challenges in the long run. It might good results in the GDP growth, in attract- become fatal for BSP if, instead of focus- ing foreign direct investments and in reduc- ing the party debates on the above issues ing unemployment. Bulgaria remains rather the party leadership would continue with poor country with continuing mass emigra- personalized quarrels. The fate of the Union tion. The failure of the state administration of the Democratic Forces and of the king’s to secure full-scale and legally responsible party NDSV should be a signal what the out- absorption of the EU post-accession funds come might be. After the lost elections BSP provoked the European Commission to im- is in isolation and will have the difficult tasks pose rather unusual sanctions on the use of to overcome it in order to efficiently play its the European funds by the country. Bulgar- role of parliamentary opposition in a political ia is still far away from the clear definition environment in which rude expressions and of its position in the division of labor in the actions are the rule and not the exception.28 European Union and in the global techno- Therefore, there should be political will for logical and economic processes. The social moving the party leadership together with structure of Bulgarian society is rather un- the party’s rank and file away from factional stable and this is the major reason for the and interpersonal struggles towards clarify- striking fluctuations of voters’ preferences ing priorities for the development of Bulgari- and voting behavior. It is a public secret that an society and Bulgarian state in the dynamic beyond the talks about the successful Bul- domestic, regional and global environment. garian ethnic model there are many open This is the precondition for the meaningful questions. They are related to the mono- specification of the social democratic visions lithic political representation of the Bulgar- of freedom, solidarity and justice into aims ian Turks by the Movements of Rights and and means of social democratic politics. The Freedoms and to the very much needed task is not new at all in this general formula- inclusion of the Roma population in the na- tion but permanently new in its specific local tional economic, political and cultural life. implementation. It requires a clear definition The very fact that the GERB party could of the new priorities to be dealt with by the achieve its remarkable electoral success in 28 See European Socialists Slam Bulgaria PM over BSP Prohibi- 2009 by using nationalistic slogans is quite tion Remark (2009) Sofia News Agency, 21.10., http://www. novinite .com/newsletter/print.php?id=109135. 28 Ups And Downs of Social Democracy in Bulgaria

Bulgarian state under a future social demo- many, BSP recovers regularly after organization- cratic government.29 al disasters and electoral defeats. It managed Thus, the conclusions of the brief overview to critically overcome the radicalism of its own of deep political changes during the period of Marxist and communist past and to embrace a democratic development of Bulgarian society social democratic ideology and political practice. and about the role of the BSP in them are rath- The party was already rewarded by the voters er sobering: for this ideological and political re-orientation First, despite the clear democratic rules and will most probably continue to be rewarded of political competition, decision making and in the foreseeable future as well. One may only implementation of decisions formulated in hope that the new generation of young lead- the Constitution of the country passed on ers and functionaries of the party who have 12.07.1992 and in the Act on the Political Par- been politically socialized in the context of the ties,30 the party system in Bulgaria is still rath- social democratic turn of BSP will be successful er unstable. The repeated radical changes of in managing the new challenges facing the BSP electoral preferences due to the search for new and the country. It has been recognized that the miracles and the ensuing collapse of each gov- goal is difficult to achieve under the relatively erning party provide the evidence for deep dis- stable conditions of Western Europe.32 The goal appointments of the electorate with the party is even more difficult to achieve under the con- system and the political parties in the country. ditions of cultural uncertainty, institutional insta- Second, the major reason for the instability bility and widespread dissatisfaction in Eastern of the political preferences of the voters and for Europe in general and in Bulgaria in particular. the ensuing convulsions of the party system in However, there is no other constructive and the country is the instability of the social struc- promising alternative in sight. tures. They are still in flux which makes the ef- forts to achieve clear definitions of “left” and The text was prepared as part of the international book project on “Social Democracy in Eastern Europe”. The project was ini- “right” in the Bulgarian political life often a tiated by the Science Centre for Social Research in Berlin (WZB). meaningless endeavor.31 About the author: Third, against this somewhat discouraging Nikolai GENOV: Professor of Sociology at the Free democratic experience it is obvious that the only University in Berlin. Research fields: sociological political force in the country which has so far theory, globalization, interethnic relations, so- basically succeeded in sustaining its historical cial risks, international migration. Recent book continuity and ideological identity, its long-term publications: Advances in Sociological Knowl- organizational potential and electoral support edge (2004); Ethnicity and Educational Policies is the Bulgarian Socialist Party. As a surprise for (2005); Ethnicity and Mass Media (2006), Com- parative Research in the Social Sciences (2007), 29 See Eppler, Erhard (2009) The Return of the State? London: Interethnic Integration (2008), Global Trends in Forumpress, p. 61 ff., 183 ff. 30 Zakon za politicheskite partii [Act on the Political Parties] Eastern Europe (2010). Coordinator of research (2005) Datzhaven vestnik [State Gazette], N 28, 01 April. 31 See Pirgova, Mariya (2002) Balgarskiyat parlamentarizam v us- projects of EU, UNESCO, UNDP, ILO, Volkswa- loviyata na globalen prehod [The Bulgarian parliamentarism under gen Foundation. Director of the UNESCO-ISSC the conditions of global transition]. Sofiya: Paradigma, p. 96 f. 32 See Merkel, Wolfgang et al. (2006) Die Reformfähigkeit der Sozi- International Summer School Comparative Re- aldemokratie. Herausforderungen und Bilanz der Regierungspolitik in Westeuropa. Wiesbaden: Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. search in the Social Sciences. The democratic political life in Bulgaria has been marked by a long series of deep and painful convulsions…The Session of the 47th Congress of BSP held in October 2009 was marked by the deep crisis of the party’s leadership. Will the party’s current ideological and organizational crisis become still an- other case in the series of fatal political convulsions in democratic Bulgaria?

Bulgarians are very much dissatisfied with the quality of the political life in the country. They have good reasons to be skeptical and critical since cases of corruption have been identified in all political parties… As seen from another point of view, Bulgarians are strikingly inactive in socially relevant voluntary activities in the same time. Thus, BSP and all other Bulgarian political parties and coalitions have to cope with threatening local effects of the global crisis and with a series of specific local problems. Some of them have long history while others have been mostly caused and reproduced by the badly conceived and implemented reforms after 1989.

One should see the heated discussions just as an indicator for the pro- found problems facing BSP, the social democratic ideology and politics in Bul- garia and, first of all, the development of Bulgarian society. The problems con- cern the desirable and possible political agenda of social democracy under the new conditions of global insecurity, the difficulties in the European integration and the shaky grounds of economy, politics and culture in a country which belongs to the global semi-periphery and the European periphery.

There should be political will for moving the party leadership together with the party’s rank and file away from factional and interpersonal struggles towards clarifying priorities for the development of Bulgarian society and Bul- garian state in the dynamic domestic, regional and global environment. This is the precondition for the meaningful specification of the social democratic visions of freedom, solidarity and justice into aims and means of social demo- cratic politics. The task is not new at all in this general formulation but perma- nently new in its specific local implementation.

June 2010