Mona Siegel on Gender and Fascism in Modern France

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Mona Siegel on Gender and Fascism in Modern France Melanie Hawthorne, Richard J. Golsan, eds.. Gender and Fascism in Modern France. Hanover: University Press of New England, 1997. ix + 229 pp. $19.95, paper, ISBN 978-0-87451-814-6. Reviewed by Mona L. Siegel Published on H-France (March, 1998) In their co-authored introduction to the es‐ will not fnd the answers in this book. Historical says presented in Gender and Fascism in Modern context is not absent from the collective research France, Melanie Hawthorne and Richard Golsan presented here, but it is secondary to the detailed point out that the rich and growing historiogra‐ textual analyses, which are the authors' primary phy on Vichy and fascism in France has been re‐ concern. With these reservations in mind, Gender markably silent when it comes to addressing is‐ and Fascism in Modern France does have its own sues of women and gender. They contrast this gap insights to offer, insights which help to fll out our in French scholarship to the far more developed understanding of the cultural history of French historiography on fascist Italy and Germany. fascism. Pointing to Claudia Koonz's study of women in The collection contains nine topical chapters Nazi Germany, Mothers in the Fatherland (New plus a general introduction and a short but thor‐ York, 1987), and to Victoria de Grazia's work on ough bibliographic essay at the end. The chapters Italy under Mussolini, How Fascism Ruled Women are arranged chronologically, beginning with fe‐ (Berkeley, 1992), as possible models, Hawthorne male anti-Semitism at the end of the nineteenth- and Golsan insist the time has now come for an century and ending with gendered representa‐ historical account of "comparable quality" to be tions of fascism and collaboration in post-1945 published on the French context (p. 4). historical memory. In between, the book is flled This book is not that account. The essays in it, out by two chapters on the 1900s to 1930s and with one exception, are written by literary schol‐ four which deal with the Vichy period itself. The ars. They are concerned strictly with texts: novels, editors contend that the linkage between fascism essays, journalistic articles, memoirs, and flms. and gender, as it is drawn in these articles, "signif‐ Anyone wondering how French women felt about icantly alters traditional perspectives on French Petain's National Revolution; or if Vichy's social culture in this century" (p. 11). This overarching policies changed family strategies; or if collabora‐ claim seems overstated, though some of the es‐ tion meant the same thing for men and women, H-Net Reviews says present new material which will be of inter‐ into the nation to take effect," Hawthorne states, est to historians. "before we conclude that fascism manifests itself The book opens by tracing the origins of only as hypermasculinity" (p. 47). Hawthorne's ar‐ French fascism back to the nationalistic atmos‐ guments are challenging, but not persuasive. phere at the time of the Dreyfus Affair. Willa Sil‐ First, it is not clear that the body of scholarly in‐ verman investigates the interplay of gender and quiry into fascism is permeated by and funda‐ anti-Semitism in the writings of the notoriously mentally limited by psychoanalytic theory, as controversial female author Gyp (nom de plume Hawthorne claims. Hawthorne focuses on Klaus of Sibylle-Gabrielle Marie-Antoinette de Riquetti Theweleit's Male Fantasies, 2 vols. (Minneapolis, de Mirabeau). Silverman argues persuasively that 1986) to demonstrate that scholars have relied Gyp's anti-Semitism was rooted in misogyny. Anx‐ upon "psychoanalytic revisions of Freudian theo‐ ious about her own sexuality and angry at her ry" (p. 29) in order to conclude that fascism as an own powerlessness as a woman, Gyp expressed ideology appeals primarily to men. But are the her frustration through voraciously sexual Jewish historical works of Robert Paxton, John Sweets, characters who personified the author's own self- and Robert Soucy, which also portray French fas‐ hatred. Silverman's essay is lively and interesting, cism as a masculinized affair, equally indebted to but it is difficult to see what broader lessons about Freudian analysis? Second, Hawthorne believes women, gender, or nationalism that we might that "fascism" is a phenomenon which exists out‐ draw from it. In her conclusion, Silverman states side of any specific historical context and thus can that "Gyp's case does not imply...that nationalism assume radically different forms and beliefs in and anti-Semitism...divided along gender lines, different times. She accuses scholars of turning nor that anti-Semitism and misogyny were inex‐ the hypermasculinity of fascism at the turn-of-the- tricably linked" (p. 26). In the end, this essay century into a more general statement of princi‐ stands alone as an insightful case study, but prob‐ ple, falsely assuming that as an ideology, fascism ably cannot lead us to a fundamental rethinking will inevitably continue to reproduce itself along of French anti-Semitism or nationalism. similar lines. But fascism did not look any differ‐ ent in the 1920s, 1930s, or 1940s, the only years in The essay by Melanie Hawthorne's which fol‐ Europe when it became a mass movement. Many lows Silverman's is quite the opposite, insisting historians will have trouble accepting that studies of fascism to date have been funda‐ Hawthorne's thesis and will have difficulty seeing mentally fawed, or, at the very least, constrained how her essay poses a fundamental challenge to by their assumptions. Hawthorne argues that previous scholarly literature. women are commonly absent in studies of French fascism because the psychoanalytic theories used Mary Jean Green picks up the thread of analy‐ to understand nationalism and fascism are gen‐ sis in the 1930s by studying the creation of a fc‐ der-biased, producing male subjects and a mascu‐ tional fascist woman in the popular Bouboule line ideology. In fact, Hawthorne insists, fascism novels by T. Trilby (nom de plume for Therese Del‐ has only appeared to be a masculine doctrine be‐ haye de Marnyhac). Green's essay is frmly cause nationalism has historically been construct‐ grounded in the historiography of French fascism ed along gender lines with women serving as the in the 1930s--particularly that of Soucy--and of glue that holds the nation together, but excluded women and fascism more broadly. Though she from active citizenship (here she is drawing on states at the outset that little is known about the anthropologist Claude Levi-Strauss). "We must author of the seven Bouboule books, Green effec‐ wait for the full impact of women's assimilation tively uses the main character of these novels in order to bring us closer to the motivations and 2 H-Net Reviews frustrations of women on the far right in interwar opportunity and gain. Both articles reiterate that France. Green traces the development of the fc‐ Vichy's National Revolution was hardly revolu‐ tional Bouboule as she becomes increasingly tionary when it came to conceptions of male and politicized, renounces her identity as a mother, female spheres. Neither, however, suggests that and eventually joins the Croix de feu. Bouboule the experiences of these particular women were tries to become the ideal fascist woman, devoted shared by French women more generally. to her role as wife and mother, but eventually re‐ Andrea Loselle and Anthony Hewitt both ex‐ jects maternalism as an adequate demonstration plore the functioning of gender in the writings of of citizenship. In the last two novels, as she begins male collaborators. Loselle studies the life and to engage actively in the politics of the Croix de writing of Paul Morand and asks why he--unlike feu, Bouboule reverts to her maiden name and Louis-Fernand Celine, Robert Brasillach and oth‐ metaphorically reclaims her identity as a single ers--managed to evade prosecution after 1945 and woman. Green argues that this woman's fctional eventually to gain admittance to the Academie journey mirrors that faced by French women in francaise in 1968. Morand, Loselle argues, es‐ real life. Colonel Francois de la Rocque's Croix de caped censure because his politics tended to be feu exalted domesticity and marginalized its fe‐ coded in gendered terms, casting the disorders of male members. Ultimately, the few women who modernity as feminine. His emphasis on feminine were able to take on leadership roles in the Croix concerns, like fashion, was easily dismissed as su‐ de feu were single women, like de la Rocque's own perficial, while his focus on the dangers of effemi‐ daughter Nadine. By closely relating the fctional nacy and degeneracy of the Third Republic was character of Bouboule to historical accounts of the far from controversial. Hewitt looks at Jean-Paul Croix de feu, Green effectively demonstrates the Sartre's analysis of Jean Genet as a means of "un‐ dilemma of women who sympathized with the derstanding and undoing the conflation of homo‐ ideology of the far-right and tried to live up to its sexuality and fascism" (p. 120). His analysis is ideals, but who ultimately found themselves sti‐ seeped in post-structuralist theory and is rather fled by its marginalization of women. "Caught be‐ impenetrable to those not fully initiated in the jar‐ tween the urgent need to act on her political be‐ gon. liefs and the limitations those same beliefs placed The fnal two essays both analyze the inter‐ on women's freedom of action, Bouboule unwit‐ play of gender, history, and memory through flm. tingly enacts in fction the contradictions at the Miranda Pollard analyzes Marcel Ophuls' The Sor‐ heart of the fascist female ideal" (p. 68). row and the Pity while Leah Hewitt examines Two essays examine the self-reflective writ‐ Claude Chabrol's Story of Women.
Recommended publications
  • Criticism of “Fascist Nostalgia” in the Political Thought of the New Right
    ACTA UNIVERSITATIS WRATISLAVIENSIS No 3866 Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 40, nr 3 Wrocław 2018 DOI: 10.19195/2300-7249.40.3.6 JOANNA SONDEL-CEDARMAS ORCID: 0000-0002-3037-9264 Uniwersytet Jagielloński Criticism of “fascist nostalgia” in the political thought of the New Right The seizure of power by the National Liberation Committee on 25th April, 1945 and the establishment of the republic on 2nd June, 1946 constituted the symbolic end to Mussolini’s dictatorship that had lasted for more than 20 years. However, it emerged relatively early that fascism was not a defi nitively closed chapter in the political and social life of Italy. As early as June of 1946, after the announcement of a presidential decree granting amnesty for crimes committed during the time of the Nazi-Fascist occupation between 1943 and 1945, the country saw a withdrawal from policies repressive towards fascists.1 Likewise, the national reconciliation policy gradually implemented in the second half of the 1940s by the government of Alcide De Gasperi, aiming at pacifying the nation and fostering the urgent re- building of the institution of the state, contributed to the emergence of ambivalent approaches towards Mussolini’s regime. On the one hand, Italy consequently tried to build its institutional and political order in clear opposition towards fascism, as exemplifi ed, among others, by a clause in the Constitution of 1947 that forbade the establishment of any form of fascist party, as well as the law passed on 20th June, 1 Conducted directly after the end of WW II, the epurazione action (purifi cation) that aimed at uprooting fascism, was discontinued on 22nd June 1946, when a decree of president Enrico De Nicola granting amnesty for crimes committed during the Nazi-Fascist occupation of Italy between 1943–1945 was implemented.
    [Show full text]
  • H-France Review Volume 18 (2018) Page 1
    H-France Review Volume 18 (2018) Page 1 H-France Review Vol. 18 (March 2018), No. 49 Sarah Shurts, Resentment and the Right: French Intellectual Identity Reimagined, 1898-2000. Newark/Lanham: University of Delaware Press/Rowman & Littlefield, 2017. xii + 337 pp. Notes, bibliography, and index. $110.00 U.S. (hardcover). ISBN 978-1-61149-634-5. Review by Sean Kennedy, University of New Brunswick at Fredericton. Presenting the history of French intellectuals in the modern era as a struggle between left and right is a long-established tradition, but in Resentment and the Right Sarah Shurts offers a fresh and compelling perspective. By identifying a recurring cycle of contestation over identity that ties in with long-standing debates over how to categorize the far right, the significance of the left-right dichotomy, and the character of French intellectual life, Shurts highlights the persistence of a distinctive pattern of extreme-right intellectual engagement. Ambitious in scope yet also featuring close analyses of prominent and less-prominent thinkers, her book is likely to spark further debate, and deserves considerable admiration. Well aware that she is on highly contested ground, Shurts carefully delineates her definitions of the terms ‘extreme right’ and ‘intellectual.’ With respect to the former she notes a veritable “wild west of terminology” (p. 15), the legacy of a long debate over the significance of fascism in France and the difficulties inherent in categorizing a diverse, often fractious political tradition. As for intellectuals, definitions tend to focus either upon values or sociological characteristics. Faced with various interpretive possibilities Shurts seeks to, borrowing a phrase from historian John Sweets, “hold that pendulum,” avoiding interpretive extremes.[1] In dealing with the extreme right, she concedes the findings of scholars who stress its diversity, the porosity of the left-right dichotomy as suggested by “crossover” figures, and the patterns of sociability shared by left and right-wing intellectuals.
    [Show full text]
  • L'action Française Face À Victor Hugo Dans L'entre-Deux-Guerres1
    Jordi Brahamcha-Marin (Le Mans Université) L’Action française face à Victor Hugo dans l’entre-deux-guerres1 L’histoire de l’Action française dans l’entre-deux-guerres est travaillée par un paradoxe2. D’un côté, ce mouvement, constitué autour d’un journal (fondé en 1898, devenu quotidien en 1908) et d’une ligue (fondée en 1905), ne parvient jamais vraiment à influencer le cours des événements politiques. Bien sûr, le « coup de force » souhaité par Maurras n’est pas réalisé ; en 1926, la mise à l’index, par le Saint-Siège, du quotidien L’Action française porte un coup d’arrêt à l’essor que le mouvement connaissait depuis la fin de la guerre ; dans les années trente, beaucoup de jeunes militants vont se détourner du royalisme au profit d’autres courants politiques jugés moins vieillots, et notamment des courants fascistes ; même sous le régime de Vichy, accueilli par Maurras comme une « divine surprise », les maurrassiens ne joueront qu’un faible rôle dans les sphères dirigeantes3. Les tirages du quotidien L’Action française demeurent, tout au long de la période, somme toute modestes, et tombe à quarante mille en 1939 – à comparer avec les presque deux millions de Paris-Soir, ou, en ce qui concerne la presse politique, les trois cent vingt mille exemplaires de L’Humanité, ou les cent quinze mille exemplaires du quotidien radical L’Œuvre4. De l’autre côté, Maurras et ses amis exercent un magistère intellectuel absolument incontestable, au point que le mouvement a pu exercer une certaine attraction intellectuelle sur des écrivains majeurs, comme Gide ou Proust dans les années dix.
    [Show full text]
  • He Is Depending on You: Militarism, Martyrdom, and the Appeal to Manliness in the Case of France’S ‘Croix De Feu’, 1931-1940
    Western University Scholarship@Western Faculty Publications History 2005 He Is Depending on You: Militarism, Martyrdom, and the Appeal to Manliness in the Case of France’s ‘Croix de Feu’, 1931-1940. Geoff Read Huron University, London, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lib.uwo.ca/huronhistorypub Part of the European History Commons, and the Political History Commons Citation of this paper: Read, Geoff, "He Is Depending on You: Militarism, Martyrdom, and the Appeal to Manliness in the Case of France’s ‘Croix de Feu’, 1931-1940." (2005). Faculty Publications. 5. https://ir.lib.uwo.ca/huronhistorypub/5 Document generated on 01/16/2019 2:26 p.m. Journal of the Canadian Historical Association He Is Depending on You: Militarism, Martyrdom, and the Appeal to Manliness in the Case of France’s ‘Croix de Feu’, 1931-1940. Geoff Read Article abstract Volume 16, Number 1, 2005 This article examines the masculine discourse of the Croix de URI: id.erudit.org/iderudit/015734ar Feu, France’s largest political formation in the late 1930s, https://doi.org/10.7202/015734ar against the examples of the republican conservative parties – the Fédération Républicaine, the Alliance Démocratique, and the Parti Démocrate Populaire – as well the Socialist and See table of contents Communist left. The author argues, based on the François de La Rocque papers, the movement’s newspaper, Le Flambeau, the archives of key political figures, as well as the other parties’ presses, that while the Croix de Feu’s preferred masculinity was similar to that found on the republican right in many Publisher(s) regards, the movement, borrowing heavily from the masculinist aesthetic of the far-left, was engaged in the The Canadian Historical Association / La Société historique du construction of a fascist “new man.” He is Depending on You, Canada therefore, maintains that the Croix de Feu was typically fascist in its masculine discourse, synthesizing social conservatism with a radical élan.
    [Show full text]
  • [email protected] Vichy, Crimes Against Humanity
    Henry Rousso Institut d’histoire du temps présent (CNRS, Paris) [email protected] Vichy, Crimes against Humanity, and the Trials for Memory Department of French-Italian, Department of History The University of Texas at Austin Lecture given at 9/11/2003 I would like to begin this talk about the way France coped with its past by making some general statements. Why it may be interesting to study the Vichy legacy, except of course if you are impassionned by French History? Why the history of the memory of the “Dark Years”, the years of the Nazi Occupation, may have some interest for other periods or other situations, in contemporary history? Why to study preciseley how the representations of the past or the behaviour towards the past has evolved from 1944, the Liberation, to the present days, may have a universal meaning ? We can propose several answers : - We may learn a lot in studying the “Dark years” because it’s a period in which a great power, the second world power at that time in terms of political and economic influence, collapsed in six weeks, after a brutal and unexpected agression against its territory. The panic of the defeat, the disarray coming from the vanishing of the State and of other authorities, led to a strong support for a dictatorship, the Vichy Regime, which abolished most of the political rights. The new regime, using the fear of most of the population, declared that France was no more a Republic, and that she had a lot of ennemies : not the Nazi Occupiers, but the Jews, the Foreigners, the Free- Masons, all kind of opponents: in short, for Vichy, one of the result of the defeat, ennemies were at home.
    [Show full text]
  • Utopian Aspirations in Fascist Ideology: English and French Literary Perspectives 1914-1945
    Utopian Aspirations in Fascist Ideology: English and French Literary Perspectives 1914-1945 Ashley James Thomas Discipline of History School of History & Politics University of Adelaide Thesis presented as the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences University of Adelaide March 2010 CONTENTS Abstract iii Declaration iv Acknowledgments v Chapter One: Introduction 1 Chapter Two: Interpreting Fascism: An Evolving 26 Historiography Chapter Three: The Fascist Critique of the Modern 86 World Chapter Four: Race, Reds and Revolution: Specific 156 Issues in the Fascist Utopia Chapter Five: Conclusion 202 Bibliography 207 ABSTRACT This thesis argues that utopian aspirations are a fruitful way to understand fascism and examines the utopian ideals held by a number of fascist writers. The intention of this thesis is not to define fascism. Rather, it is to suggest that looking at fascism’s goals and aspirations might reveal under-examined elements of fascism. This thesis shows that a useful way to analyse the ideology of fascism is through an examination of its ideals and goals, and by considering the nature of a hypothetical fascist utopia. The most common ways of examining fascism and attempting to isolate its core ideological features have been by considering it culturally, looking at the metaphysical and philosophical claims fascists made about themselves, or by studying fascist regimes, looking at the external features of fascist movements, parties and governments. In existing studies there is an unspoken middle ground, where fascism could be examined by considering practical issues in the abstract and by postulating what a fascist utopia would be like.
    [Show full text]
  • Résumés Français Des Différentes
    Résumés.qxp 15/05/2012 14:29 Page 1 Maurrassisme et littérature Résumés Martin Motte Mistral-Maurras : les enjeux d’une filiation Charles Maurras fut-il le fils spirituel de Frédéric Mistral ou détourna-t-il l’héritage du grand poète provençal ? La question ne peut être directement tranchée par comparaison de leurs idées politiques, celles de Mistral ayant été très fluctuantes. Le détour par la littérature s’avère en revanche plus fructueux, puisque c’est sur ce terrain-là qu’ils se sont rencontrés. Pour Maurras, la poésie de Mistral était l’antidote au nihilisme romantique et, de façon analogue mais sur un plan collectif, une forme d’action civique. L’engagement du jeune Mistral au sein du Félibrige se fit sous ces auspices, mais il se rendit vite compte que les hiérarques du mouvement étaient trop proches de la République jacobine pour ne pas trahir le rêve de Mistral ; aussi se convertit- il au monarchisme, persuadé que seul un roi pourrait restaurer les libertés régionales. En somme, Maurras pensait accomplir le mistralisme par les voies du politique. Mais il ne put jamais rallier Mistral à ses vues, car de nombreuses questions les divisaient – et d’abord le fait que le poète abhorrait la politique. Leurs désaccords sur des enjeux annexes masquent toutefois une grande proximité quant à la façon d’articuler littérature et engagement civique, qu’ils avaient tendance à rapprocher jusqu’à les confondre. Cela explique que confrontés à des cir- constances tragiques, la révolte des vignerons languedociens pour Mistral, le 6 février 1934 pour Maurras, l’un et l’autre se soient repliés sur l’écriture.
    [Show full text]
  • The Vichy Regime and I Ts National Revolution in the Pol I Tical Wri Tings of Robert Bras Illach, Marcel Déat, Jacques Doriot, and Pierre Drieu La Rochelle
    The Vichy regime and i ts National Revolution in the pol i tical wri tings of Robert Bras illach, Marcel Déat, Jacques Doriot, and Pierre Drieu La Rochelle. Sean Hickey Department of History McGill University, Montreal September, 1991 A thesis submi tted to the Facul ty of Graduate St.udies and f{esearch in partial fulfj lIment of the requirements of the degree ot Master of Arts (c) 2 ABSTRACT This thesis examines the campaign wagp~ against Vichy's National Revolution by Robert Brasillach, Marcel Déat, Jacques Doriot, and Pierre Drieu La Rochelle. It explores the particular issues of contention separating Vichy and the Paris ultras as weIl as shedd':'ng light on the final evolutiou of a representative segment of the fascist phenomenon in France • . l 3 RESUME Cette thèse est une étude de la rédaction politique de Robert Brasillach, Marcel Déat, Jacques Doriot, et Pierre Drieu La Rochelle contre la ~9volution nationale de Vichy. Elle examine la critique des "collabos" envers la politique du gouvernement P~tainist et fait rapport, en passant, de l'ere finale d'un a3pect du phenomène fasciste en France. 4 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction 5 Chapt.er One: "Notre Avant-Guerre" 9 Chapt.er Two: At the Crossroads 3.1 Chapt.er Three: Vichy- Society Recast 38 Chapter Four: Vichy- Society purged 61 Chapt.er Five: Vichy- Legacy of Defeat 79 Conclusion 101 Bibliography 109 • 5 l NTRODUCT l ON To date, historians of the French Collaboration have focussed largely on three over lapPing relat ionshi ps: t.hat between the Vichy regime and Naz1 Germany, that beLween t.he latter and the Paris ultras, and the vanous struggles for power and influence within each camp.: As a resull ot tlllS triparti te fixation, the relatlonship between Vichy and the ultras has received short shift.
    [Show full text]
  • The Germans in France During World War II: Defeat, Occupation, Liberation, and Memory UCB-OLLI Bert Gordon [email protected] Winter 2020
    The Germans in France During World War II: Defeat, Occupation, Liberation, and Memory UCB-OLLI Bert Gordon [email protected] Winter 2020 Introduction Collaboration, Resistance, Survival: The Germans in France During World War II - Defeat, Occupation, Liberation, and Memory Shortly before being executed for having collaborated with Nazi Germany during the German occupation of France in the Second World War, the French writer Robert Brasillach wrote that “Frenchmen given to reflection, during these years, will have more or less slept with Germany—not without quarrels—and the memory of it will remain sweet for them.” Brasillach’s statement shines a light on a highly charged and complex period: the four-year occupation of France by Nazi Germany from 1940 through 1944. In the years since the war, the French have continued to discuss and debate the experiences of those who lived through the war and their meanings for identity and memory in France. On 25 August 2019, a new museum, actually a transfer and extension of a previously existing museum in Paris, was opened to commemorate the 75th anniversary of the liberation of the French capital. Above: German Servicewomen in Occupied Paris Gordon, The Germans in France During World War II: Defeat, Occupation, Liberation, and Memory Our course examines the Occupation in six two-hour meetings. Each class session will have a theme, subdivided into two halves with a ten-minute break in between. Class Schedule: 1. From Victory to Defeat: France emerges victorious after the First World War but fails to maintain its supremacy. 1-A. The Interwar Years: We focus on France’s path from victory in the First World War through their failure to successfully resist the rise of Nazi Germany during the interwar years and their overwhelming defeat in the Second.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rural Fantasies of Jean Giono
    H-France Salon Volume 2 13 H-France Salon, Volume 2, Issue 1, No. 3 The following essay was prepared in response to Meaghan Emery’s article and Richard Golsan’s response to that article published in French Historical Studies 33:4 (Fall 2010) and Emery’s response to Golsan’s response published in H-France Salon vol. 2, issue 1, #2 The Rural Fantasies of Jean Giono Julian Jackson* Almost no aspect of the Occupation excites more passionate debate than the positions taken up by artists and intellectuals. We want to know how, and why, so many writers collaborated - to understand their intellectual trajectories. Recently we have had fascinating studies of Bernard Faÿ, a close friend of Gertrude Stein, who was also a fanatical anti-Freemason and became director of the Bibliothèque national under Vichy, and of Ramon Fernandez (by his son the novelist Dominique) who moved from being one of the stars of the French literary scene in the 1920s to being a fascist collaborator after 1940.1 Of all the purge trials that took place in 1945, none excites more interest than that of the novelist Robert Brasillach.2 These were three writers openly committed to collaboration, but even more interesting are the more ambiguous cases. For example, the German historian Ingrid Galster has done very effective detective work on the wartime conduct of Jean-Paul Sartre.3 Pierre Hebey has provided an excellent study of the reasons why so many French writers went on writing for the prestigious Nouvelle revue française during the Occupation despite the fact it was edited by the fascist Drieu La Rochelle.4 The most sophisticated general account of writers in the war is that provided by Gisèle Sapiro who uses a sociological analysis inspired by Pierre Bourdieu to explain their choices.5 Our fascination with this issue derives partly from the high status that France has attached to its intellectuals.
    [Show full text]
  • The Infected Republic: Damaged Masculinity in French Political Journalism 1934-1938
    The Infected Republic: Damaged Masculinity in French Political Journalism 1934-1938 Emily Ringler Submitted for Honors in the Department of History April 30, 2010 TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements 3 Introduction 4 Chapter I: Constructing and Dismantling Ideals of French Masculinity in the Third Republic 10 Man and Republic: the Gendering of Citizenship 10 Deviance and Degenerates in the Third Republic 14 The Dreyfus Affair and Schisms in Ideals of Masculinity 22 Dystopia and Elusive Utopia: Masculinity and Les Années Folles 24 Political Instability and Sexual Symbolism in the 1930s 29 Chapter II: The Threat of the Other: Representations of Damaged Masculinity on the Right 31 Defining the Right Through Its Uses of Masculinity 31 Images of the Other 33 The Foreign Other as the Embodiment of Infection 36 Sexualizing Jewish Otherness 39 The Infected Republic: The Disease of the Other and the Decline of the Nation 42 Conclusion: Republicanism on the Extreme Right? 47 Chapter III: The Threat of the Crowd: Representations of Damaged Masculinity on the Left 49 Crowd Psychology in the Third Republic 49 Threat of Fascist Contagion in Leftist Journals 55 Crowd Psychology and the Deviance of the Leagues 59 Conclusion: Infection and the Threat of the Crowd 66 Conclusion 67 Bibliography 69 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Completing this thesis would not have been possible without the advice, input and support of too many people to name. First and foremost, I would like to thank my advisors, Ari Sammartino in the fall and Len Smith in the spring. Their comments on my research and numerous drafts were always highly helpful, informed and encouraging, and I would have been completely lost without their support.
    [Show full text]
  • Des Québécois En France, 1923-1939 »
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Érudit Article « Lien social, idéologie et cercles d’appartenance : le réseau “ latin ” des Québécois en France, 1923-1939 » Michel Lacroix Études littéraires, vol. 36, n° 2, 2004, p. 51-70. Pour citer cet article, utiliser l'information suivante : URI: http://id.erudit.org/iderudit/012903ar DOI: 10.7202/012903ar Note : les règles d'écriture des références bibliographiques peuvent varier selon les différents domaines du savoir. Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d'auteur. L'utilisation des services d'Érudit (y compris la reproduction) est assujettie à sa politique d'utilisation que vous pouvez consulter à l'URI https://apropos.erudit.org/fr/usagers/politique-dutilisation/ Érudit est un consortium interuniversitaire sans but lucratif composé de l'Université de Montréal, l'Université Laval et l'Université du Québec à Montréal. Il a pour mission la promotion et la valorisation de la recherche. Érudit offre des services d'édition numérique de documents scientifiques depuis 1998. Pour communiquer avec les responsables d'Érudit : [email protected] Document téléchargé le 9 février 2017 09:40 Lien social, idéologie et cercles d’appartenance: le réseau “latin” des Québécois en France, 1923-1939 Michel Lacroix Les observateurs, adversaires et analystes des lieux communs le savent bien: les “mots du jour” ont une histoire; ils naissent en fonction de certains contextes et ne sont pleinement intelligibles que dans un certain état du discours social. Combien, parmi les “idées reçues” cataloguées par Flaubert, demandent désormais l’assistance d’un historien ou d’un linguiste? Dans certains cas, la naissance, la circulation et la disparition des lieux communs n’éclairent que très faiblement les discours contemporains, mais il s’en trouve qui jettent un aperçu surprenant.
    [Show full text]