THE EMERGENCE AND and governmental institutions, which were THE WAY OF LIFE OF THE changed in King Rama V’s reformation.
WAGE LABORER CLASS IN The research found that the laborer class THAILAND FROM THE END in Thailand emerged at the end of the 18th OF THE 18TH TO THE 19TH century in a situation where production 1 for export and trade prospered. They were CENTURY all Chinese laborers. They used the “kongsi” system in their community and in Punnee Bualek2 their ways of production. Moreover, they used the “kongsi” system for trading and protecting themselves from outsiders. The Abstract “kongsi” system had a horizontal relationship that emphasized brotherhood, This research explores the answers to partnership and equality among its three significant questions. 1) When and members. Later on, this system was in what conditions did the wage laborer superseded by the triad system, which was class emerge in Thailand? 2) What kinds a vertical relationship. The triad, or of relationships were there between the T’ien-ti Hui, or secret societies, were wage laborers and the productivity governed by a hierarchy and had strict process? 3) Under those relationships, rules, so in this organization equality what were their real lives and way of life disappeared. Its ritual oath-taking ceremony like? and use of opium made the triads tightly- knit. Consequently, coolies and employers The first groups of hired laborers in could not be separated within the triad Thailand were Chinese coolies, the “kongsi” system. Coolies would be well outsiders of the “phrai” system. To study taken care of if they demonstrated loyalty this laborer group, we should understand to and worked hard for their employers, four inter-related factors. The first are the but they would be severely punished if they problems within China that pushed lacked these qualities. Chinese emigrants from their homeland. The second are the trading and production This research draws a clear picture of the changes in Southeast Asia, which came coolies’ lives in the early Rattanakosin from many factors both inside and outside period to the beginning of King Rama VI, the region. The third is the power of in the shipping and the ship-building Western countries, which influenced industry, the sugar industry, pirate Southeast Asia at that time. The fourth are organizations, tin mines and various the conditions and problems in Thai economic activities in the capital, “sakdina” society, including the political Bangkok.
The triad “kongsi” system gradually faded 1 The research project on which this article is out at the end of the 19th century when based was financially supported by The there were many changes in Thai society Thailand Research Fund (TRF). brought about by both Western influences 2 Associate Professor, Graduate School, Krirk and the attitude of the Thai government. University, Bangkok, Thailand At that time, Bangkok became the hub of
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export production. After that, the triad Chew, in which he specifically studies the “kongsi” system was not suited to the kongsi system in Sarawak (Chew 1990). urban way of life in a modern city such as Bangkok. The employers or the rich were The three works are different when the first to separate themselves from the explaining the characteristics of the kongsi “kongsi” system. Some of them moved to system but they are similar in explaining become aristocratic Thai. They absorbed their establishment and ruin. Moreover, both Western and Thai “sakdina” culture they emphasize that the kongsi system and then neglected the “kongsi” Chinese were almost inevitable for most overseas culture. They established, instead, new Chinese as is shown by their establishment organizations like merchant guilds and in Borneo by the Hakka from the end of chambers of commerce. These groups of the eighteenth until the end of the merchants were called “thaokae.” At the nineteenth century. Trocki does not entirely same time, the coolies themselves agree with many points in Wang Tai established their new organizations, which Peng’s kongsi concept that the kongsi subsequently became the modern laborer system which appeared in Southeast Asia organizations. At first, the coolie were unique in their combination of the organizations were controlled by Chinese brotherhood tradition within an “thaokae” groups who employed them for economic partnership and that the kongsi their own advantage. These kinds of system of Southeast Asia were different organizations were “angyi” or gangsters, from the “secret” societies of China. which were latterly subdued by the Thai Trocki explains that the Chinese kongsi government towards the end of King Rama systems were organized for economic V’s reign and the beginning of King Rama purposes. They emerged in the eighteenth VI’s reign. century within Chinese settlements in Southeast Asia and they were primarily Introduction workers’ organizations. Some of them were characterized by some forms of triad ritual This paper is a brief account of research and could thus be considered as “secret” that studied the kongsi system and the societies. Trocki argues that the kongsi laborer class in Thailand. The concept of systems of Southeast Asia were not the Chinese kongsi system that is used in unique. Particular circumstances led to this research comes from three important different kongsi configurations. In certain historical works. The first one is The situations, kongsi ties based on kinship or Origins of Chinese Kongsi by Wang Tai speech group or regional origin cut across Peng, which tries to explain the origins oaths of brotherhood. The significance of and erosion of the kongsi system in the kongsi systems was their economic Southeast Asia (Wang 1995). Another function. The Kongsi system grew up item of research is Opium and Empire: around certain occupations and industries, Chinese Society in Colonial Singapore in different places and at different times, 1800–1990 by Carl A. Trocki. He and they maintained a variety of describes the kongsi system of Singapore relationships with external political and Southeast Asia (Trocki 1990). The structures. Likewise, whether or not a third source is Chinese Pioneers on the kongsi system was a “secret” society was Sarawak Frontier 1841–1941 by Daniel largely a function of its situation. Rituals were probably always private but in
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situations where the kongsi system was not distinctly displays are the story and a forbidden organization secrecy was statistics of Chinese immigrants. probably only a formality. Viraphol’s work emphasizes the trade between Siam and China from its Trocki explains that the kongsi systems in prosperity to its decline. Iawsriwong Southeast Asia and in some colonies did studies Chinese immigrants as Siam’s not always form a self-governing bourgeois class and their activities in both community but, rather, some were under foreign and inland trade. These three do the power of local government. The kongsi not study Chinese activity in production systems were thus economic organizations and consequently the story of laborers is that assumed the functions of government only inexplicitly shown. when necessary. Some kongsi systems lacked democracy and equality. The triad The three works of Wang Tai Peng, Carl concept of brotherhood, the “heaven-earth- A. Trocki and Daniel Chew have been man,” seems to have formed the umbrella, used to provide the conceptual framework particularly in frontier situations. Some for this research in studying the kongsi systems had political and military circumstances and conditions of the wage aspects. The early settlements of the laborer class in Thailand. The study can overseas Chinese were an extension of the be outlined as follows. maritime world dominated by anti- Manchu rebels. The settlers came in ships 1. Chinese coolie immigrants or as groups, perhaps already organized as formed the first group of the wage laborer kongsi. Another reason for maintaining class in Thailand. This class originated in the military-political function was that sakdina society at the end of the these overseas settlements had to provide eighteenth century co-inciding with the their own defense in a relatively hostile end of the Ayutthaya and the beginning of and unsettled environment. Even where a the Rattanakosin periods. During the reliable local government provided reigns of King Rama I to King Rama III of security, the Chinese were generally left to the Rattanakosin Period, they developed as manage their own internal affairs. These an exclusive class in Thai society. Chinese were undertaken by the kongsi system. coolies worked at first in the shipping and the ship-building industry, in pepper plants Even though there have been some and the sugar industry and later in tin historical studies portraying the economic mines, rice mills and saw mills. All of and social changes in the early these were part of the export business and Rattanakosin period, the story of wage had the Chinese merchants as the real laborer class in Thailand is still unclear. employers. In some businesses, Chinese The three major works on the topic are merchants had to deal under the umbrella Chinese Society in Thailand: An of members of the Thai upper class who Analytical History by William Skinner, facilitated their activities by lending (Skinner 1957) Tribute and Profit: Sino- capital or giving extra legitimacy. In the Siamese Trade 1631–1853 by Sarasin nineteenth century, some Chinese coolies Viraphol (Viraphol 1977) and Pak Kai Lae worked in the public works of the modern Bai Rua by Nithi Iawsriwong (Iawsriwong city of Bangkok replacing the phrai corvee 1995). Skinner generally studies Chinese laborers. society in Thailand. The pictures that he
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The arrival of Chinese coolies coincided with a period of expansion in commerce and a high demand for laborers in Southeast Asia. At that time, the forced corvee laborers or phrai people were under the control of the Thai sakdina ruling class. The demand for commodities in Southeast Asia came from 2 areas; 1. China demanded tin, gold, tobacco, gambia, pepper, sugar, rice and forest commodities. 2. Europe demanded coffee, sugar, pepper, teak, rice and forest commodities. Some of this demand could not be satisfied or afforded by the phrai people, so the Chinese stepped in and the Thai ruling class did not despise them because the rulers derived advantages from exporting and trading taxes including internal production revenue.
Iawsriwong (1995) comments that Chinese immigrants in the Early Period of Rattanakosin were populations with quality, diligence and a tolerance for hard work. Moreover, they had some economic experience and commercial knowledge especially in accounting. Nevertheless, most of them failed to achieve success in both social and economic status in their society. They were all uneducated so they were unable to be good delegates of Chinese culture. The work that they could do and which made the Thai higher class admire them was as craftsmen, builders, artists and masons (Swee 1991: 37–48).
2. There were four reasons why the Chinese coolies migrated to Thailand.
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Table 1: Selected estimate of the Chinese and total population of Thailand prior to 1917
Approx. Total Chinese Source Year (all races)
1822 440,000 2,790,500 Crawfurd 1830, II. 224 1827 800,000 3,252,650 Mallock 1852, 73 1835 500,000 3,620,000 Edmund Roberts, from Malcom 1839, 146 1839 450,000 3,000,000 Malcom 1839, 145 1849 1,100,000 3,653,150 Mallock 1852, 73 1854 1,500,000 6,000,000 Pallegoix 1854, I, 8 1858 - 5,000,000 Auguste Heurtier, from Girard 1860, 5 1862 1,750,000 7,000,000 Werner 1873, 259
1864 - 4,000,000 Siam Consular Report 1864 1878 1,750,000 7,750,000 Rousset 1878, 106 1885 1,500,000 5,900,000 Rosny 1885, 116 1890 3,000,000 10,000,000 Gaston Rautier, from Hallett 1890, 461 1891 500,000 - Gordon 1891, 289 1892 1,500,000 5,900,000 Hoeylaerts 1892, 10 1894 900,000 9,000,000 Directory for Bangkok and Siam 1984, 8 1900 400,000 - Campbell 1902, 268# 1900 600,000 - Raquez 1903, 434 1903 700,000 5,000,000 Little 1903, 261 1903 2,000,000 6,300,000 Mury 1903, 54
1903 2,500,000 - Gottwaldt 1903, 75, 89 1903 480,000 5,029,000 Directory for Bangkok and Siam 1903, 119** 1907 1,400,000 6,000,000 Siam Free Press 1907 1907 2,755,807 - “Statistik der Chinesen in Auslande” 1907– 1910 1,200,000 - 1908, 277 1912 400,000 6,020,000 Survey of Chinese Industry and Commerce 1912 650,000 - 1951 Graham 1912, 109 1916 1,500,000 - China Year Book 1912, 35 China Year Book 4916, 37
(Skinner 1957: 68–69) many people died of starvation. As well as 2.1 Starvation and political natural hazards, the lives of many Chinese problems encouraged Chinese migration, people were made worse by wars, both especially among the people who lived internal and from outside which not only near the South Seas (Nanyang). China had lowered productivity but also used up any always faced many natural hazards: surplus. Wars with foreign countries cost floods, the collapse of dams, epidemics, an enormous amount and the Chinese high temperatures and droughts. These community was severely hampered by problems made the cultivation of crops far having to pay war debts. Moreover, as an more difficult and, with lower yields, additional burden, many Chinese were
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oppressed by foreigners. Wholesale Chinese coolies were either: 1. voluntary starvation brought about by economic, immigrants, 2. indentured coolies, or 3. political, natural and social problems made credit-ticket coolies. The voluntary many people in the south of China migrate immigrants, or free emigrants, went from their homeland. Even though the abroad bypassing any local and foreign Ch’ing Governments did not permit this coolie dealers so they were free to work practice, and considered those leaving to when they arrived at their destination. This be pirates, criminals or traitors, many group of coolies normally had relatives or Chinese continued to migrate to the South friends to accommodate them. The Seas for their survival and to make their indentured and the credit-ticket coolies fortune (Iawsriwong 1995: 145–146). migrated under the control of coolie dealers as part of the coolie trade system. 2.2 In the nineteenth century, The indentured coolies received money Chinese laborers were in great demand on when they arrived at their destination and the world market and the Ch’ing dynasty then the coolies were passed into the hands was forced to change its policy of of the coolie dealers. At the port, the prohibiting its people from migrating to coolies could be sold on to other dealers at one of protecting its people who were a high profit. The other group, the credit- working as wage laborers, or “coolies.” ticket coolies, had no money to pay for In this century, some Western countries, in their tickets. When they arrived at their extending their power and economic destination, there would be someone to activity in their colonies, found that they pay for their tickets including any needed many more unskilled laborers to expenses incurred on the voyage and after help in the extraction of the colonies’ this payment was made, the laborers were natural resources. In 1838, the American free to work. Normally both indentured government passed an act to prohibit the coolies and credit-ticket coolies were African slave trade. One of the results was treated similarly. They were treated like that Chinese laborers, working for low animals and were called “pigs” because of wages, replaced black slave laborers in the disgusting conditions on the ships. some economic activities. In the Almost all of them worked hard for their nineteenth century, Penang, Singapore, freedom which, on average, they secured Macao and Hong Kong became the trade after three years (Campbell 1971: 2–6). centers for Chinese coolies in Southeast Asia (Irick 1982: 6–8). The traffic of The coolies that migrated to Thailand were Chinese coolies made a lucrative profit for of two kinds: voluntary immigrants and some Portuguese, British and French credit-ticket coolies. companies. After the end of the Opium War in 1845, the coolie trade began to The coolie trade in China was managed by expand but it was abolished in 1874, both foreign coolie brokers and local following strong Chinese opposition to the brokers. In this situation, the Ch’ing practice (Yen 1985: 119, 122). dynasty’s policies for prohibiting the coolie trade and Chinese people from Chinese coolies were exported to all going abroad, were not successful. After regions of the world; to South Africa, to the Treaty of Beijing in 1860, the Ch’ing North and South America and to almost dynasty had to accept the existence of the every area in Southeast Asia. In general, coolie trade and had to change its policies
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to protect Chinese people who were going satisfied the need for laborers, tax farmers, abroad. Under the government’s new loyal ship’s officers and craftsmen. policy toward the coolie trade, Chinese people legally migrated in order to work Because of the large number of Chinese abroad. This new policy was brought immigrants entering the country, the about by the pressure exerted upon the Siamese court introduced laws to control Ch’ing government by those powerful the flow. In the reign of King Rama II, countries that had most to benefit from the Chinese immigrants were controlled by the coolie trade. In addition, the Ch’ing collection of a poll tax generally known as government recognized the economic phuk phi. Every three years they had to capability of the Chinese working overseas register with the state for phuk phi and writing overseas and anticipated that they had to pay two baht with a fee of one considerable funds would be sent back to satang. This payment was increased in the China (Swee 1991: 66–69). The new reign of King Rama III to four baht with attitude and policy toward coolies a fee of one satang. This rate of payment augmented the coolie traffic so that cheap continued to be used until King Rama V Chinese laborers were soon to be found abolished it in 1908 and changed it to everywhere in the world. correspond with the same rate that Thai people paid which was six baht a year 2.3 The court of Siam had for a from 1909. This method provided some long time accepted Chinese people as means of controlling the number of migrants into the kingdom. Many Chinese Chinese immigrants. The Siamese state people had migrated into this kingdom instituted some Chinese governors in the from the beginning of the Ayutthaya reign of King Rama III and some Chinese period. They played a significant role in judges in the reign of King Rama IV. shipping by becoming accountants, Siamese state policy towards Chinese storehouse officials and sailors. Many immigrants was to permit some limited others worked as merchants, pig farmers, Chinese self-governance, one result of craftsmen, traditional Chinese dancers, which was to increase the number of state officials and doctors, to name but a Chinese people migrating to Thailand few. There were three reasons that Thai (Lertphanichkul 1991: 117–130). society had relied on them and had left important work in their hands. 1. The 2.4 The ease of traveling from Chinese had become accustomed to both China to Thailand also encouraged greater the Thai people and the Thai court. Chinese migration. At first, the Chinese Opportunities for trade prompted further often migrated in Chinese junks. The immigration to Thailand and many Teochiu dialect group was the most Chinese became long-term residents. 2. numerous migrant group coming into The Chinese court and the Siamese court Thailand on their red-hulled junks from had a close relationship because the the port of Zhanglin port. Many Hokkien Siamese court accepted traditional Chinese dialect people sailed from Fukien in their trade under the tribute system. The trade green-hulled junks. The voyage generally between the two countries was prosperous took more than a month. The junk in the reigns of King Rama II and King weighed about three hundred fifty tons and Rama III. 3. Chinese immigration did not had usually no fewer than two hundred trouble the Siamese state, but rather passengers. The Chinese junk journey was
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dependent upon wind. For the journey to Bangkok, Swatow and Hainam was Thailand, ships had to come between opened so that Chinese coolies could be January and April to take advantage of the more expeditiously transported to north-eastern monsoon. The return trip to Thailand (Veeskul 1949: 2–5). China was best undertaken in June or July, helped by the south-western monsoon. The Among the Western countries, Britain had passengers had to live their normal been the one that had taken most everyday lives on the deck of the junk for advantage of the coolie traffic to Thailand a long period of time and they also had to at first but in 1874–1899 the British face shortages of food and water, problems steamship companies faced rivalry from with pirates and the vagaries of the Norwegian and German shipping weather (Chanthawanich 1991: 13–15). companies. From 1899, Germany became the most powerful country in shipments to About the middle of the nineteenth the Far East and Southeast Asia. This century, there was a change in marine success occurred because of the assistance transportation. Westerners brought of the German government, which steamships for transportation to every strongly supported their shipping important port of this region including companies in the competition. The North China, Singapore, Hong Kong, Amoy, German Lloyd Steamship Company took Kwangtung and Swatow. Steamships over the British ship companies and were employed instead of the Chinese controlled fifty five percent of the junks because they were better able to shipping into and out of Thailand. After accommodate the enormous increase in the German shipping companies had coolie traffic after the end of the Opium eliminated their rivals, they raised the War and the Beijing Treaty of 1860 that ticket price. In 1906 the Nippon Yusen allowed Chinese people to go abroad ship company of Japan launched their legally. The lucrative profit from the business in Thailand but for a short period Chinese coolie traffic attracted Western the company had to withdraw because of Shipping companies and their interest failure in the face of reduced ticket price grew in this business. competition. For this reason, the German shipping companies continued to control In 1873, The Scottish and Oriental all shipments to and from Thailand Company began to use steamships for voyages between Bangkok, Hong Kong In 1908, some Chinese merchants in and Swatow and, also, appointed the Thailand tried to destroy the shipping Windsor Company its agency in Thailand. monopoly and the high price of traffic. Initially, shipping schedules were not very They collaborated to establish a new accurate but, at the beginning of 1882, the shipping company, the “Siam Chinese Bangkok Passenger Steamer Company of Ship Company,” by hiring some Britain began to run the shipping business steamships from a Norwegian company. between Bangkok and Swatow and the The company had many shareholders from company inaugurated a punctual once-a- the leaders of five Chinese dialect groups: week schedule. Subsequently, other rival Hokkien, Teochiu, Hakka, Hainam and European ship companies entered the Kwangtung. Moreover, some of the business and, in 1888, a new line shareholders such as Mr. Hun Kim Hoad, providing a direct voyage between Mr. Aung Lum Sum and Mr. Seow Hood
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Seng, had connections with the national resistance. According to the evidence, in party “Guomingdang” of China. The 1824 during the reign of King Rama III in attempt to establish their shipping Chanthaburi province, a Teochiu bean-oil company came from the growing feeling kongsi system with 700–800 members of nationalism among Chinese leaders, fought against a Hokkien kongsi system. who wished to strengthen their nation and Both of them had an established triad to counter Western influence. Even though system which had the managers of the the Chinese leaders and merchants mills called long chu as leaders of the compelled their employees to take the triads (Damrong Rachanuphap 1974: 328– company ship when they went abroad, the 331). company met with failure like the other European companies that had previously As well as setting up the triad kongsi been rivals in this business. At last, the system, the use of opium became a highly Siam Chinese Ship Company was significant instrument for intoxicating abolished in 1912. Some important coolies to persuade them to work hard and shareholders like Kim Seng Lee (Luang not escape. One of the major problems of Sophon Phet Charat) and Yi Koh Hong the governments of King Rama II and (Phra Anuwat Ratchaniyom), were left in King Rama III was that the triad kongsi debt and bankruptcy followed. As a result, system provided opium for coolies and the Thai shipping business remained under smuggled large quantities of opium into the control of a few German shipping the country. Even though King Rama III companies (Bualek 2002: 52–56). introduced a prohibition policy for opium possession and addiction and proclaimed 3. The kongsi system emerged in that those who broke it would be severely Southeast Asia at the end of the eighteenth punished, opium smuggling remained and the beginning of the nineteenth prevalent. This policy failure was caused century. This system was not only a by three main factors. 1. The Thai commercial relationship but also the basis government realized that Great Britain was of all Chinese coolie immigration the nation that derived most benefit from relationships. The kongsi system initially the trade and was behind-the-scene in emphasized brotherhood and partnership supplying opium; in this area the Thai with equality but later this system was government dared not oppose Britain. 2. superseded by the triad or “Tien-ti Hui” Many Thai aristocrats lacked honesty and which was familiarly called a secret benefited from the smuggling of opium, so organization or angyi in some areas. In the attempts to suppress opium in the Thailand this kind of organization may reign of King Rama III were have begun at the same period as in other unsuccessful. 3. Opium consumption was parts of Southeast Asia but it explicitly an ingrained habit with many coolies and showed up at a tin mine in the south of thus it was impossible to stamp out the Thailand during the reign of King Rama II habit. The more Chinese coolies migrated of the Rattanakosin period to Thailand, the more opium was (Lertphanichkul 1981: 144). At that time distributed in this country (Damrong there were a lot of Chinese coolie Rachanuphap 1974: 332–338). immigrants in both agricultural plantations and tin mines so the triads were needed to Because it proved impossible to suppress oppress the coolies and crush any the growing opium trade, a royal
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command in 1851 sanctioned opium people, and the employees changed. Most addiction with the government benefiting of thaokae people resided in luxurious from future taxes on its sale. However, European-style residences in town, so they the defeat of China by Great Britain in the did not stay in the kongsi houses with the Opium War was significant. China had to coolies any more. The kongsi houses were pay both money and land as an indemnity the homes of the coolies and the Chinese for the war. This was a clear lesson for the managers or long chu. Some of the Thai state. By the terms of the Bowring employers began to adopt European Treaty 1855 between Thailand and Great culture and enjoyed Thai sakdina rank by Britain, there was an agreement that Great becoming tax-farmers, so the essence of Britain could import opium into Thailand the kongsi system that emphasized a without any tax, hence the number of closed fraternal Chinese relationship opium distributors in the country grew decayed. The discriminative process considerably. The opium tax that the state between the employers and the Chinese derived from the tax-farmers represented coolies became marked in the reign of one quarter (1–4) of the nation’s entire King Rama V. After that the Chinese higher income—derived from opium, coolies established their own kongsi lotteries, gambling and distillation taxes. systems which were at first occupied by The proportion of taxes from the the employers or thaokae. The kongsi consumption of the coolies was about fifty coolies at that time were not the kongsi per cent of the entire revenue collection, production—on the contrary they were twenty per cent of which came from only the brokers of coolie laborers opium (Jaranpattana 1980: 102–103, 172– (Damrong Rachanuphap 1974: 332–336). 173). At the same time the employers also established their own kongsi organization, The kongsi system controlled the coolies’ “the Chinese Chamber of Commerce ways of living for about one hundred years (1910)” or hui in the Chinese style (Bualek from the end of the eighteenth century but 2002: 242–243, 291). it faced a decline at the end of the nineteenth century at the end of King Another reason for the change in the Rama V’s reign and the beginning of King relationship was caused by the Rama VI’s reign. The cause of the decline centralization or strengthening of the was principally that the fraternal relationship central state in King Rama V’s reign. in the kongsi system gradually deteriorated According to this concept, the kongsi and was replaced by the employee/employer system or angyi group were unlawful relationship. Furthermore, the environment organizations so they had to be suppressed of the coolies’ lives between the beginning and abolished. Evidence from King Rama and the end of the nineteenth century was IV’s era and King Rama V’s era shows of the significantly different. By the end that the kongsi coolies frequently of the nineteenth century, Bangkok, a quarreled. This rivalry arose chiefly from modernized capital with many new roads competition over seeking jobs for for transportation, was becoming the newcomers. In Bangkok, thaokae groups center of production. It was isolated like derived great benefit from being coolie the production areas in the Early brokers, so they recruited a large number Rattanakosin Period. The relationship of coolies from China. In business between employers, between thaokae competition they had to establish the
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kongsi systems for controlling their coolies Thai state passed the Nationality Change and acquiring work; thus quarreling Act of 1911, the Exile Act of 1912 and the among the kongsi coolies occurred all the Nationality Act of 1913 to control the time. In the southern area, there were two Chinese community. Another important prominent kongsi groups: Yi Hin and Pun act was the Association Act of 1914 which Thao Kong. Both of them dealt in mining, compelled Chinese organizations of all so they fought for the control of water kinds to register and come under the resources to clean the tin ore. The control of the Thai state3. These acts were government at that time used the an attempt by the Thai state to coerce the supporting angyi policy to solve kongsi Chinese into conforming to Thai ways and disputes. According to this policy, the involuntarily erode the Chinese kongsi Chinese had some measure of self- system. government so they had to choose leaders of each clan to have contact with the The other cause of the kongsi collapse was government. The Chinese leaders had to the European influence in both economy drink holy water and take an oath that they and culture. The growth of production and would be loyal to the king and not cause trade arising from European capitalism any disturbance. Explicitly, this policy provided huge benefits to the Chinese collapsed because these leaders engaged in capitalists and the rich in Thailand. This disputes after the death of the powerful new group in Thai society needed a new aristrocrat, Somdet Chaophraya way of life to demonstrate their wealth, so Borommaha Sri Suriyawong (Chuang they replaced the Chinese life style with a Bunnag) in 1882 who had employed the European style. This weakened the supporting angyi policy. At that period Confucian brotherhood culture and the the angyi kongsi groups lacked any person basis of the kongsi relationship became to respect and look up to so they ignored. A lot of Chinese merchants and frequently fought among themselves coolies accepted the Christian religion and (Damrong Rachanuphap 1974: 334–365). became the responsibility of European consuls (Lertphanichkul 1981: 1824– In 1889 in Bangkok, there was a big battle 1910). These were reasons for the between a Teochiu kongsi group and a Chinese kongsi decline. Hokkien kongsi groups because of the rivalry in seeking jobs for newcomers. The 4. This investigative research into government used an army of about one the kongsi system in Thailand, has studied thousand soldiers to suppress this five specific cases. They are 1. shipping disturbance. About eight hundred and ship-building, 2. the sugar industry, 3. members of both kongsi groups were pirate organizations, 4. tin mines, and 5. captured, thirty were killed and twenty various economic activities in the capital, injured. After this incident, the Bangkok. The Chinese coolies played a government definitely decided to end the major role in the pepper plant industry but Chinese kongsi angyi organization. The there is insufficient data for an in-depth government proclaimed the angyi Act of study, so it was not included in this 1887 prohibiting the establishment of the research. Conclusions drawn from the five kongsi angyi organization. Those breaking the law were to be fined as well as 3 detained for any infraction. After this, the See Wichailak (1934a: 119–121, 1934b: 256– 259, 1934c: 165–172, 1935: 103–110)
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case studies may be summarized as Chinese merchants. According to follows: documents of the Third Reign, Siamese vessels trading with Canton, Shanghai and 4.1 Chinese people have played a Ningpo carried as their usual cargo, such significant role in the maritime affairs of items as sapan wood, pepper, red wood, Thailand since the Ayutthaya period. The bee’s wax, tin, cardamom, rudders, junk trade between China and Ayutthaya, rhinoceros horn and betel nuts. Between under the tribute system, was so 1844 and 1845, twenty ships were prosperous that there was an organization involved in the transport of such items to named “Pen-kang hang” in Kwangtung to the above destinations. We also learn that take care of the monopoly of maritime the cost of outfitting a junk to trade there, trade between the two kingdoms at least for that season, was slightly over (Cushman 1975: 40–41). The destruction one thousand three hundred and eighty of the Ayutthaya state caused a short break Siamese tales (£690). Such ventures in the trade cycle which was not revived involved a number of junks from the until the time of King Rama II and King Siamese side, including those vessels Rama III in the Rattanakosin era. Not owned by resident merchants and only the king but also aristocrats and chartered to the Siamese court. There Chinese merchants took part in the trade. were also many from the Chinese side The main exports to China were rhinoceros which traded actively with Siam (Viraphol horn, sappan wood, cardamoms, pepper, 1977: 194–195). crude sugar, anchors, tillers and other jungle products. Thailand traded with its In the early Rattanakosin period, Bangkok other neighbors in Southeast Asia, as well was the hub of Chinese junk building as with China. Crawfurd, who entered because the junks built in Siam were Thailand in about 1823, noted that there considered to be the cheapest and most were about seventy junks on the durable. The Chinese junks which were Chaophraya River, two of them were built in Bangkok imitated the style of the government-owned vessels, twenty were junks of Kwangtung and Fukien. owned by aristocrats and about fourty- Bangkok became the hub for Chinese junk eight were owned by Chinese merchants. building because there were considerable In addition to these, the Chinese merchants quantities of hard wood in this area so had about thirty to forty vessels trading junks were fifty percent cheaper than those with adjacent areas in Southeast Asia. All built in China. The shipping industry may of the laborers and the commanders on the have existed before the Rattanakosin ships were Chinese. The maritime trade period and evidence shows that in King brought wealth to all who were involved in Rama I’s reign, there were many shipyards it and they were named chaosua or setthi along the Chaophraya River. In King samphao (Thinanont 1979: 66–73). Rama II’s reign the Thai shipping industry was very influential on the Asian shipping Burney observed in 1826 that the Siamese market (Cushman 1975: 81–82). king and most of his courtiers participated According to Crawfurd’s report, the in the trade with China, which yielded majority of junks that journeyed between them a three hundred percent profit at East India and China were built in least. They sold sapan wood, gamboge Bangkok. Chinese merchants and the Thai and other goods at Chinese ports via government were the owners of the
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shipyards which were located in many of centuries. The same kongsi tradition for the kingdom’s coastal areas. Crawfurd sea life, was used for their self- estimated that there were about eight government. The reasons that the Chinese thousand laborers working in shipping but people in the south of China turned to he did not give any information on the piracy were much the same as their number of coolies in the ship building reasons for migration. In reality, the industry (Crawfurd 1972: 111). A fair Chinese immigrants formed a closed, approximation might be that more than ten tightly-knit society and there were close thousand laborers worked in the two relationships between merchants, activities due to prosperity at that time. immigrants and pirates. In the junks, they journeyed hoping for good fortune which Labor in both shipping and ship-building might be any of three types, depending used the kongsi system as in China. The upon circumstances. These would research of Jennifer Wayne Cushman determine whether the emigrants became explains that everyone on the ship had a good or bad because the seas at that time strong spirit of brotherhood and could were not controlled by any one nation. expect a share of the profits. Because they During the period of the Opium War were from the same village and they had (1839–1842) and the Tai-Peng rebellion collaborated in building ships, everyone (1850–1864), many Chinese people turned was allowed a certain tonnage of personal to piracy. Some of the Chinese immigrants goods on the ship which depended upon could not get any work because their the position and the status of the person. number exceeded the requirements for Some of them could get salaries and also regional production. Sometimes they met some space to hold goods but some could problems in new lands so they turned to get only space (Cushman 1975: 137–139). piracy later on. It was easy to exist as a sea This kind of relationship also existed on pirate because no states or kingdoms in Thai ships. For the ship-building industry, Southeast Asia had a strong enough navy labor relationship was in accordance with or army to suppress them. the kongsi system and depended on the dialectal groups which were Teochiu, The Chinese, who had menaced the seas Hokkien and Hainam, of which Hainam around the Thai kingdom since the reign was the most important group playing a of King Rama III, can be separated into role in this industry. two groups: one consisting of the pirates intending to build their junks for The coming of the Europeans to this plundering, and the other pirates who region from the reign of King Rama III were sometimes merchants. These onwards contributed to the decline of the merchants would turn to piracy when they shipping industry in Thailand. The junk had the chance to attack other vessels and trade and junk building were replaced by to smuggle merchandise. The two groups European merchant ships, which subsequently of pirates were found throughout the seas included steamships (Cushman 1975: 88– of Southeast Asia and this presented a 89). great problem to the Western countries which were intruding into this region. 4.2 Chinese piracy expanded over Vessels from Great Britain, France, the south seas of China and Southeast Asia Holland, and America were frequently during the eighteenth and nineteenth attacked, plundered and their merchandise
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stolen. These Chinese pirates created an have failed without the cooperation of the enormous problem not only for the vessels Thai government. For this reason, the of Western countries but also for Thai British government employed many shipping. strategies to influence the Thai government such as giving advice, sending In 1850, Chinese pirates perpetrated an naval troops to subdue the pirates along egregious attack. They stormed the town the Thai coast and severely condemning of Songkhla, burnt the governor’s house the Thai state.5 Subduing the pirates was and captured the deputy governor. The the main reason that Thailand had to officers and the people were so frightened develop a navy. that they escaped and hid in the jungle (see The Chinese). In the reigns of King Rama 4.3 The sugar industry, which IV and King Rama V Chinese pirate emerged about 1810 at the beginning of activity increased especially in the area of the Rattanakosin period, was the earliest the Andaman Sea because this was an area monopoly industry that employed huge with many tin mines, merchant ships and numbers of Chinese coolies and attracted multitudes of Chinese coolies. There much investment. At that time, before the appeared to be a correlation between the Bowring Treaty of 1855, sugar was the number of coolies and the incidences of most important export item even more so piracy. When the tin price in the market than rice. In 1832 it was recorded that the failed, many tin mines were closed and, major areas of sugar plantations and mills consequently, the unemployed Chinese were in the central part of Thailand near coolies turned to piracy. Sometimes, the Bangkok, in the provinces of Nakorn- conflict between the Chinese kongsi Prathom, Samut-Prakarn, Nakorn-Chaisri, increased the number of pirates and their Samut-Sakorn, Ratchaburi and activities. Each side both attacked and Chachoengsao. In this last province, on the plundered the other as the opportunity Bang Pakong River, there were about presented itself. 4 thirty sugar mills. The prosperity of the sugar industry arose because of the The Thai state succeeded in suppressing support of the Thai government. The the pirates in the reign of King Rama V investors could be divided into three because of the combined efforts of Great groups which were: 1. The king and the Britain, France, and the Thai government. members of the royal family, 2. The Great Britain was the country that had aristocrats or noblemen and 3. The suffered most from piracy. Its ships were Chinese merchants. The first and the frequently the target of attacks and this second groups played their role in this interrupted their commercial activity. The industry by making capital available and British government attempted to subdue giving the privileges to the third group. the pirates in this region from the sea The patronage relationship was commonly south of China to the Malaka Channel but used among the three groups of investors. British efforts to crush the pirates would The powerful aristocrat “Bunnag” family was significantly involved in the sugar 4 see The Letter from Chaophraya 5 Akharamahasenabordi to Phraya Senanuchit, see The Letter from Chaophraya the governor of Takao-Pra Province Akharamahasenabordi to Phraya Phuket
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industry. The Chinese merchants, the real sugar mill and plantation took part. The businessmen in this industry, were also the rebels killed the governor, and then same group that was investing in the junk occupied the town. Eventually, they were trade and in sugar tax-farmers. In the reign overcome by central state troops and about of King Rama III, the sugar industry had three thousand members were killed. The been conducted as a monopoly by tax- causes of the rebellion were dissatisfaction farmers for the whole country. There was with official judgments and also the a change in the reign of King Rama IV in government’s suppression of opium that the tax farming was separated into smuggling from which the kongsi group three regions and was also managed by and the sugar managers had obtained three tax-farmers. Nevertheless, this benefit. In engaging kongsi troops to business brought a lot of benefit to those occupy the town, the kongsi warrior involved (Burusratanaphand 1983: 10–20). coolies had to completely obey their leaders or longchu under penalty of death In the sugar mills and sugar cane if they refused. The ritual oath-taking plantations, there was a Chinese manager ceremony and opium addiction were used or longchu who governed the Chinese as tools of persuasion and to create unity. laborers. Normally, the sugar kongsi The soldiers of the “Tan” clan were the system formed according to dialectal most trustworthy so they took the major 7 groups; Teochiu, Hokkien and Hainam. role in controlling the town. The managers and the laborers were 4.4 In the south of Thailand, always from the same dialectal group. In Chinese coolies had played the major role each sugar mill, there were about 100–300 as tin mine workers in the reign of King laborers. They spent their lives together, Rama III after the central state gave eating rice cooked in the same large authority in tin mining concessions and the cauldron, and sleeping under the same collection of revenues to the Chinese tax roof. The Chinese laborers had to obey the farmers. While King Rama IV was the foremen and the managers and there ruler, there was another change in tin existed a brotherly respect among mining owing to the high demand for tin members of the same kongsi group. In on the world market and the increase in some sugar mills or plantations, their the tin concession fee. The Chinese tax- relationship was very deep at the clan level farmers, who normally were also the town and they were, thus, tightly knit. For governors, had expanded their production example, the “Tan” clan in Chachoengsao area and recruited Chinese coolies. The was very powerful because the top leader Phuket governor had persuaded Chinese of the kongsi angyi organization in this investors from Penang to participate in area, longchu sin-tong, was in this clan. 6 investment and to recruit coolies to work in Phuket. The central government had In 1848, there was a violent rebellion of supported this arrangement by lending the the kongsi angyi organization in the sugar industry in Chachoengsao in which every 7 See The testimony copy of a Chinese on the triad story in Chachoengsao Province
6 see The testimony copy of a Chinese on the triad story in Chachoengsao Province
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tax-farmers capital because they expected through the persuasion of their cousins an increase in income from tin revenues, (Phongphatarawat 2000: 51–52). trading revenues, tariffs and the Chinese poll tax phuk phi. Thanks to the Bowring The tin mine coolies lived their lives under Treaty 1855, tin ore became a free trade the kongsi system. Most of them were item and the state could no longer levy any single and worked with employers of the tax on it, which was a plus, even though same clan so the brotherhood relationship the tin mining concessions were still in the was used to cover the distinction between governor’s hands. The power of the the classes. Tin kongsi system was governor in tin mining concessions was involved in the production area, the office, abolished in 1882, in accordance with the as well as in the dwelling places of both new rules from the central government as the employers and the coolies. Normally, part of the change. A governor-general in every tin kongsi group, there was a representing the central government was kongsi store for supplying everyday needs, sent to govern the southern part and collect an opium den, a gambling den and a liquor the revenues instead (Phongphatarawat shop. It is estimated that each kongsi 2000: 43–52). group had about one hundred coolies. The employer was the chief and enjoyed high Most of the Chinese coolies in the tin respect. He could whip the coolies if they mines were Hokkien from Amoy province were considered lazy. Generally, tin in China. At first, in King Rama III’s time, employers had a close relationship with they had come through Penang and the town governors and they were not only Malaya. The Chinese coolies in the south the chiefs of the Chinese clans in the town of Thailand could be separated into two but also the chiefs of the secret societies or groups of voluntary or free immigrants angyi. In every kongsi group the and credit-ticket immigrants of which the employers had to provide opium, free immigrants were numerically the gambling dens, and liquor as a means of larger. Credit-ticket migrants had to travel tempting the coolies staying in the kongsi under brokers or agencies that had their house. These evils were also instruments branches in the rural areas of China. This that employers used to recoup wages already group of coolie migrants increased in paid (Phongphatarawat 2000: 43–52). number when the tin mines’ need for labor increased. At the time when the local Practically, Chinese coolies had to work governors had the concession authority in ten hours a day and could have left from mining, they had financed the coolie work on seven days for seven days a year brokers to recruit coolies from China to on Chinese ceremonial days. In the case of work in tin mines but after the central sickness, they could have left their work government sent the governor-general to for no more than thirty days a year. rule the southern provinces directly, coolie Voluntary coolies could earn 30–40 Malay recruitment was arranged by the opium ticals but credit-ticket coolies had to work tax-farmers with the central government for about one to three years without any financially supporting the transportation. wage to repay the cost of their ticket. They The credit-ticket coolie system ended only received a wage after they had towards the end of King Rama V’s reign, completed the repayment. Traditionally, after which all coolies were free the labor wage would be paid every six immigrants coming into the country months after the employers had sold their
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tin ore, but if an employer suffered a loss, every tin mine. Normally, the branches the coolies might not get any wage or get linked up and helped each other when they only half of it and this regularly caused had problems and sometimes they friction in the tin mines (Auansakul 1979: cooperated with the organizations in 170–171). Penang (Lertphanichkul 1991: 149).
Not only the tin mine employers but also The secret societies in the south of the Thai government derived enormous Thailand were responsible for three financial advantage from the employment significant events. The first, in 1867, was of coolies, so the government introduced a the conflict between the Yi Hin kongsi and policy of increased recruitment of Chinese the Pun Thao Kong kongsi in Phuket over coolies. The government also received the tin washing stream. The second, in revenue from border pass tariffs, the 1876, in Ranong and Phuket, arose Chinese poll tax phuk phi, opium and because tin mine employers had not paid liquor taxes, and more besides. It has been the labor wage as the agreement had estimated that in 1891 the government got demanded. In that year the government forty baht from each Chinese and four to increased the Chinese poll tax from forty eight million baht in total from all the cents to two ticals and sixty cents and the Chinese in the south of Thailand Chinese coolies felt that they had not (Auansakul 1979). To control the Chinese received justice from the local governors. coolies, the government employed a self- These problems culminated in a coolie governing policy by choosing the leaders uprising all over the southern part of from the chiefs of the Chinese clans in the Thailand. The third event occurred in area. This policy made the employers, who 1878 when the Pun Thao Kong kongsi were also the clan chiefs and the leaders of attacked Krabi town and killed the the secret societies, much more powerful governor. This event highlighted the in the eyes of coolies (Phongphatarawat conflict between the leaders of the Chinese 2000: 188). kongsi group with their interests, and the tin mine coolies who were used as The first secret society in Thailand was instruments to protect the interests of each established in Phuket during the reign of group (Lertphanichkul 1991: 179–182). King Rama II and it was a branch of the secret society in Penang which was settled 4.5 At the end of the nineteenth in 1799. The objectives of these century, the Chinese coolies in rice mills, organizations were self-government, the saw mills and public activities were most protection of their interests, and opposition numerous in Bangkok as a result of the to the power of Great Britain. The secret expansion of trading capitalism from the societies in both Penang and Phuket were West. The Chinese coolies’ lives in consistently at loggerheads. They had Bangkok differed from the lives of coolies forsaken the ideals of the former secret in the provinces by virtue of their different societies in China to oppose the Manchoo working conditions and surroundings. The dynasty and to recover the Ming dynasty. Chinese coolies in Bangkok were not In the south of Thailand secret societies restricted in their daily lives, and were not were divided into two big groups: the Yi lonely and enclosed in the kongsi houses Hin kongsi group and the Pun Thao Kong like the coolies in tin mines or sugar mills. kongsi group, and they had branches in The urban-dwelling coolies’ lives were
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more open, even though some of them which were divided into three significant were still under the control of the kongsi groups; Neeg-heng, Sew Leegure and angyi organization. At that time the Neeg-hoge. Neeg-heng kongsi group kongsi system was challenged by state assembled the rice mill coolies, Sew reformation and the development of the Leegure kongsi group collected the cargo Thai royal army. The Thai state set about vessel coolies and Neeg-hoge kongsi modernizing its infrastructure based on the group gathered the coolies working in the European model and attempted to town shops. All three had the same strengthen its central power. The lonely objective of protecting the kongsi interior lives of the Chinese coolies had been especially in coolie trading. The leader of changed after they had been able to take a kongsi system was called a thaokae and their women with them after the Chinese acted as the coolie broker. The kongsi government allowed Chinese women to go system were able to control their coolies abroad in 1893. Coolies were independent since they traveled from China. In some in making the decision to stay inside or kongsi system, there might be agencies in outside the production area or to stay with the local villages to take the coolies to their relatives. As opium use, they could Thailand. After they arrived in Bangkok, take it outside the kongsi house in the the thaokae people would arrange jobs for opium dens which were located near the them. As compensation for these rice mills, the saw mills, the ship docks arrangements, thaokae people would and in every Chinese community. At the receive the profit from the credit ticket, same time, they were able to go to the expenses during the voyage, customs gambling dens, the liquor shops and also tariffs, food and accommodation in kongsi the remittance shops in the town. system (Damrong Rachanuphap 1974: 332–334). All of the expenses, together In 1909 the number of Chinese immigrants with high interest, would be taken from in Bangkok reached 162, 505 as is shown the laborers’ wages usually for a three- in the table below. year period. The starvation coolies had to be under the patronage of kongsi angyi Table 2: The number of Chinese immigrants organizations because only by this way in Bangkok in 1909 could they get a job and be protected from any harm in the new land. Chinese Male Female Total dialect Rice milling was the main economic Teochiu 78,091 8,207 86,298 activity and employed numerous Chinese Hokkien 19,823 2,367 22,190 coolies at that time. There were three Kwangtung 25,978 4,151 30,129 groups of investors in this business; Hainam 12,165 903 13,068 European traders, the Thai upper class Hakka 9,411 1,409 10,820 (The king and his relatives as well as Total 145,468 17,037 162,505 aristocrats) and Chinese traders. In the rice mills, longchu or the rice mill managers (The number of Chinese in Bangkok had the duty to control both the Rattanakosin Sok) productivity and the laborers. The real investors resided in their luxurious private However, in King Rama V’s reign, almost houses outside the production area so that all of the Chinese coolies were still under the difference between the classes, the control of the secret societies or angyi
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employers and employees, became about a thousand coolies participating and explicit. Coolies in the rice mills were during the riot they closed the divided into two groups. The first were Charoenkrung Road from Yannawa to salary workers who received both salary Bangrak for two days. The Thai and accommodation in the rice mills. The government had to use soldiers and sailors others were the contemporary workers from the Thai royal army and navy to who got only labor wages depending on suppress them. After the event the Thai their output of work and these were the government determined to abolish the larger portion of the coolies in the rice secret Chinese societies, and in 1887 they mills. The contemporary workers were passed the angyi Act to subdue the free to work in any place but they had to Chinese kongsi angyi organizations. To be under the control of coolie brokers. disempower all groups outside the central Normally, Chinese coolies worked and government was the crucial element of were under the control of the same state reformation to centralize power Chinese dialectal group as themselves within an absolutist state (Damrong (Tana 1984: 35–36). Rachanuphap 1974: 353–365).
Many newly-arrived, unskilled and The second uprising was in 1910 and, generally illiterate coolies were employed again, it was a conflict between the on Bangkok public works such as building Chinese coolies and the central state. The the roads and the railways as well as the cause of this conflict came from the states tramway. Most of the coolies in public increasing of the Chinese poll tax phuk phi works were under the control of coolie from four baht per three years to six baht brokers or thaokae. Some of them worked per year. The Chinese coolies in Bangkok, pulling rickshaws, feeding pigs and ducks especially in the rice mills, saw mills and and cultivating vegetables. All of them on the piers at that time, were under the were the lowest class of coolies in control of secret societies. Estimates Bangkok working for low wages so they suggest that there were about ten-thousand had difficult lives. The coolies employed coolies in Bangkok participating in this in building railways worked in bad and event. About twenty-thousand government dangerous condition and consequently soldiers were employed to suppress and many of them died during this hard work. control every section of the Chinese For efficiency in controlling the coolies community along the Chaophraya River and rivalry for work, thaokae people and the Charoenkrung Road. The government always organized the kongsi angyi exiled some of the prominent rioters in this organizations, so, even though this coolie event. However, the government believed control system was out of date, it was still that the notorious secret society leader maintained in Bangkok. of Bangkok Yi Ko Hong, who was also the big lottery tax farmer of Bangkok, was the The principal uprisings of coolies in man behind the scene. Moreover, the Bangkok occurred twice in the reign of government also confidently believed that King Rama V. The first occurred in 1889 the French consul supported Yi Ko Hong and was the result of the conflict between two groups of angyi; the sew leegue and the ngee heng over the problem of seeking jobs. On this occasion, each group had
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in this act of revolt against the Thai government.8 Bualek, Punnee. 2002. The Nature of Thai Capitalists from their Flourishing to The failure of the uprising on the second Declination 1914–1939 (ลักษณะของ occasion signaled the end of the kongsi angyi system and the old Chinese นายทุนไทยในชวงระหวาง พ.ศ. 2457–2482 leadership style. The success of the บทเรียนจากความรุงโรจนสูโศกนาฏกรรม). suppression added to the strength of the Bangkok: Pantakit. (In Thai) royal Thai army under the absolute monarchy. After this event, the Burusratanaphand, Walwipha, M.L. 1983. government proclaimed the Exile Act The Sugar-Cane Cultivation and 1912 and the Association Act 1914 to th control any further riots and outlaw Sugar Industry in 19 Century (การ organizations. In addition, the government เพาะปลูกออยและอุตสาหกรรมน้ําตาลไทยใน planned to reduce Yi Ko Hong’s role in the lottery tax. In 1916–1917 the คริสตศตวรรษที่ 12). Bangkok: Thai Khadi government succeeded in taking all Research Institue, Thammasat gambling businesses from the Chinese tax University. (In Thai) farmers and ran these itself. These measures spelled the decline and the end Chanthawanich, Supang. 1991. The of the kongsi angyi organizations and their Homeland of Teochiu Chinese in leaders. There was no longer any large Thailand (ถิ่นกําเนิดของชาวจีนแตจิ๋วใน kongsi angyi organization; on the contrary only numerous small gangster ประเทศไทย). In The Teochiu Chinese in organizations remained. This marked the Thailand and Their Homeland in end of the era of laborers working under Chaoshan: The First Period at Zhanlin the control of the kongsi system. Port (1767–1850) (ชาวจีนแตจิ๋วในประเทศ
References ไทยและในภูมิลําเนาเดิมที่เฉาซัน สมัยที่หนึ่ง ทาเรือจางหลิน (2310–2393)). Bangkok: Auansakul, Punnee. 1979. Tin Mining Institute of Asian Studies, Industry and Economic Change in Chulalongkorn University. (In Thai) Southern Thailand 1868–1931 (กิจการ เหมืองแรดีบุกกับการเปลี่ยนแปลงทางเศรษฐกิจ Chew, Daniel. 1990. Chinese Pioneers on the Sarawak Frontier 1841–1941. ภาคใต พ.ศ. 2411–2474). M.A. thesis, Singapore: Oxford University Press. Chulalongkorn University. (In Thai) Campbell, Persia Crawford. 1971. Chinese Coolie Emigration to countries within 8 National Archives, Bangkok, Ratchakan thi the British Empire. London: Frank 6 (_th Reign) Nakornban 25.2 (Ministry of Cass. City) /Chin Nut Yood Nagn (The Chinese Boycott) Crawfurd, John. 1972. The Crawfurd Papers, translated in Thai by Pairoj Kedmaenkit. Bangkok: Kromsinla-
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pakorn. Period at Zhanlin Port (1767–1850) (ชาวจีนแตจิ๋วในประเทศไทยและภูมิลําเนาเดิม Cushman, Jennifer Wayne. 1975. “Fields from the Sea: Chinese Junk Trade with ที่เฉาซันสมัยที่ 1 ทาเรือจางหลิน (2310-2393)). Siam during the Late Eighteenth Bangkok: Institute of Asian Studies, Century and Early Nineteenth Chulalongkorn University. (In Thai) Century.” Ph.D. Dissertation, Cornell University. Phalokin, Wannee. 1995. The Importance of the Market-oriented Production of Damrong Rachanuphap, Somdet Chachoengsao Province in Bangkok Kromphraya. 1974. Ang-yi (อั้งยี่). Period before the Bowring Treaty (ความสําคัญของการผลิตเพื่อการคาของเมือง In The Old Legend (นิทานโบราณ). Bangkok: Khanwitaya. ฉะเชิงเทราในสมัยรัตนโกสินทรกอน สนธิสัญญาบาวริง). M.A. thesis, Iawsriwong, Nithi. 1995. Pak Kai Lae Srinakharinwirot University. (In Thai) nd Bai Rua (ปากไกและใบเรือ). 2 edition. Bangkok: Amarin. Phongphatarawat, Nuansri. 2000. The Roles of the Fukeinese Leaders in Irick, Robert L. 1982. Ch’ing Policy Phuket 1853–1932 (บทบาทผูนําชาวจีน toward the Coolie Trade 1847–1878. . Taipei: Chinese Material Center. ฮกเกี้ยนในเกาะภูเก็ตระหวาง พ.ศ.2396–2475) M.A. thesis, Srinakharinwirot Jaranpattana, Supaporn. 1980. Opium University. (In Thai) Revenue and Fiscal Policy of Thailand Skinner G. William. 1957. Chinese Society 1824–1925 (ภาษีฝนกับนโยบายดานการคลัง in Thailand : An Analytical History. ของรัฐบาลไทย พ.ศ.2367–2468). M.A. New York: Cornell University Press. thesis, Chulalongkorn University. (In Thai) Swee, Sao Lin. 1991. Ch’ing Policy on the Overseas Chinese (นโยบายชาวจีน Lertphanichkul, Suparat. 1981. Triad In The Teochiu Societies in Thailand 1824–1910 โพนทะเลกอนราชวงศชิง). (สมาคมลับอั้งยี่ในประเทศไทย พ.ศ. 2367– Chinese in Thailand and Their Homeland in Chaoshan: the First 2453). M.A. thesis, Department of Period at Zhanlin Port (1767–1850) History, Chulalongkorn University. (In (ชาวจีนแตจิ๋วในประเทศไทยและภูมิลําเนาเดิม Thai) , ที่เฉาซันสมัยที่ 1 ทาเรือจางหลิน (2310-2393)) ---. 1991. The Chinese Governing in translated in Thai by Sawai Visawanun. Rattanakosin before the Reformation Bangkok: Institute of Asian Studies, Chulalongkorn University. (In Thai) Period 1782–1892 (การควบคุมชาวจีนใน
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