JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES (JSS) – Vol. 2. No.1. June 2018
JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES (JSS) Vol. 2 No. 1. June, 2018
Published by Faculty of Social Sciences National Open University of Nigeria, University Village, Plot 91, Cadastral Zone, Abuja, Nigeria
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JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES (JSS) – Vol. 2. No.1. June 2018
EDITORIAL COMMITTEE
EDITOR-IN-CHIEF
Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ganiyat A. Adesina Uthman ,acma,mnes,fce, fifp Department of Economics, National Open University of Nigeria
ASSOCIATE EDITORS
Prof. Dimis I. Mai-Laifia Department of Economics, University of Jos
Prof. Mercy Ada Anyiwe Department of Economics, University of Benin
Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ibrahim Bakare Department of Economics, Lagos State University
Dr. Oyebode Oyebamiji Department of Political Science, National Open University of Nigeria
Dr. Ojo Mathew Department of Political Science, National Open University of Nigeria
Dr. Abdul-Lateef Adelakun Department of Mass Communication, National Open University of Nigeria
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ASSISTANT EDITOR Dr. Ebele Udeoji Department of Political Science, National Open University of Nigeria
JOURNAL SECRETARY
Dr. Emmanuel I. Ajudua Department of Economics, National Open University of Nigeria
Mrs. Antonia Hafunjoh Okonye Department of Political Science, National Open University of Nigeria
JOURNAL BUSINESS MANAGER
Mr. Samuel Olusanya Department of Political Science, National Open University of Nigeria
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EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD
Prof. Kabir Hassan New Orleans University, U.S.A
Prof. Sheriffdeen A. Tella Olabisi Onabanjo University, Nigeria
Prof. Anthony A. Akinola Oxford University, United Kingdom
Prof. Abdallah Uba Adamu National Open University of Nigeria
Prof. Risikat Dauda University of Lagos
Prof. Abiodun S. Bankole University of Ibadan
Prof. Shehu Abdallah Federal Capital Territory
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THE EDITORIAL
The Journal of Faculty of Social Sciences, National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN) is a bi-annual peer reviewed journal published by Faculty of Social Sciences, NOUN. The objectives of the journal is to establish a symbiosis among scholars, state and society by providing purpose-driven research as a template for the formulation of problem-solving policies in response to the myriad national and international integration and development challenges. JSS-NOUN is an offshore peer review journal published two times in a year by the Faculty of Social Sciences-NOUN.
Notes to Contributors
The journal operates a double blind reviewing process; it accepts original articles from fields of Social Sciences and other related fields that have not been submitted anywhere else for publication.
Manuscript Submission Guides
• The language of the journal is English • Font size is 12-point type in Time New Romans with double line space • Manuscript SHOULD NOT be more than 5000 words.
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• Tables and Figures must be numbered serially, titled and must be inserted under the text explaining them • Topic should not be more than 20 words, written in 14 point font, at the Centre of A4 paper. • Author(s)’ name(s) should be written in same font as topic; should be in the centre with email and phone number of the Author. In case of 2 or more Authors, the Corresponding Author should be identified. • The journal style of referencing is APA, 6th Edition • Authors should submit softcopy of articles as MS-Word document electronically to [email protected]. Final paper after review process should be submitted to [email protected]
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TABLE OF CONTENT
Pluralism and Sustenance of Peace in Nigeria: Workable Options- Page 1 Musibau Olabamiji OYEBODE, PhD
Economic impact of agricultural farming activities on output in Lere Local Government Area of Kaduna State, Nigeria- Page 31 Victor, K. GIMBA PhD and ShehuYA’U
Reintegration of female inmates into the society through Open and Distance Learning (ODL) Education- Page 49 Christiana Urowoli EBOBO
Impact of inflation and exchange rate on poverty alleviation in north central Nigeria- Page 73
Emmanuel O. AWE, PhD, Marvellous AIGBEDION, PhD and Sesan O. ADENIJI, PhD
The role of women in the prevention of women and child trafficking in Edo State, Nigeria- Page 99 Anthonia H. OKONYE
Greening the Nigerian economy: Challenges, opportunities and way forward- Page 127 Gideon Gokum GOSHIT, PhD
Child-witch stigmatisation and child-centered domestic violence in Akwa Ibom State: Implications for family Peace- Page 163
Matthew Olusola OJO PhD
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Implications of Campaign Funding on the Nigerian Economy: Evidence from 2015 General Elections- Page 185 Ganiyat Adejoke ADESINA-UTHMAN, PhD and Wilson Friday OHIOZE
Impact of Microfinance Bank on Small and Medium Scale Enterprises in Nigeria (A Study of AB Microfinance Bank)- Page 219 Jelili Babatunde SUFIAN
Modular Refinery as Panacea to Artisanal Petroleum Refineries’ Vandalism in the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria- Page 247 Clement A. CHUKWUNKA
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Pluralism and Sustenance of Peace in Nigeria: Workable Options
Musibau Olabamiji OYEBODE, PhD Department of Political Science National Open University of Nigeria, Abuja. Email: [email protected], [email protected]
Abstract
here has been too much emphasis on violent agitation as a means by constituent units of plural society to demand for T self-determination in an atmosphere of lopsidedness in the allocation of state resources. On the other hand, scholars have argued that emphasis on violence is dangerous and may engender anarchy. This paper examines the polarized nature of the Nigerian state and the quests of different displeased entities for self-determination through violence. A historic analysis of agitations, pursuit of parochial identities, militancy, secession and ethno-religious strives in Nigerian was carried out. Findings revealed that loss in terms of human and materials does not ensure peace after proliferation of states as agitations continue unabated among the constituent units. The paper argues that the Nigerian state will remain fragile as long asit’s sovereignty is maintained through force of control over all the subordinate entities. The paper submits that the Nigerian state should be subtle in managing associations which are hostile to the national interest and should device means of adjusting state policies to
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promote nation-building as a gradual process. Devolution of centralised legal, economic and administrative authorities should be initiated by the legislature in order to move the country away from the unitary structure imposed by years of military rule. Displeased groups under the umbrella of non-state actors should drop the use of force and pursue legal and civil options to actualise their demands.
Keywords: Pluralism; Self-Determination; State Character; Sovereignty; Devolution
1.0 INTRODUCTION
The Nigerian system of government is neither unitary nor federal in the real sense of these concepts. It is a system that oscillates between federal and unitary principles, ideas and practices. More often than not there has been too much emphasis on centralisation of the political, legislative, legal, economic and administrative authorities without taking cognizance of her plural nature. These practices have resulted in agitation and militancy often exhibited in violence across the nation. These dissenting voices and genuine polarization along parochial divides are a pointer to the fact that Nigeria is not a federation of united autonomous identity. Lately, there have been calls for regional governments as obtained in the first republic. Those in this saddle tilt towards pluralists who conceive regionalism as a means of allowing different political nationalities to develop along their cultural beliefs while engendering competition. Probably, this was why the 1954 Lyttleton Constitution vested on Nigeria a federation of autonomous regions. However, events after the military incursion into politics in 1966 torpedoed this arrangement. Military fiat and decrees have been used to install amoebic type of government.
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Another vociferous call has been for the institution of true federalism. Federalism is aimed at taking into cognizance the varied and sometimes conflicting interests of groups within a federation. According to Freud, it is an arrangement, “in which mankind unites in setting up a central authority to which the right of giving judgment upon all conflicts of interest shall be handed over” (Johansen 2012, p.178). Pluralists who propose federalism posit that power derives from the people and that human interests are segregated along identities. Haralambus, Holborn, Chapman and Moore (2013) observe that pluralists agree that power ultimately derives from the population as a whole, thus, it is argued that constituent units of a state must be part of the power aggregation of the state. The state must act in the interests of the society and according to the wishes of its members (Haralambus, et al, 2013).These interests are varied along socio- cultural traits. It has been argued in different quarters that the present political arrangement in Nigeria is a contradiction to federalism as a system that is most ideal for plural societies.
In view of the failure of Nigerian central government to embrace true federalism, there has been extreme emphasis on parochial interests by the different segments of the Nigerian state. The situation has become anarchistic and dangerous to collective efforts aimed at maintaining the peace. This is so because the Nigerian state is polarized along ethnic, religious and linguistic sentiments. In Nigeria indicators of pluralism have become centrifugal forces that weaken rather than strengthen the unity of the country.
In order to overcome the diabetic effects of centrifugal forces in a polity, the central government insists that the state will not tolerate the existence of any association which is hostile to the general welfare and aggregated interests of the state.
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This position borrows from Mabbott (2009) who opines that “every association in its corporate capacity must keep the peace, be subject to criminal law, submit its disputes to the civil law, obey such regulations as are necessary for the achievement of those aims which only the state can secure, and contribute to the taxation which makes the above state actions possible”. On the contrary, all parochial interests in Nigeria have virtually taken laws into their hands. The foregoing suggests that the Nigerian state as the only authority that should control the use of force has lost grip of the security apparatus. The other associations within the state have equally failed to surrender their grievances to administrative and legal bodies established by the state. Invariably, militancy, insurgency, secession and all other forms of violent protests that employ the use of force against the state in the quest for addressing grievances or self- determination have been pitched against Nigerian national interest while the state has also adopted brute force to counter uprising.
Contestation for space is a normal feature of any plural society. This is why James (2012) avers that pluralism is not for sick souls but for those in whom the fighting-spirit is alive. Thus, failure to ensure equality will automatically cause social upheaval in a federation. In a more concrete term, a plural society where groups feel a sense of marginalisation, exclusion or injustice as a result of institutional racism, ethnicity or religious bigotry will always be engulfed in conflict. Nigerian state well illustrates dichotomy between the state and the people.
The Nigerian crisis-ridden situation has some historical undertone. Before the 1914 creation of the geo-political entity called Nigeria, there were recognised political entities such as the Kanem Bornu Empire, Benin Empire, Sokoto Empire, Oyo Empire and Kwararafa Empire just to mention a few. Oyebode (2018)
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These ethnic groups in Nigeria before amalgamation had geographically distinct boundaries, territorial autonomy and distinct political systems which gave them different identities. The amalgamation of 1914 without the consent of the politically independent groups in Nigeria by the colonial masters and the social imbalances which characterise her political arrangements since independence have led to unhealthy competition and more vociferous call for independent nations out of Nigeria. Simply put, call for secession by some ethnic groups and sections of Nigeria has become thunderous. These ethnic groups which are culturally distinctive within the colonially created state have varied access to state powers since independence. Most times, some major and minority ethnic nationalities argue that they are disadvantaged, subsumed and marginalised in the sharing of political, social and economic benefits within the commonwealth. Militia, insurgent and terrorist groups have cropped up to pursue the interests of aggrieved ethnic or cultural groups. Such militia groups include Odu’a Peoples’ Congress, Egbesu Boys, Arewa Boys, Movement for the Emancipation of Ogoni People and Indigenous People of Biafra. These militia groups cut across the nation. Membership of such groups becomes attractive because alternate ways of earning a living are few for the youths (Kriesberg and Millar, 2012: 208).
With the number of aggrieved groups in Nigeria, it is apposite to say it is not a nation- state at peace. Oyebode & Adams (2013:365) aver that “irrespective of the myriad of accolades of ‘one nation, one destiny’ being invented, the Nigerian state is increasingly being pressurised to succumb to the mechanics and undercurrents of fissiparous tendencies.” Generally, there is a culture of denial of the lack of unity and the elites’ failure to integrate the different nationalities that make up Nigeria.
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Elites create hypes to present a country in unity to the outside world by using such terms like ‘Nigeria belongs to all of us’, “Nigeria is indivisible”, “united Nigeria” “one nation, one destiny”. These mantras do not represent the situation on ground as many armed conflicts anchored on suspicion, marginalisation, deprivation, grievances and rivalries dot the Nigerian space and result in many conflict hot spots and conflict prone areas.
Against the foregoing background, this paper seeks to examine the various conflicts that have erupted in Nigeria since independence as a result of grievances expressed by groups having feelings of exclusion and marginalisation. This is aimed at finding out the techniques hitherto employed by the disparate groups and government, their impact on sustainable peace with the purpose of suggesting alternatives that are thought of as workable options for Nigerian plural society.
2.0 CONCEPTS AND CONTEXTUALIZATION
Pluralism, like any concept in the social sciences, has lent itself to different definitions and descriptions. This is often as a result of contextual dynamics and borrowings from other academic disciplines. For example, pluralism as a political philosophy is the recognition and affirmation of diversity within a political body, which permits the peaceful co-existence of different interests, convictions and lifestyles(Wikipedia, 2016). It is a political system for moderating discrete values among the groups that constitute a plural society. Also, Merriam-Webster (1968) defines it as a state of society in which members of diverse ethnic, racial, religious, or social groups maintain and develop their traditional culture or special interests within the countries of a common civilization.
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This definition is anchored on the conviction that different religious, political, racial, and ethnic groups are allowed to thrive in a single society and their identities and interest guaranteed.
The term plural society was first coined by Furnivall (1948) to describe a society that is separated into various communities according to differences in language, race, religion and ethnic configuration. Furnivall originally applied the concept to countries in South Asia particularly Burma which is now divided into Murayama, Malaysia, Singapore and Indonesia. In another light, Barth(1969) defines a plural society as a society combining ethnic contrasts: the economic interdependence of those groups, and their ecological specialisation. According to Barth, each ethnic group uses different environmental resources to exert its presence in that society. This, however, may not be the case where the central government has appropriated all the environmental and natural resources to itself. In a nutshell pluralism is a belief that people of different social classes, religions, race and language should live together in a society with due attention and respect paid to their differences.
One major characteristic of plural society is its lack of ‘social will’ or shared sense of community (Furnivall) to act as one entity with a common identity. Furnivall (1948) opines that the different ethnic linguistic or religious nationalities in a plural society only mix but do not combine. Relationship is based on economic and political expediencies that most often than not are imposed or agreed upon as a child of necessity. In order to sustain such relationship governance becomes a business of compromise.
Marginalisation is a concept that has lent itself to different definitions because of its relativity.
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This is because what constitutes marginalisation is subjective and it depends on the perception of the individual or group crying of marginalisation and the state which may try to explain such cry with socio-economic expediency. Obinayo (2007: 6) submits that “marginalisation depicts neglect, non-involvement or inequality in the distribution of the socio-economic and political resources of the state or indices of development”. Marginalisation has also been viewed as a feeling or state of denial of access to political power or social amenities to a group while same is being dispensed in favour of another group (Akinbade, 2014). The marginalized group often points to inadequate representation in governance and lack of some basic amenities in their area and preponderance of such in other places. Other terms that have been used to describe a feeling or state of marginalisation include neglected, subjugation, nepotism, favouritism, exploitation, victimization, discrimination and deprivation.
Perception of marginalisation entails feeling of social exclusion. Social exclusion, in this context, is the process in which individuals or groups are systematically blocked from (or denied full access to) various rights, opportunities and resources that are normally available to members of a different group, and which are fundamental to social integration and observance of human rights within that particular group (Jehoel-Gijsbers and Vrooman, 2007). Individuals or groups who are marginalised or excluded are prevented from participating fully in the social, political and economic life of the state due to either deliberate or inadvertent state policies.
Among other factors, globalisation may cause marginalisation. Alphonse, George & Moffat (2007:1) assert that globalisation results in inequalities, injustices and marginalisation of vulnerable groups.
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For example, in developing countries where liberal economic policies have fused with globalisation, land is being expropriated by large companies at the expense of indigenous population that need it for livelihood. This is more pronounced in a rent-seeking economy where the state has abdicated her roles and conceded them to the whims and caprices of multi-national companies.
Marginalisation rightly or wrongly perceived is a breeding ground for the germination of conflict. Angaye (2003) posits that conflict occurs when the deprived groups or individuals attempt to increase their share of power and wealth or modify the dominant values, norms, beliefs or ideology. When such conflicts are latent, the marginalized group puts its needs and wants in form of grievances. Resources are later put together to express these grievances through peaceful or violent means. Failure of the state to attend to the grievances of the marginalized groups over a period of time usually accentuates the situation to a state of violence.
Feelings of marginalisation and exclusion are detrimental to nation- building (The Economist, n.d) especially in a federation of plural society where some component units perceive the activities of the central government to be lopsided and at variance with their interests. The goal of national integration becomes a mirage (Oshewelo, 2011: 4) due to the creation of negative ethnic identity simply called ethnicity.
Ethnicity is the formation or creation of identity to achieve a purpose and it is dynamic. Erickson (2010) notes that cultural and myth of common origin are emphasised in the creation of ethnicity among group. Some scholars also see ethnicity as a fluid concept that is instrumentally adapted to suit different occasions and contexts.
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This is why it may be used to describe religious as well as linguistic affiliations when used to achieve certain parochial interests within a state. The ‘we’ and ‘them’ perspectives are used to create division within the hitherto peaceful society. The foundation of inter-group conflict is the assignment of identity defined along ‘we’ and ‘them’ and/or ‘us’ and ‘them’ dichotomy. With the creation of identity consciousness and formation, impetus is lent to group mobilisation and clashes. In line with this thinking, Erickson (2010) sees ethnicity as relating to relationship between groups whose members consider themselves distinctive and these groups often ranked hierarchically homogeneity within society.
Gilchrist (2012) says the term nation stands for the unity of the people organized in one state and acting spontaneously as a unity. On the other hand, nationality is primarily a cultural and ethnic term and has spiritual sentiments and principles and it is determined by geographical unity, common racial stock, common culture, common language, religion, customs, traditions, common history, common economic interests and political associations, common hopes and aspirations (Asrivatham & Misra, 2008: 55). However, a plural society needs to go beyond nationalities and embark on nation building in order to create national identity.
Nation-building has been described as constructing or structuring a national identity using power of the state and the willingness of the people. Nation-building is used to redefine the populace of territories that had been carved out by colonial powers or empires without regard to ethnic, religious, or other boundaries (Deutsch,2010).This is aimed at creating a united, stable and committed citizenry. Nation building as a process of unifying the different nations within a state so that it remains politically stable and viable in the long run.
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In achieving this stability or viability the different ethnic group must make conscious attempt to form a common identity. Nation-building when genuinely pursued is capable of creating stability, social harmony and economic growth.
The need to create a common identity is a precursor to nation- building. According to Ojukwu (2013: 130) new states are faced with “the major problem of integrating diverse groups and form common identity”. This may be due to lack of trust or confidence in the federation as a result of the failure of the central government to recognise and take care of their varied interests. In such instance, citizens’ loyalty gravitates towards their respective nationalities and the legitimacy of the central government becomes threatened.
This discourse is anchored on frustration-aggression theory of conflict expression. This choice is based on the fact that most of the ideological bases of violent agitation are grievances arising from values, needs, positions or interests that are not addressed. Frustration-aggression theory is propounded by Dollard, Miller, Doob, Mowver & Sears (1939). Dollard et. al. (1939) avers that “the occurrence of aggressive behaviour always presupposes the existence of frustration, that is, the existence of frustration leads to some form of aggression. Feelings of marginalisation and deprivation are major causes of violent behaviours. This has been well explained by frustration-aggression as well as denial grievance theorists. Wilkinson and Pickett (2010) put forward a proposition that inequality can lead to dysfunctional societies. Aggression or violent agitation in this instance stems from the inability or deliberate denial to fulfill a desired need. The different non-state actors unleash violent behaviour when the state fails to or deliberately denies their genuine grievances.
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The covert and overt structural conflicts suffered by the individuals involved make him to develop and manifest hate instincts in his psycho-social behaviour. More importantly if the space to express and address such feelings is curtailed by the state, it eventually ends in frustration. Frustration may then lead to aggression. System frustration as a result of rising expectations and disappointment lead to aggression. Aggression may become manifest in violent agitation, militancy, insurgency, fundamentalism, separatist agenda and call for secession. Gurr (2000) asserts that discontent arising from the perception of relative deprivation is the fundamental factor that instigates condition for participation in collective violence. In a nutshell, frustration-aggression is one of the primary sources of violence.
3.0 METHODOLOGY
This is historical analysis of Nigerian pluralism since independence in 1960 with particular reference to issues that have generated suspicion, feelings of marginalisation and conflicts by utilising data from secondary sources. The sources include books, journals, Internet and archival materials. In order to paint a lucid picture in relating actions to reactions, frustration-aggression theory is used in this discourse. The study proposes non-violent paradigms for the non-state actors and the state.
Issues with the Nigerian Federation
The amalgamation of Southern and Northern protectorates without the consent of the people has been an albatross that has hunted her for decades. It should be noted that British conquest of different ethnic groups in Nigeria paved way for the forced marriage.
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As rightly argued, Freud (1933) in Webel and Johansen (2012) notes that unification created by conquest, though of considerable extent, has only been partial, and conflicts between these groups have always cried out for violent solution. Given that there was no negotiation before different entities were merged together in 1914 amalgamation of Northern and Southern protectorates by the colonial masters, Nigeria may be a true reflection of Freud’s postulation of endangered nationhood. Different ethnic nationalities in Nigeria only meet at the legislative, executive, judiciary and bureaucratic platforms to constantly negotiate and re-negotiate the political configuration and relationship, most often than not they disperse as displeased groups.
The Nigerian crisis blossomed with the greed of the political class in the first republic (1963 – 1966). Rather than respect the diversity of Nigeria and allow regional parties to fledge into maturity, the central government attempted to foist one party state on the federating units. This attempt plunged the country into monumental electoral violence and distrust which were used by the military junta to stage the first coup de tat in January 1966. Unfortunately, over ambitious military officers that staged the first and second coup de tat in 1966 accentuated ethnic rivalry in Nigeria. Agunyi-Ironsi unwittingly replaced the federal system of government with a unitary system while Yakubu Gowon’s regime between 1966 and 1975 perfected the establishment of a unitary system in the clout of federalism. Gowon’s regime abandoned the regional arrangements, created more states and promulgated decrees to arrogate political and economic powers to the centre.
In view of the fact that successive military regimes of Murtala/Obasanjo, Buhari/Idiagbon, Babangida, Abacha and Abdulsalam had military officers of Northern extraction as the arrow-
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heads, social commentators often suspected attempts to impose Northern hegemony during military rule. Although this was not totally subscribed to by many until the annulment of 1993 Presidential election purportedly won by a Southerner, MKO Abiola. The annulment was perceived as a major incidence of marginalisation of the South by the Northern oligarchy. This accusation was presumed similar to the attempt by the Burma dominated military governments that tried to impose a policy of ‘Burmanisation’ on Burma’s other ethnic groups before disintegration. The junta that seized power in 1962 in Burma expelled hundreds of thousands of Indians, Chinese and other non-Burmese in an attempt to smash the plural society and create an artificially homogenous Burma one, the rest is history.
In Nigeria, the dominance of the major ethnic groups over the minority ethnic groups is often perceived as marginalisation. Majoritarian politics gives undue advantage to some ethnic groups over the others. Once a government assumes office this dominance is often noticeable in the sharing of national political offices, infrastructure and resources. Federal character, quota system and zoning formulae which proffered solutions to power relations among different ethnic groups have largely been abused and manipulated to satisfy some parochial interests or individuals in government.
Resource control and resource ownership are yet to be settled. The Federal government has virtually appropriated all the mineral resources to herself through decrees promulgated by the military in deviance of 1978 Land Use Act that gave trusteeship of land to governors and local government chairmen. For example, Section 44 sub-section 3 of the 1999 Constitution as amended puts control of minerals, mineral oils and natural gas under the control of the Federal
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Government. Worst still, in the allocation of resources, the political class at the centre is often accused of complicity with cronies, friends, relations and multi-national companies. For example, in a rentier state like Nigeria of the 109 oil blocks in 2012; multi-national oil companies got 88% at the expense of indigenous entrepreneurs from the oil producing states. The marginalised groups often cry foul play anytime resources and positions are allocated to other groups. This is why Popoola (2015) suggests the entrenchment of social or distributive justice in a way that resource rights of the people are guaranteed. Probably, thinking in line with this scholar one may summarise the issue of resource conflict as largely that of resource injustice, inequality and lack of distributive justice in Nigeria.
There is general dissatisfaction in Nigeria. Obijiofor (2016) affirms that the common element that unifies the various groups pushing for independence or subtly called self-determination is a sense of ennui or dissatisfaction with the present system deceitfully called federal system. Failure to create national identity is often blamed on the perceived marginalisation of the small ethnic groups by the dominant ones – Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba. Also, there is obvious distrust among the dominant groups as well. Across board, segments of Nigeria’s population continue to express disenchantment arising from feeling of marginalisation domination, oppression, threat, or even fear of eliminations. There is also the fear of the future as communities are being subjected to involuntary “dependency” arising from overwhelmingly centralised powers and misappropriation of their natural resources. Ohaneze Ndigbo, Afenifere. Indigenous people of Biafra, Niger Delta Avengers, MOSSOB, MEND, Odu’a Peoples Congress and other ethnic, cultural or militia groups are calling for restructuring in order to determine the future of their peoples in the social contract. For example, the argument of the Niger Deltans is that
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they are being pushed away from their homelands either into the creeks or urban centres due to the activities of multi-national oil companies that have polluted their environment. The forced migrants have no promise of employment and livelihood in their new locations.
The 1999 constitution is not people’s constitution; it is a military imposed constitution as it was not a product of civil rule. Some provisions of the constitution are at variance with federalism. That is why the National Assembly has embarked on constitution amendments since the beginning of the fourth republic. It is still a contentious issue whether the Local Governments are federating units or not. There autonomy is still a subject of bill and unending debate.
Inadequate and disputed census figures of 1963, 1983 and 2006are borne out of distrust and manipulation to share greater allocation from the national revenue which has largely been concentrated at the centre. That fiscal federalism is lacking has made every segment of Nigerian society to crave to milk from the national cow and eat already baked cake arising from federally appropriated resources at the detriment of the federating units.
Lopsided state and local government creation and imposition of these states and local governments as federating units through military fiat is yet to be addressed. It is obvious that there were no clear indices used for state and local government creation. It has been alleged severally that patronage was the main criterion used in creating states in the past. The clamour for state creation based on equity and fair play is still at the highest crescendo. This has probably resulted in politicisation of ethnicity, primordial sentiments and manipulation of parochial cleavages when serious national issues call for collective solution. Granting of public offices as rewards for loyalty to a patriarch, godfather or oga and hijack of the presidency by ethnic
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cabal of every incumbent president have become endemic. Ambiguous power sharing formula and ethno-religious rivalries, suspicion and conflicts are ripe in governance.
Indigene/settler palaver has given rise to many ethnic conflicts. The conflict in Jos between the Hausa/Fulani settlers and the indigenous Barom has led to the death of many. Recently, the Yoruba natives and Hausa settlers were in bloody conflict. This was as a result of Nigerian’s failure to see themselves as one nation with a common identity. This is one of the unanswered national questions that breed feelings of marginalisation and distrust by different sections of Nigeria. In a nutshell, these feelings of marginalisation and distrust have resulted in threat, hate speeches, regional and ethnic irredentism, intolerance and verbal intimidation. Seeming unwillingness of Nigerians to live together in peace has become more obvious than ever. Divisive agitations, call to violent conduct and xenophobic feelings seem to be gaining momentum as can be seen from the recent call of Arewa Youth Consultative Forum for the Igbo to leave the North before 1st October, 2017.
Agitations for Self-Determination in Nigeria and Government Responses
It is a herculean task holding different ethnic nationalities, who are not pleased with the structure of a plural society, together. Furnivall’s (1948) worst fear is about “the whole society relapsing into anarchy” once the colonial power that forcefully bond them together leave. This fear has been proven in the case of Burma that relapsed into crisis shortly after independence and Nigeria that fought a civil war only few years after the exit of British colonialists. Osadalor (2002) describes the Nigerian civil war as the greatest tragedy to have
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be fallen a people. Nigerian Civil War (1967-1970) was a result of ethnic rivalry, suspicion, intolerance and pogrom which claimed more than one million lives. It did not bring the desired result rather it had created feelings of distrust, suspicion, neglect, marginalisation and deprivation.
In Nigeria, since the British colonialists left about six decades ago. Nigeria has remained a polarized state that is ridden in intractable and protracted conflicts pursued along ethnic and religious divides. Essien (2015: 375) notes that the deep sense of alienation felt by diverse groups throughout Nigeria has fuelled the rise of ethnic militias who have now adopted forceful or terrorist tactics to press for their demands. The course of her history is punctuated by ethno-religious conflicts and insurgency. The situation in Nigeria has become worrisome even under civilian administration. Due to perceived imbalance in the political and economic structure of Nigeria, the clamour for restructuring has become more pronounced. This clamour is often wished away by state officials. Obijiofor (2016) notes that state officials are nowhere near providing a deliberative space for citizens to debate whether Nigeria should remain as it is or whether disintegration would serve the greater good. Governments have often barred national conferences established in the past from deliberating on the unity of Nigeria. In cases where resource control has gained currency in such conferences it is pushed away by political cabals. In fact resource control debate ended the Obasanjo’s Confab abruptly while Jonathan’s initiated Conference report is still in the cooler.
Militancy in the Niger Delta has claimed many lives and led to loss of revenue through pipe-line vandalisation, sabotage and institution of culture of impunity. Though unclear in her demands, Boko Haram
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secession bid has led to about 20,000 deaths and 2million internally displaced persons (IDPS) since it started in 2009. Resolution 2349 (2017) of the United Nations Security Council expressed concern about protection of civilians affected by Boko Haram. The council strongly condemned terrorists’ attacks, violation of international humanitarian law and human rights abuses by Boko Haram. Militancy and terrorism have led to killings, abductions, arson, child soldiers, forced marriage, rapes, sex slavery and increase uses of girls as suicide bombers.
Aggrieved parties within the state have resorted to violence as self- help device. Recourse to violence is now romanticized and celebrated across the nooks and crannies of Nigeria. Marginalized groups have used propaganda through illegal radio outfits such as Radio Biafra, Radio Kudirat and social media to announce their dissent. Demonstration and protests are also on the increase. Kidnapping, vandalisation and sabotage are used to intimidate the people and weaken the economic and security apparatus of the state.
Lately, militant and insurgent groups have been posing problem for the state. These groups are always infiltrated by criminal elements that merge grievance with greed. Religious fundamentalists cite some strands of Islamic religious beliefs wrongly to legitimize recourse to violence against the state as civilians are deemed to be enemies of Islam who prevent establishment of Shariah law in the North. In this instance, Boko Haram strategies are just like the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelain (LTTE) in Sri Lanka.
Actions taken by Nigerian government in addressing agitations, feelings of marginalisation and deprivation expressed by the different interest groups have largely been adversarial. These include police
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clamp down, military suppression of agitation, militarization of the conflict zones, detention, extra-judicial killing of main actors and declaration of war on the citizenry. These strategies have not achieved the desired result of obtaining submission and abandonment of interests; rather they have strengthened people’s resolve. Lessons can be drawn from the killing of Saro Wiwa and the Ogoni eight, Odi Masacre, and extra-judicial killing of Muhammed Yusuf, the spiritual leader of Boko Haram. Lately the persecution of leaders of militant groups in the Niger Delta and Kanu’s elongated detention over agitation for Igbo nationhood can be likened to the 1962 Peruvian government capture of Abimel Guzman, leader of Shining Path, Sendero Luminoso, and Turkish government imprisonment of Abdullahi Ocalan leader of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKI) in 1999. For example, the Igbo nation has interpreted Kanu’s elongated incarceration without bail and in defiance of constitutional provision as a metaphor for the indefinite incarceration, suppression, disenfranchisement and marginalisation of the Igbo nation via politics and executive fiats.
The Nigerian government reactions to internal agitations have become historical and regimental. This probably informed Obijiofor’s (2016) position that the nation is going through a crucible and that as new uncompromising militant groups emerge, new battle grounds are open that stretch the resources of security forces that are yet to put out the fires that are burning in the Northeast, Southeast and the Niger Delta region. The fear is that the use of force to suppress agitation may soon run out, become weakened and tragically ineffective.
In a nutshell, with myriad ethnic, religious and political strives in Nigeria; the state usually criminalizes the non-state actors. This is often counter-productive. By depicting the enemy as subhuman or
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evil, leaders justify extreme methods of suppressing agitation. Kriesberg and Millar (2012: 213) opine that “such a strategy however, tends to make de-escalation, settlement and recovery very difficult because the creation of polar identities limits future strategic options’. This is why a new orientation and a shift in paradigm are imperative at this moment of the nation’s history. In support of new perception about dealing with agitation by disgruntled groups, John Major, former British Prime Minister, submits that he only began to make progress in ending violence in Northern Ireland when he stopped “thinking of IRA as a terrorist organization and began to treat it as a political actor with real grievances and its own motivations in reaching accommodation and peace” (Falk, 2012:222).
The Need for Change of Strategies
From the discourse so far, it is apt to state that the only binding wire of Nigerian federation is force. There is a clear lack of cohesion among the different nationalities that been united by strangers and maintained by force. The situation in Nigeria follows Freud’s 1933 postulation that “a community is held together by two things; the compelling force of violence and the emotional ties (identification is the technical name) between its members and that if one of the factors is absent, the community may possibly be held together by the other” (Webel and Johansen,2012:177) It follows from the foregoing, that unresolved agitations for self-determination and resource control in some instances have necessitated the desperate groups being held together by force of violence by government while on the contrary, the different nationalities are held together by emotional ties or what is succinctly called identity. Emotional ties as the most enduring form of unity is lacking among the different ethnic groups in Nigeria.
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The outcome of the various violent agitations across the country may be difficult to predict. Borrowing from Rigby’s (2012) typology, it is assumed that one ideal-typical form of the following may happen:
1. A negotiated settlement reached between parties that are more or less exhausted and do not see any realistic chance of outright victory of one over the other. This is a stage when the conflict is ripe for resolution. 2. A negotiated settlement between asymmetric forces in which the weaker (marginalised groups) still control sufficient resources to exercise a veto power. This situation is similar to the condition that necessitated the embrace of amnesty by Yar’adua administration in 2009 in the Niger Delta area of Nigeria. 3. The victory of one party over the other. This is most unlikely to be the outcome of agitations from different groups in Nigeria given the rising waves of consciousness of the structural imbalance in the Nigerian federation.
The fourth category which is my addition is a form intervention by a third-party as a result of the failure of the parties to resolve through negotiation or victory. This stage is reached when the conflict has brought humiliation to humanity, lives are lost, murder is carried out against individual, precious material objects produced through human labour are wasted, extermination of groups is on the corridor, these is widespread trauma, displacement of persons, and worrisome level of refugee flow. Nigeria and Nigerians must not wait for all these to happen.
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4.0 CONCLUSION
Challenges in forging national identify in Nigeria are historical and systemic. These challenges include imposed nationhood, imposed constitution, new structural imbalance, ethnic hegemony, lack of fiscal federalism, party formation on ethnic cleavages and concentration of resources at the centre. Different violent agitations and reactions of the state have resulted in death, displacement, humiliation and psychological trauma. Precious material resources have been destroyed while poverty becomes more endemic in conflict zones. What the Nigeria state has done is the development of skills for combat while neglecting the skills needed for alternative means of settling disputes. At this point in time, Nigeria needs leadership that is constituted by a community of men who have subordinated their instinctual life to the dictatorship of reason as posited by Freud, 1933 (Webel and Johansen 2012). Rather than the use of hard power, there is the need to embrace dialogue, lobbying, legal suit, civil disobedience, promoting similarity and embracing restructuring. These are the pragmatic ways of ensuring national cohesion and creating national identity which will enhance nation-building.
In order to attain a quick resolution of the feelings of marginalisation and exclusion, Nigerian leaders need to embrace what Crocker (2002) describes as ‘democratic reciprocity’ which requires respecting each other as fellow citizens. Every interest group has a role in deliberations concerning the past, present and future of the country. Ethnic groups with genuine grievances must borrow from the examples of Ghandi Movement which resulted in Indian independence, the Mandela-led transformation of apartheid in South Africa, use of people’s power in the Philippines in the 1980s, the
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embrace of constitutional means to call for independence of Scotland from the United Kingdom that brought about referendum and the transformation of IAR of Ireland to political movement rather than terrorist groups.We agree no less with Falk (2012: 224) who argues convincingly that non-violent approaches to conflict issues can be achieved through repudiation of weaponry of mass destruction and liberation of the moral and political imagination from the confines of militarism and consequent thinking within the dysfunctional box. The use of non-violent methods has produced marvellous results in the Philippines, Poland, Ukraine and the United Kingdom.
Experiences of the past five and a half decades of Nigeria have shown that militarization of the zones where there are agitations is an untenable paradigm from its principles and unpragmatic outcomes. Militarism has only resulted in the killing of innocent people, loss of resources and generation of anti-nationalist feelings among the marginalised and the excluded groups who are again victimized.
Again, we need to learn from the lessons of anti-colonial wars fought in the latter part of the 20th century. These wars were won by the weaker sides due to their persistence, resistance and friendly global acceptance of self-determination. It is incontrovertible that the drum of self-determination is on a fast tempo and it is getting sympathy from global, state and non-state actors. This happened in Sudan and the global community forced Al-Bashir to allow referendum for self- determination of South Sudanese in 2011.
State resistant policies are capable of delegitimizing a lopsided federation and its government and legitimising struggle to attain genuine interests through support from within and outside the state. State-centric feelings may thus give way to the right for self- determination which is an inalienable right of all peoples.
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The tide may, thus, turn against militarism of the state if there is increased national and cultural self-consciousness of the peoples who hitherto are indifferent to the structural deficiency in the Nigerian state. Nigerian government handling of the recent Biafran agitation led by Kanu and the widespread condemnation of the approach as well as the celebration of Kanu by the Igbo nation as a hero is a pointer to a bleak future of government dominance and denial of the Nigerian question and the urgent need to address issues of marginalisation. As Oshewolo (2011) posits, federalism as a system is not only about uniformities but also about the recognition of diversities. In addition, the recognition must be matched with realisation of genuine interests of the federating units.
Consociation democracy is thus recommended as a solution because it entails co-operative attitude and behaviour of the leaders of the different segments of the population. The model of consociation democracy which is both normative and empirical has been adopted in Austria, Belgium, Netherland and Switzerland where there are sharp political divisions. This method has fostered political stability. In Austria, for example, political stability is observable in the form of Catholic-socialist elite co-operation and grand coalition. Elite complicity rather than elite fragmentation can be used to foster better relationship among the different ethnic divides in Nigeria and promote national identity. Nigeria can borrow a leaf from Belgium, Malaysia and Canada where protests do not escalate into political violence before issues are resolved (Krisberg and Millar, 2012: 214). In actual fact Austria, Belgium, Switzerland and Netherlands are normative models in the ways they negotiated their political unity despite divergent societal cleavages.
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In order to protect Nigeria from the curse and scourge of a second civil war which appears to be looming from different frontiers, her leaders need to embrace non-violent strategies that are less costly in terms of human and material expenditures. It is an illusion to insist that the unity of the country is not negotiable. This position is not democratic. For lasting peace to reign in the polity, Nigerian state should be negotiated to allow restructuring and new constitution through sovereign national conference. For the time being, the central government actions need to reaffirm similarities rather than differences through conscious state policies and forging of national identity as a sin qua non. This is the only way that can ensure co- existence of community where people from different identity groups and networks live among each other and where everyday interaction is rich and multi-textured (Rigby, 2012). This approach will promote politics of inclusivity and genuine reconciliation.
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Economic Impact of Agricultural Farming Activities on Output in Lere Local Government Area of Kaduna State, Nigeria
Victor, K. GIMBA, PhD
Department of Economics Kaduna State University Kaduna State Email: [email protected] and
Shehu YA’U
Centre for Entrepreneurship and Development Federal University Dutse Jigawa State Email: [email protected] Abstract
his study examined the economic impact of agricultural farming on output in Lere Local Government Area of Kaduna T State, Nigeria. The data were collected through structured questionnaire from a sample of 400 respondents drawn from 8 purposively selected wards, 24 purposively selected villages and 10 – 20 randomly selected farmers from each village. The data were analysed by using inferential statistics such as regression analysis. It found that household size, farmland size, seeds, technology used, quantity of fertilizer used and labour are statistically different from
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zero at 5% level while agrochemical and farming experience are statistically not different from zero at 5% level. The value of R2 which is 79.5% shows that the variation of the output is accounted for by the household size, farmland size, seeds, technology used, quantity of fertilizer used and labour. It recommends that Kaduna state government should provide farming inputs at subsidized rate in order to increase the level of output in the study area. In addition, it also recommends that government should provide good and comprehensive farming policy framework that would encourage farmers to participate more actively in agricultural system of farming in the study.
Keywords: Agricultural farming, Alternative Means Household size and Poverty
1.0 INTRODUCTION
Agricultural farming activities in Nigeria is divided into wet and dry season with each season having distinct features that require comprehensive, substantial policy programs and considerable investments in the two different seasons. Agricultural farming activities remain the main source of employment of labour in Nigeria up till now. Agricultural farming and exports of farm produce was the main stay of the Nigerian economy prior to the discovery and exportation of crude petroleum and resulting total dependence on its revenue and for economic sustenance (Abiodun and Solomon, 2010). Agricultural farming in Nigeria is almost rain-fed, hence inherently susceptible to the vagaries of weather. Only about a million hectare is currently irrigated in Nigeria out of the total 30.5 million arable hectares of land (Madu, Gundiri, Musa, Nwa, Adamu, Bala, &
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Ogunniyi, 2010).The agricultural land area is 83.6 million hectares, which comprises arable land 33.8 percent, permanently cropped land 2.9 percent, forest or woods 13.0 percent, pasture 47.9 percent, and irrigated land area 2.4 percent (Adetunji, 2006). In Nigerian, a large chunk of the population of almost 80percentdepends on wet season subsistence farming which provides or serves as the source of income, food, foreign earnings for the country and some industries depend on the raw material provided by agricultural sector. According to Food and Agriculture Organisation (2000) Nigeria has a potential comparative advantage in the production of a variety of fresh and processed high value crops especially vegetable during the agricultural and livestock product (meat and milk) and fisheries product throughout the year. However, diversification is the only way to prosperity for the country by going back to land and develop agricultural sector with well policy framework because the era of depending on oil is over. Although, before the advent of the “oil Boom”, Nigeria was an exporter of agricultural products, and the major foreign exchange earnings for Nigeria was from the sale of agricultural products, such as cocoa, groundnut, cotton, coffee, rubber, palm oil and soya beans, with an estimated value conservatively put at N9.87 billion to N24.6 billion, between the years 1996-2005 (Nikos, 1997).
Farmers in Nigeria almost completely depend and heavily reliant on rainfall because of poor development of irrigation facilities. It is a fact that a great proportion of Nigeria's land mass falls within the semi- arid zone receiving limited rainfall spread over a period of five months or less. This implies that without irrigation, farm resources are idle or remain underutilised for at least seven months in a year and no agricultural output could be obtained. It is very dangerous for a
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country to rely on rainfall as the only period of farming for the whole year. With the uncertainty of whether the productivity in the agricultural sector is becoming more precarious and unsafe for the State and Nigeria in general. According to Maputo declaration, 10 percent of a country’s budget should go to Agriculture. In Nigeria, the share of agriculture in the federal government’s annual budget ranges between 1.3 percent and 7 percent from 2000 to 2007and budgetary allocation to agricultural sector continue to decline in 2013 to 1.7 percent, 2014 was 1.44 percent and 2015 was 0.9 percent. In the last 3 years, budget to agricultural sector have consistently declined. This has fallen below the Maputo declaration of a 10 percent share of the country’s total budget for agriculture and Nigeria is part of the participatory countries in Africa.
Therefore, the study intends to provide answers to the following questions based on the statement of the problem. In what way can agricultural farming activities increase output in Lere local government? However, the main objective of this study is; to analyse how agricultural farming activities increase output in Lere Local Government.
2.0 CONCEPTUAL ISSUES
Many researchers have carried out studies on agricultural farming activities both at national and international level. Therefore, this section presents some of the empirical studies carried out by various researchers. For instance, in a study of Nosiru & Odusina (2008) sampled a total of Eighty maize farmers (80) and the sample was divided into two (40 practising rain fed maize production and 40 depending on irrigation systems) through the use of structured
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questionnaire, research was conducted among small-holder maize farmers in Epe LGA, Lagos State to assess the resource productivity and returns in irrigated maize production. The study revealed that irrigated maize farmers have higher relative productivities, gross revenue, gross margin and net farm income than non-irrigated maize farms. Furthermore, the regression result the variables in equation (3) were found to be significant at 5% and in the equation (2) the variables were not significant at 10 percent.
Suleiman, Abdulsalam, Damisa & Siewe (2015) employed descriptive statistics and MLE as the tools of analysis in resources use efficiency in sugarcane production in Kaduna state using well-structured questionnaires were administered to 330 respondents. The result found that the average practice technical efficiency was found to be 89 percent and 93 percent of variation in sugarcane production was as a result of the difference in technical inefficiencies of the farmers. Thus, the result has shown that inefficiency effects were present and significant in the study area.
Akanbi, Omotesho & Ayinde (2011) found the average gross margin of the rice farms were N94, 376.35. The rate of returns to the rice production was 88.8 percent, which indicated that for every N1 invested in each of the sites N0.88K was expected as profit. The technical efficiency was estimated using the Cobb-Douglas Stochastic frontier Production Function. The result revealed the mean technical efficiency of the project sites (Rice Farm) was 0.98. The high efficiency estimate obtained for the rice farms at the project site could be attributed to the government assistance to the farmers in the form of input and output linkages.
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Usman & Bakari (2013) used a multistage sampling technique to select eighty (80) tomato farmers in the study area. Primary data were collected with the aid of structured questionnaires for 2011/2012 cropping season. Descriptive statistics, gross margin and net income analysis were the analytical tools employed. The study showed that majority of the respondents were male 88,75 percent, married 82 percent who were in their active ages of their life. The level of education of the respondents was very low and most of them 50 percent had only first living certificate, with little farming experience. The result of the profitability analysis revealed average gross margin and net income per hectare of N125,500 and N105,012.91 respectively. This indicated that dry season tomatoes production was a profitable venture in the study area.
Coster & Adeoti (2015) used Ricardian approach to examine the effects of climate change on maize production in Nigeria. Multistage sampling technique was employed for the study. Data were collected on 346 maize-based farming households in three different agro- ecological zones of Nigeria. Average age of the farmers and household size were 45years and 8 persons respectively. Average years of farming experience and years of schooling were 25.6 and 6.5 years respectively. The empirical results showed that maize net revenue was sensitive to climate change. Seasonal marginal impact analysis showed that increase in rainfall during rainy season increased Maize Net Revenue (MNR) in rainforest, guinea and montane savanna respectively. Marginal increase in rainfall during the dry season increased MNR in rainforest while it decreased MNR in guinea and montane savanna respectively. However, marginal increase in temperature during dry season had positive impacts on MNR in all agro ecological zones (AEZs).
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The predicted results using a range of climate scenarios confirm that climate change would have negative impact on maize net revenue in the future. Maize Farmers have taken adaptive measures against climate change which were changing the planting dates, changed land-use practices, and mixed cropping and mixed farming. The major barriers to adaptation were inadequate credit or saving and inadequate knowledge of appropriate adaptation strategies suited for the local climate conditions.
Dauda, Asiribo, Akinbode, Saka &Salahu, (2009) used descriptive statistics with sample size of 450 respondents in the study area using structure questionnaires and also budgetary analysis, OLS as analytical tools. The result of the study showed that irrigation farming was a profitable venture. Farmers realized an average net income of N109,750 from irrigation farming for the period. Furthermore, irrigation farming was found to be capable of alleviating poverty among farming households because they were able to live above US $1per day per person which is the threshold for poverty level.
Furthermore, revealed on the profitability of farming in Nigeria by Folayan (2013) a sample size of 100 respondents were used in the study and descriptive statistics, gross margin and regression analysis were the analytical tools. The result found that 100 percent of the respondents had one constraint or the other with suggestion of new technology, adequate funding, improved inputs supply and provision of infrastructural facilities to cushion their problems. Also the result had shown that fadama irrigation farming was profitable in the study area, the gross margin was found to be N254,000 per annum with N21,166.6 per month. Furthermore, the result had shown an increase in the value of marital status, households’ size, level of education, experience and farm size will increase farmers’ productivity during
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agricultural fadama farming period while age and gender would decrease the rate of productivity in the study area.
Musa, Baba & Beli (2015) assessed the viability of Jibiya irrigation project. The study sample 120 farmers and were interviewed in order to compute the net farm incomes they obtained from irrigating under the project. A total of 30 staff (apart from those privately contacted) of the project were also sampled and interviewed. Separate questionnaires were used to interview the farmers and the staff. The project was economically viable with Net Present Value and Benefit and Cost ratio of N353,149,579.20 and 3.64, respectively. The study had shown the importance of the project in the study area since it has positive impact on farmers in the area.
2.1 Theoretical Framework
Production Theory
The production theory or function was developed by Cobb Douglas in (1928). It is used to determine the functional relationship between input and output in a production process. This can be expressed as;
P (L, K) = b Lα Kβ
P = Total production
L = Labour
K = Capital input b = Total factor productivity
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α and β = output elasticity’s of labour and capital. These values are constant determined by available technology.
The theoretical frameworks used by different Scholars serve as guide to provide comprehensive framework to be used in this study. Thus, Aigner, Lovell & Schmidt, (1977) and Meeusen & Van den Broeck, (1977) used Cobb – Douglas Stochastic production frontier model to study technical efficiency in production and productivity of individual farmers in various settings and farm budgetary analysis as in the work of (Suleiman, Abdulsalam, Damisa & Siewe, 2015) and (Dauda, Asiribo, Akinbode, Saka & Salahu, 2009). Furthermore, In the work of Ohikere & Ajogwu (2012) used farm budgeting model and linear programming model. Therefore, this study would adopt Cobb Douglas production function as a theoretical model of the study.
3.0 METHODOLOGY
The choice of methodology is guided by the desire to attain the objective and hypotheses of the study. The study is on impact of agricultural farming activities on output in Lere Local Government Area of Kaduna State, Nigeria. This section therefore focused on the selection of the population size used in the study, methods of data collection and techniques for data analysis. The population of Lere LGA at 3.0 percent growth rate of population in 2016 according to National Population Commission was 452,189 based on projection. There are so many formulae for determining sample size such as Krejcie and Morgan (1970) and others. But this study employed Yamane formula because is more appropriate for determining sample size for infinite population that is unknown and the higher the sample size the better. Yamane (1970) suggested the following formula for the determination of the appropriate sample size. Gimba&Ya’u (2018)
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The formula is as follow;
N S = 3+n (ME)2
Where s = desired sample size
n = required sample
N = survey population
ME = margin of error allowed 5 percent
Using the formula the estimated sample size was 399 which were approximated to be 400 farmers were used in this study.
3.1 Model specification
The Cobb Douglas production model could be expressed as follows. Therefore, base on theoretical justification, this study employed the following model.
Cobb-Douglas production Function
This model used to achieve objective of this study. lnYi = β0 + β1lnQ1 + β2lnQ2 + β3lnQ3+ β4lnQ4 + β5lnQ5 + β6lnQ6 + β7lnQ7 + β8lnQ8 + Vi------1
Where Yi = Output
Β0 = Constant
Β1- βn = Parameters of the model
Q1 = farm size
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Q2 = Fertilizer Q3 = Seeds Q4 = Technology Q5 = Agrochemical Q6 = Labour used Vi = Stochastic error term Ui = Technical inefficiency effect by the model Subscript i indicates ith farmer in the sample
The a priori expectation is that the coefficients of the inputs X1 to X6 which are B1, B2,B3, B4, B5, and B6 should have positive relationship ( > 0).
4.0 RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS
Table 1: Regression of Productivity Model
VARIABLES COEFFICIENTS STANDARD T- SIG ERROR VALUE Constant 0.540 0.730 0.325 0.620
Household 0.071 0.027 2.013 0.001 size (Q1)
Years (Q2) 0.031 0.542 1.006 0.624
Size (Q3) 0.318 0.098 4.327 0.000
Seeds (Q4) 0.056 0.017 2.346 0.020
Technology 0.147 0.135 3.146 0.014 (Q5)
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-0.093 0.936 0.317 0.801 Agrochemicals (Q6)
Fertilizer (Q7) 0.248 0.047 3.926 0.011
Labour (Q8) 0.089 0.032 2.569 0.009
2 R = 0.795 F- Value = 153.652 DW = 2.243 α =5%
Source:(SPSS Version 21, 2017) From table 1, the size of farmland (Q3) has positive sign indicating that a change in farmland would lead to increase in output by 31.6 percent. The quantity of seeds (Q4) has shown that a change in quantity of seeds would increase output by 5.6 percent. The level of technology (Q5) has positive sign indicating that a change in technology would increase output by 14.7 percent. The quantity of fertilizer (Q7) is consistent with the a priori expectation of the model, indicating a change in fertilizer would lead to increase in output by 24.8 percent. The labours (Q8) used also significantly affect the output and a change in labours would affect output by 8.9 percent in the study area. Moreover, agrochemicals and years of farming are statistically not different from zero at 5 percent level. The years of farming (Q2) is positive and insignificant as shown a change in years of farming experience affect output by 3.1 percent. This is maybe due to poor farm management, ageing of the farmers, change in method of cultivation, weather and other factors in the study area. The agrochemicals (Q6) which has negative sign indicating that a change in agrochemical would decrease output by 9.3 percent in the study area. This is maybe due to the effect of chemicals on the soil fertility which would affect output of the farmers in the study area.
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The value of R2 which is 79.5 percent shows that the variation of the output during farming is accounted by the size of household size, farmland, seeds, technology, quantity of fertilizer and labour used while years of farming experience and agrochemical decreased output and other variables that are not included in the model in the study area. The F – statistics which measures the overall goodness of the fit shows 153.652 which are also statistically significant at 5% level. Furthermore, the Durbin Watson which is 2.243 shows there is absence of serial correlation in the function.
5.0 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
In a summary this study reveals that rural farmers in the area engaged in different crops cultivation which includes cereal crops, livestock, legumes and others. This has the likelihood to increase the income portfolio of the rural people and ensure households’ sufficiency in food, reduce their vulnerability to hunger, diseases, malnutrition and sudden deaths.
The output model shows that the households’ size, seeds, farm size, fertilizer, technology and labour increase the level of output in the study area during farming period. This is an indication that these parameters have influence on agricultural output and the farmers were cultivating different crops production. The value of R2 which is 79.5 percent shows that the variation of the output during agricultural farming is accounted by the size of household size, farmland, seeds, technology, quantity of fertilizer and labour used while years of farming experience and agrochemical decreased output and other variables that are not included in the model in the study area.
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Recommendations
Based on the findings of the field survey the following recommendations are hereby advanced: i Although agricultural farming remains the main sources of income of the farmers in the study area, government should provide farming support programs most especially inputs at subsidized rate in order to boost the level of productivity in the study area. ii The Kaduna state government should construct dams, boreholes and other sources of water for agricultural farming in the study area and other Local Government Areas in the State. iii Government should integrate the agric sector with manufacturing sector in the study area so that the farm output produce during agricultural would be processed to the level of processed finished goods so that it could be exported to other countries which would definitely bring about economic growth and development.
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REFERENCES Abiodun, O. F & Solomon, O.A (2010). Determinants of Agricultural Exports in Oil Exporting Economy; Empirical Evidence From Nigeria. Journal of Economic Theory, 4(4), 84-91
Adetunji, O. (2006). Creating appropriate technology as a means of waste minimization in cassava end product.
Aigner, D. J., Lovell, C. A. K. & Schmidt, P. (1977). Formulation and estimation of stochastic frontier production functions.Journal of Econometrics, 6. 21-37
Akanbi, U. O., Omotesho, O. A. &Ayinde, O. E. (2011). Analysis of technical efficiency of rice farms in duku irrigation scheme Kwara State, Nigeria. Nigerian Journal of Agriculture, Food and Environment, 7(3), 65-72.
Cobb, C. & Douglas, P. (1928).A theory of production.TheAmerican Economic Review, 18(1), 139 – 165. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/1811556
Coster, A. S. &Adeoti, A. I. (2015). Economic effect of climate change on maize production and farmers’ adaptation strategies in Nigeria: A Ricardian Approach. Journal of Agricultural Science, 7 (5).
Dauda, T. O.,Asiribo, O, E.,Akinbode, S. O., Saka, J. O. &Salahu, B. F. (2009). An assessment of the role irrigation farming in the millennium development goals.African Journal of Agricultural Research.4(5), 445 – 450. Retrieved from http;//www.academicjournals.org/AJAR
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FAO, (2000). Irrigation extension for effective fadama in Nigeria: FAO Publication division great Britain, 31.
Folayan, J. A. (2013). Soccio-economic analysis of Fadama Farmers InAkure South Local Government Area of Ondo State Nigeria.American Journal of Humanities Social Science, 1(1), 10-17. doi: 10.11634/232907811301269
Krejcie, R. & Morgan, D. (1970).Determining sample size for research activities.Educational and psychological measure, 30, 607 - 610
Madu, D. B., Gundiri, M. N., Musa, I. K., Nwa, E. U., Adamu, M. S., Bala, M. S., &Ogunniyi, E. O. (2010). Country profile – Nigeria: Abuja Ministry of Water Resources.
Meeusen, W. & Van den Broeck, J. (1977). Efficiency estimation from Cobb-Douglas production functions with composed error. International Economic Review, 18(4). 35-44
Musa, J., Baba, K.M., &Beli, A.S. (2015). Economic appraisal of JibiyaIrrigation Project in Katsina State Nigeria. Nigerian Journal of Basic and Applied Science, 21(4), 283–290. Retrieved from http:/www.ajol.info/index.php/njbas/index
Nikos, A. (1997). World agriculture toward 2010: An FAQ Study Major Themes in World Food and Agriculture at the beginning of the 1990s.
Nosiru, O.M.O., &Odusina, O. A. (2008). Economic evaluation of irrigated maize farms towards boosting maize productivity: A case study of Epe L.G.A Lagos State. American-Eurasian Journal of Scientific Research, 3(1). 19-23
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Ohikere, J. Z., &Ajogwu, F. E., (2012). Impact of small scale irrigation technologies on crop production by fadama users in Kogi State Nigeria. Advances in Applied Science Research, 3(2).854–861.Retrieved from www.pelagiaresearchlibrary.com
Suleiman, M., Abdulsalam, Z., Damisa, M. A. &Siewe, F. (2015). Resource use efficiency in sugarcane production in Kaduna state, Nigeria: An application of stochastic frontier production function. Asian Journal of Agricultural Extension Economic & Sociology, 7(2). 1-11. Retrieved from www.sciencedomain.org
Usman, J. &Bakari, U. M. (2013).Profitability of dry season tomatoes (Lycopersiconesculentum Mill) production in Fufore Local Government Area of Adamawa State.The International Journal of Engineering and Science,2(11).113-117.
Yamane, T. (1970).Statistics:An Introductory Analysis. 2nd edition Tokyo: John Weatherhill, inc
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Reintegration of Female Inmates into the Society through Open and Distance Learning (ODL) Education
Christiana Urowoli EBOBO Department of Criminology and Security Studies, National Open University of Nigeria, Abuja Email: [email protected] Abstract
he Nigerian Prison Service (2013) revealed that there is a steady increase in the population of women involved in crime T and incarcerated across the nation. The incarceration terms ranged from short to long and from first timers to recidivists. The reasons for these incarcerations ranged from females’ involvement in crimes such as murder, armed robbery, hired assassinations, kidnapping, terrorism and cultism. This paper is aimed at proposing education as a catalyst to the successful reintegration of female inmates into the society. Can the National Open University of Nigeria provide educational access for female inmates in Nigeria? The theoretical framework was based on Bandura’s (1977) Social Learning Theory. This paper is a survey which adopted both primary and secondary instruments for its data collection. A sample of 50 female inmates from the female section of Kirikiri prisons using purposive sampling technique was interviewed. Data was analyzed with verbatim quotations from the respondents. The results showed that56% of the female inmates were secondary school certificate holders and education was identified as a tool to water down poor socio-economic background and provide multiple opportunities to be empowered. The study, therefore, recommended that the study curriculum for inmates should be designed in such a way that the identified socio-economic factors that lead to female criminality will
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be tackled. There should be availability of sponsorship for indigent youths and female inmates should be encouraged to enrol in the National Open University of Nigeria’s Prison Study Centres across the nation to pursue lifelong careers targeted at better and successful reintegration into the society.
Keywords: Inmates, Reintegration, Crime free, ODL Education
1.0 INTRODUCTION
A look at the Nigerian society between 1999and 2014 revealed that the level of economic hardship resulting from unemployment has increased at an alarming rate especially among the youths; married and unmarried (General Household Survey Report 1999-2011). This has however increased the level of frustration experienced by a vast majority of the people, such that an average Nigerian finds it difficult to meet the basic necessities of life (feeding, clothing and shelter). These put together can be said to be the most likely reasons for the increase in crime among the males and females alike.
Ebobo,(2017) in her studies on female criminality in Lagos State, found out that most female inmates in Kirikiri prisons committed crimes because of their low level of education, poverty, low level of income, deprivation, abused as a child, ignorance, lack of opportunity and low family background amongst other factors. The study also revealed that some females were in prison as a result of anger related crimes such as murder, attempted murder and fighting. The study further revealed that females nowadays are more into serious crimes such as human trafficking, child abduction, kidnapping, drug trafficking, armed robbery and one chance robbery.
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In the study it was revealed that some female inmates got sentences of 9 - 21 years imprisonment and life imprisonment for crimes they committed.
Consequently, studies conducted on how to address the factors of crime and recidivism in criminology have advanced provision of educational opportunities and employment related skills for prison inmates (Hadi and Wan, 2015;Callan and Gardner, 2007;Leanne, 2010;Pinconne, 2010;Rand Researchers, 2013; Zilly, 2009) to the exclusion of those with death or life imprisonment sentences. Coley & Barton, (2006) submitted that the most widely offered correctional education classes in the prison are Adult Basic Education, General Education Diploma (GED) preparation, and vocational training. It is believed that educational achievement will be beneficial to them when they eventually find their ways out of prison after serving their jail terms.
In this wise, the study also revealed that interested and capable inmates in Lagos State are given opportunity to further their education or learn skills that will be beneficial to them when they are eventually released (Ebobo, 2017). These skills range from events management and decoration, catering and hotel management, bead making, hair dressing, cloth making, make-up artist, manicure and pedicure, soap making, plumbing and shoe making (Ebobo, 2017).
This study proposes that education will help inmates to cope with societal challenges and counter the factors that pushed them into crimes in the first instance. On the other hand, even if the female inmates on life and death sentences were not released or granted amnesty, educational plus vocational skills gained by the inmates can be used to generate income for the correctional facilities.
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Additionally, education will help them to recover and protect their dignity in prison. This paper contributes to educational policy for inmates especially in relation to how Online Distance Learning through the National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN) can be used as a means of implementing the right of access to education of female inmates and their successful reintegration into the society.It also examined how the ODL mode of learning will be beneficial to female inmates. The questions are: can education be used as a tool to inmates’ successful reintegration into the society? Can ODL be beneficial to female inmates? The problem of recidivism amongst females’ ex-convicts as a result of stigmatizing/labelling, unemployment and un-acceptance from members of the public which often makes them return to crime, could easily be solved by education and acquisition of skills while in prison. This is to say that, an inmate’s ability to make it on the outside depends on whether he/she is returning to a stable family, whether he has mental health or substance abuse issues, and on his education and employment-related skills. Education and skill acquisition, often times empower them to be self- employed and makes them lead responsible and crime free lives after their release from the prison. Hence, female ex-convicts will be successfully reintegrated into the society with minimal challenges, hatred for crime, the zeal to be successful and the incidence of recidivism will be reduced drastically. The sample of this paper was limited to female inmates in Kirikiri prison, Lagos State, Nigeria.
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2.1 Conceptual Definition
Access of female inmates to educational opportunities
Studies on recidivism have linked its high prevalence to some observable factors such as poor education and unstable work history (Buikhuisen and Meijs, 1983; Eisenberg, 1985). Subsequently, studies have equally indicated that the prevalence rate of recidivism appears to be positively influenced by availability of post-release job training programmes (Jengeleski, 1981), community treatment centre placement (Beck, 1981), and availability of pre and post-release educational programmes (Blackburn, 1981). There is the need to strengthen the support and education for female prisoners. Meixang (2012) argued that for the female prisoners, we should organize them to learn knowledge and skills so that they can overcome the psychology of giving themselves up as hopeless. Hence, inmates’ education and skill acquisition can be seen as a hope building strategy which will eventually help them to turn a new leaf when they are eventually released.
Educational and vocational opportunities in prisons offer some of the inmates the chance to earn an educational and employment related skills with benefits extending well beyond improving individual lives. Skorton and Altschuler (2013),argued that educational programmes through collaboration between educational institutions and correctional facilities help to reduce the rate of hopelessness and recidivism of prisoners by providing a humane, comparatively cheap and effective alternative to the discipline-and-punish approach. In New York, the high rate of recidivism was linked to that of an inmate’s ability to be able to cope when released.
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According to Skorton and Altschuler (2013), the ability of a released inmate to survive is a function of environment he is returning to, for example, a stable family that will render social support. It also depends on whether he has issues bordering on mental health or substance abuse, his educational qualifications and employment- related skills. Newly released inmates are far more likely than other job applicants to be high school dropouts and a high school diploma may not be enough to earn a sustainable life.
Lochner and Moretti, (2003) also opined that schooling significantly reduces the probability of incarceration. First, schooling increases the returns to legitimate work, raising the opportunity costs of illicit behaviour. Second, education may directly affect the financial or psychic rewards from crime itself. Finally, schooling may alter preferences in indirect ways, which may affect decisions to engage in crime. This paper revealed that majority of the inmates has low educational qualification. Hence, giving female inmates access to education while in prison will empower them to the extent that they will be able to lead responsible and crime free lives after their release and the possibility of them returning to the prison will be reduced.
Apart from solid educational qualification or employment related skills helping the inmates, it is also advantageous for the state. It saves the state money that ought to be spent on re-incarceration. A study of Missouri’s prisoners showed that re-incarceration rates “were nearly cut in half for former inmates with a full-time job compared to similar inmates who are unemployed.” Every inmate who leaves the system saves that state an average of $25,000 per year. Nationwide, more than 650,000 people were released from state prisons in 2010. By cutting the re-incarceration rate in half, $2.7 billion per year could be saved (Skorton and Altschuler, 2013). Former inmates with jobs
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also have less need for public assistance and contribute to society, in the form of taxes and purchasing power. The Missouri study also shows that inmates’ chances of finding full-time employment are greatly enhanced if they complete an education in prison. A 2005 analysis of 15 other such studies found that, on average, re- incarceration rates for participants in prison education programs were 46 percent lower than for non-participants (Skorton and Altschuler, 2013).
Inmates with murder cases are seen as lost cases because they are likely to get death or life imprisonment sentences. However this study opines that they also should be provided educational opportunities while in prison. This is contingent on the basis that they may be granted amnesty by top government officials of the state including the state governor, chief justice of the state, chief justice of the federation and the executive president of the country. When granted amnesty, they will be able to survive with the education and employment related skills that have been acquired in the prison. It may be argued that the granting of amnesty to prisoners with death or life imprisonment sentences rarely occurs and spending money on the prisoners will be a waste of money. This was proved wrong in the recent immediate release of 18 inmates who were serving life sentences in Kirikiri maximum Prison on compassionate grounds by the Lagos State Advisory Council on Prerogative of Mercy. The inmates were 15 males and 03 females having spent more than 30 years in prison (Ezeamalu, 2017). 66 other inmates of the Kirikiri Medium Prisons, were also released by the Chief Judge of Lagos State, Justice Oluwafunmilayo Atilade on the 9th of May, 2017 (Abdulah & Echewedo, 2017).
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2.2 Theoretical Framework
The social learning theory by Albert Bandura, (1977) was adopted for this study to analyze the relationship among female inmates, ODL education and successful reintegration into the society. Social learning theory reinforces the idea that learning occurs within a social context. Hence, people learn from observing others’ behaviours and the outcomes of those behaviours. Albert Bandura, explains that social learning is a continuous reciprocal interaction between cognitive, behavioural, and environmental influences. Rather than using social learning theory to state why people indulge in crime, here it is used as a means of abstinence from crime through social interaction with others, the environment and empowerment programmes in the prison.
The period of incarceration in most cases is a period of think back, regrets and wishing if possible, to wind back the hand of the clock. This is a time of sober reflection. At this time therefore, the introduction of education and skill acquisition to the inmates could empower them to lead a crime free and successful lives after their jail terms. During this period also, the interaction with other inmates, role models and empowerment programmes in their immediate environment (prison), could bring about restructuring of their life styles. This could make them more focused since they spend time more on themselves than others. For instance during the study carried out by Ebobo and Aje-Famuyide (2016); (A study on female murderers) in Lagos State, the inmates were asked what their activities were like on a daily basis. They all simply said the same thing; “I wake up at 6am, pray to my God, tidy up my bed, take my bath and eat, that’s all I do on a daily basis”. This shows that they
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have ample time to study or acquire skills if they have the interest. By the time these skills are acquired, they stand better chances to face life challenges more responsibly. For instance also, some of them who have benefited from vocational training offered in the prison even gave us their business names that they will use when they get out of jail and asked us to patronize them. One of them in particular (armed robbery suspect on trial) said she could manage and cover social events and act as Master of Ceremony (MC) in wedding occasions. Some were already making money even in the prison from items they made by themselves. These items included beads, caps, woven materials, sweaters and snacks.
Consequently the challenge of lack of employment arising from stigmatization, frustration, hunger, crime, recidivism and social ostracism will be reduced following the acquisition of skills and educational qualification while in prison. In the long run, female inmates on release will be easily and successfully reintegrated into the society.
Educational improvement also enhances the chances of released inmates’ level of responsibility because prisoners typically have lower educational levels than the nationally required norm. These low educational levels therefore, make it difficult to provide inmates with the necessary job skills to gain employment after release, where they can receive sufficient pay to support themselves and possibly their families (Bushway, 2003). Examining the issue of education through social learning theory points out that low education levels among prisoners exist because many prisoners had role models who had low education levels. The application of social learning theory suggests that prison work-release programs provide prisoners with role models, who have education levels that meet the national norm.
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Additionally, a mentor who has achieved these educational goals could enhance inmates’ prospects for success by increasing self- efficacy. In the real sense, goals and self-efficacy can be affected by interactions with others (Goto and Martin, 2009).
Social learning theory indicates that the people one associates with have a large impact on whether or not one engages in crime, and that this impact is partly explained by the effect these people have on one's beliefs regarding crime, the reinforcements and punishments one receives, and the models one is exposed to. As a result, people are both products and producers of their environment. They tend to select activities and associates from the vast range of possibilities in terms of their acquired preferences and competencies (Emmons and Diener, 1986). Human expectations, beliefs, emotions, and cognitive competencies are developed and modified by social influences that convey information and activate emotional reactions through modeling, instruction, and social persuasion (Bandura, 1986). Though the prison environment can be an environment of negativity because everyone there has committed a crime but within the environment of the prison, there can also be opportunities for inmates to engage in some positive social learning through work release programs that provide them with an education and job skills, so that they can reintegrate back into society once they are released.
3.0 METHODOLOGY
This study utilized qualitative research methods to elicit information from female inmates in Kirikiri prison for data analysis. The population of study was 222 female inmates in the female section of Kirikiri prisons among which 50 were purposively selected for this study. The criteria of selection was five years imprisonment and above. Ebobo (2018)
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Five years was chosen because it is a period in which a degree program can be completed and also enough time to acquire any kind of skill desired. The research instrument adopted was interview. The interview method was face to face with the help of interview guide which was validated by the informants and the prison officials in the pretest. Apart from the interview method, data was gathered from the secondary sources such as internet, text books, journals, newspapers and government documents. Data derived from this interview was analyzed through frequency tables and percentages and verbatim quotation.
3.1 DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS
Table 1: Demographic characteristics of respondents (Age, Education, and Duration of sentence)
Age Frequency Percentage 17 -21years 17 34% 22-26 years 13 26% 27-30 years 10 20% 31- 35 years 7 14% 35-40 years 3 6% Total 50 100% Educational qualification Pry. School cert 22 44% WAEC 28 56% Tertiary - - Total 50 100% Duration of sentence 5 years 14 28% Ebobo (2018)
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6 years 9 18% 9 years 12 24% 14 years 9 18% 21 years 6 12% Total 50 100%
Source: (Field Survey 2017)
Table 1 showed that 34% of the female inmates were between the ages of 17 -21 years, 26% were between the ages of 22-26, 20% were between the ages of 27-30years, 14% were between the ages of 31-35 years, and 6% were between 35 – 40years. This revealed that most female inmates in Kirikiri prison, Lagos State, were between the ages of 17 -21 years (34%). This showed that there are more of the young females in crime nowadays than the older ones (6%). This also revealed that majority of the female inmates are within the age group where they can easily develop themselves either in skill acquisition or educational attainment. Proposing an ODL education to them at this stage through the National Open University of Nigeria will be a step in the right direction. This will also make their period of incarceration beneficial to them while they are also serving punishment for the offences committed. This will serve as a way of pulling them away from recidivism (Future crime) and empowering them to face a better and crime free future. Consequently the rate of crime in the country will be reduced. This is also in line with the assertion made by Meixang, (2012) that the female prisoners should be organized in such a way that will enable them to learn knowledge and skills so that they can overcome the psychology of giving themselves up as hopeless. Consequently we can conclude that education of inmates can help them to build hope for a better tomorrow.
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Table 1 also showed that 44% of the respondents were primary school certificate holders and 56% were secondary school certificate holders. This revealed that majority of the respondents had poor educational background which could have resulted from poor family background, unavailability of jobs or unstable jobs. This was supported by Studies on recidivism which has linked its high prevalence to some observable factors such as poor education and unstable work history (Buikhuisen and Meijs, 1983; Eisenberg, 1985).
While most of them were school certificate holders (56%) it also means that they could actually further their education if given the opportunity to do so. Though most of them do not have 5 credits that is the minimum requirement to gain entry into the university, they could sit for WAEC exams again and make good grades which will give them the required credits to gain entry into the university. Some of the female inmates who were students of the National Open University of Nigeria; kirikiri prison study centre that were interviewed by the researcher in August 2016 were already graduates as at the time of her 3rd visit to the Prisons in March 2017. They even called the researcher concerning the challenges they were facing in the institution. Some of them were also postgraduate students in the Faculty of Management Sciences and Education; hopefully they will graduate this year (2017). This corroborates Skorton and Altschuler (2013), assertion that the ability of a released inmate to survive is a function of environment he is returning to. If an inmate is coming back to the environment just the same way she left, the possibility of falling back into crime will be very high. But with educational attainment, the inmate will be able to make new friends, have opportunities to good jobs, life, business and even exposure to the international world because she would have developed confidence in herself through education.
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The table 1 further showed that 28% of the respondents were on 5 years jail term, 18% were on 6 years jail term, 24% were on 9 years jail term, 18% were on 14 years jail term and 12% were on 21 years jail term. From the table we also gathered that there are female inmates who were on 5 years, 6 years, 9 years and 21 years jail terms. During this period they can actually be able to adequately equip themselves with the required credits for entry into the university and also start a degree program which they are likely to finish before the end of their terms. There was a particular female inmate who was on trial for armed robbery, she said she wanted to become a pharmacist before her arrest and detention at the age of 17 years but because of the experience she had gathered while in detention and her trial process she would rather be a lawyer. This means she is very ambitious and determined to make a difference despite the challenge of incarceration since 2012. She hopes that one day she will be free and able to further her studies. When asked about an opportunity in National Open University of Nigeria, she said she will go to Babcock instead because it is her dream university. Just like Skorton and Altschuler (2013) argued that educational programmes through collaboration between educational institutions and correctional facilities help to reduce the rate of hopelessness and recidivism of prisoners by providing a humane, comparatively cheap and effective alternative to the discipline-and-punish approach. If this kind of inmate is given the opportunity, the sky may not be her limit.
Benefits of ODL mode to female inmates in Kirikiri prisons, Lagos State, Nigeria
To counter the effects of these socio-economic factors, there is need for the female inmates to be educated. Education has been identified
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as a tool to water down poor socio-economic background and provide multiple opportunities to be empowered. It is a tool of liberation. A high level of education will serve as a leverage to better the socio- economic conditions of the inmates most especially when they are out of prison. The ability of a released inmate to make it in the outside world is a factor of how stable the family he is returning tois, his mental capacity, his educational qualifications and his employment related skills. Securing jobs to sustain their livelihood might prove to be a mirage. This can push them back into criminal activities. The chances of an ex-inmate to securing a full-time job are greatly enhanced by their completion of education while in prison.
Furthermore, Matthew Spellberg asserted that “Education is not the only avenue toward recovering and protecting one’s dignity in prison, but it is a major one…Done right, it offers a modicum of the authority required of a person for self-creation. It makes a person in some modest way master of his or her own mind.” Education will provide the avenue for inmates to prove their ability to be good, self-reliant and self-disciplined.
The National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN) can use the ODL mode of study as a means of implementing the right of access to education of female inmates in Kirikiri Prisons, Lagos State, Nigeria
The right of access to education of female criminals can be debated by some on the basis of the type of sentence that are open to them. They are more often than not served either 3-21 years and above, life imprisonment or death sentence. However, they still have the right of access to education even if they are given death sentences or sentenced to life imprisonment. Explaining this can be done from three dimensions: Ebobo (2018)
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First, a female inmate will need to be educated in order to be able to survive when released out of prison. Secondly, some offenders will be convicted of crimes and be sentenced to life imprisonment. Such offenders can also be educated via the ODL because from the confines of the prison, they can influence the outside world through their intellectual reasoning. Furthermore, an inmate on life sentence judgment can later be pardoned by the state. The educational experience she has harnessed in the prison will be useful when she gets to the outside world.
Thirdly, according to the findings of this research, murder offenders with death sentence do not get killed on time. Some even die while in prison. Therefore, it can be argued that they can also be given access to ODL mode of education as a palliative measure while they await the day of their death. It can also be of benefit to them and the larger society in the case of amnesty. They suddenly realize that they have been given a second change to live again.
Most of the inmates that were interviewed were very much interested in furthering their education. They said if they were given access to education, they will judiciously use it. According to one of them:
If I have the opportunity of leaving this place (prison), I will never allow myself to be influenced by peers again. I will not follow them to bars or restaurants on men-hunting again. I will like to further my education. If the opportunity presents itself in the prison, I will grab it with my two hands. Being educated will give me all that I need to make a better life out there (IDI /On Trial/KiriKiri Prison/2016).
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The incarcerated status of inmates will make it impossible for them to access the conventional universities. To fill this void, the ODL mode of education should be made accessible to those who are interested and have the required qualifications. This can be provided by the National Open University of Nigeria through its online distance learning facilities. However, it is not all inmates that will be interested in formal education but they will need jobs when they are released. For this set of people, career and vocational courses should be encouraged. This was supported by Mr. TundeLadipo, the Controller of Prisons, Lagos State Command, when he said “Inmates are trained in different vocations such as barbing, tailoring, art and design as well as bead making to empower them to be self-employed after their jail terms”. In support of this, about 36 resident inmates of the female prisons graduated with various vocational skills, such as: Tie and dye, fashion designing, soap making, amongst others at the pre-release ceremony in the Kirikiri Prisons’ premises during the visit of the Vice Chancellor, Covenant University, Otta, Prof. Aderemi Atayero to Female Maximum and Medium Security Prisons, Kirikiri, Apapa (Vanguardngr.com/2017/06).
The National Open University of Nigeria also has certificated vocational programmes with registered inmates across the nation. It is worthy to note here that on a yearly basis the National Open University of Nigeria graduates inmates who are students at all levels and programs from the prisons. They also have Special Study Centres located in major prisons across the nation. These Study Centres are established to meet the needs of willing and registered inmates in the prisons. Their mode of learning is also flexible. National Open University of Nigeria is a significant operator of Open and Distance Learning education in Nigeria and the only Tertiary Institution in
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Nigeria that makes education available to inmates of Nigeria Prisons. Over the years, NOUN has graduated inmates from the prison as diploma, first degree, postgraduate diploma and master degree graduates. Kabiru an inmate who graduated with a B.A in Human Resource Management from NOUN in 2014 was found guilty of murder. He had served 11 years as at the time of graduation. He was the first to enroll and kick start academic activities at the prison study centre. As at 2014, 48 inmates enrolled in all the four major prison study centres across the country. In 2016, NOUN graduated an inmate fondly called “Prison Pastor” in B.A Theology from the Kirikiri Prison Study Centre in Lagos State (The Post, 2014).In 2017, two inmates also graduated from Enugu Study Centre (The Punch, 2018).
To corroborate this, according to Tunde Ladipo, the Controller of Prisons, Lagos State Command, a total of 322 inmates in Ikoyi and Kirikiri prisons in Lagos State registered for the West African Senior Secondary Examination, WASSCE, within 2015 and 2017. This consisted of 206 inmates from Ikoyi Prison and 116 inmates from the Kirikiri Prison, Apapa. He added that 59 inmates of the Ikoyi Prison sat for the 2017 Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination, UTME, while 32 inmates of the prison sat for the same examination in 2016. According to Mr. Ladipo, Kirikiri Prison inmates do not sit for post- UTME but secure admission directly into the National Open University of Nigeria, if they passed WASCCE. He opined that “assisting inmates to have access to education opportunities was one outstanding way of keeping alive their hope of a successful return to the larger society.” This also justifies this paper. In line with the purpose of the Prisons, he noted that the Nigeria Prisons Service was designed as a correction and reformation centre as such “We are trying to transform the lives of inmates through reading that could teach them morals after serving their jail terms”.
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He was also of the opinion that “With these measures, they will easily get integrated into the society at the expiration of their jail terms”. In the researchers opinion this is enough justification for this paper. It is presumed that all these provisions will equip the inmates with the required knowledge, skills and tools to secure a job or be self- employed when they are out of the prison wall. In support of this, Bandura, (1991) stated that social learning programs in the prisons promote an atmosphere of hope, self-efficacy, and self-motivation.
Consequently, this study proposed that the right of access to education must be accessible to the female offenders in prison. This according to the study findings will help the inmates to survive outside the prison walls if they are eventually released. Majority of the respondents covet access to education because they believe it will help them to abstain from crime.
4.0 CONCLUSION
Education as revealed by this study can actually serve as a deterring factor to female’s recidivism and successful reintegration into the society after their release from the prison. Education therefore should be encouraged in its totality within the prison walls if we must have a crime free society, reduction in the rates of recidivism and successful inmates’ reintegration into the society. Education is therefore a bridge to better and meaning life after release.
5.0 RECOMMENDATIONS
1. Education of female inmates is paramount in our society today. This should be encouraged at all levels and in all places.
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2. 3. Skill acquisition leads to better life, should be encouraged in the prison so that the issue of labeling can be minimized. 4. It is possible that companies may not want to employ them because of their status as ex-convicts but when they own businesses and earn a living, the issue of unemployment will not be a problem. 5. However crime should be made unattractive as much as possible so that people will prefer to stay out of crime rather than being criminals. 6. The availability of scholarship from the government and well- meaning Nigerians and Non-governmental organizations for indigent youths who are ready to go to school but for their parental financial backgrounds. Some of them have completed primary school education but cannot go to secondary school and some others have completed the secondary school education but cannot go to higher institutions because their parents cannot support them financially. 6. However, it should be noted that study curriculum for the inmates should be designed in such a way that the identified socio-economic factors that contributes to female criminality in the society will be tackled.
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REFERENCES
Abdulah, A.& Echewedo, J. (2017).Lagos CJ frees 66 inmates at Kirikiri Medium Prison. Cited in Vanguard Newspaper, Wednesday 02, August
Bandura, A. (1986). Social Cognitive Theory. In R. Vasta (Ed.), Annuals of Child Development: Six Theories of Child Development(Vol. 6, pp. 1-60). Greenwich, CT: JAI Press
Bandura, A. (1991a). Self-regulation of Motivation through Anticipatory and Self-Regulation Mechanisms.In R. A. Dienstbier (Ed.), Perspectives on motivation: Nebraska symposium on motivation (Vol. 38, pp. 69-164). Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.
Beck, J. (1981).Employment, Community Treatment Centre Placement and Recidivism.Study of Released Federal Offenders.Federal Probation, 45, 4, 3-8.
Blackburn, F. (1981).Relationship between Recidivism and Participation in a Community College Associate of Arts Degree Programme for Incarcerated Offenders.In Proceedings of the Thirty-Sixth Annual Correctional Education Association Conference. Rockville, Maryland: National Institute of Justice.
Buikuisen, W., &Meijs, B., (1983).Psychosocial Approach to Recidivism.In Van Dusen, K. and Mednick, S., (Eds.), Prospective Studies of Crime and Delinquency. Boston: Kluwer-Nijhoff.
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Bushway, S. (2003). Employment dimensions of Reentry. Urban Institute Reentry roundtable Discussion Paper: Reentry and prison work programs (pp. 1-17).
Callan, V. & Gardner, J. (2007). The Role of Vocational and Technical Education in Recidivism in Australia
Coley, R. J., & Barton, P. E. (2006).Locked up and locked out: An educational Perspective on the United States Prison Population. Educational Training Service
Ebobo, U. C. & Aje-famuyide, O. A. (2016).Patterns and Trend of Female Criminality in Lagos State, Nigeria from 1999-2014: A Study of Murder Cases. An Unpublished TETFUND Research Project 2014 2nd Batch Completed.
Ebobo, U. C. (2017).Patterns of Females’ Involvement in Armed Robbery in Lagos State, Nigeria (1999 – 2014) Being an Unpublished MPhil Dissertation at the Department of Sociology, The Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Ibadan, Oyo State, Nigeria
Eisenberg, M. (1985).Factors Associated with Recidivism. Austin: Texas Board of Pardons and Paroles.
Ezeamalu, B. (2017). Lagos Govt orders Release of 18 Kirikiri Inmates Jailed ‘for more than 30 years’ as cited in Premium Times Wednesday August 02, 2017
Gotto, S. T., & Martin, C. (2009). Psychology of success: Overcoming Barriers to Pursuing Further Education. The Journal of Continuing Higher Education, 57, 10-21.
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General Household Report, (1999-2011). National Bureau of Statistics, Abuja, FCT, Nigeria
Hadi, M. & Wan Anzlinda W. M. (2015). Reducing recidivism Rates through Vocational Education and Training. Procedia-Social and Behavioral Sciences 204, 272-276 http://www.vanguardngr.com/2017/06/hope-rises-varsity-empowers- pre-release-kirikiri-female-inmates/ http://www.vanguardngr.com/2017/05/lagos-cj-frees-66-inmates- kirikiri-medium-prison/
Jengeleski, G. (1981). Comparative Study of the Effect of a College Employment and Training Programme on Post-Release Arrest, Conviction, and Sentence Outcomes for Ex-Offenders. Rockville, Maryland: National Institute of Justice.
Leanne, R. (2010). Australian Crime: Facts and Figures, selected offender profile, 1-20/2010/4
Lochner, & Morreti, (2003).The Effect of Education on Crime: Evidence from Prison Inmates, Arrests, and Self-Reports.
Meixiang, L.I. (2012).Discussion on the Causes of Female Crime and Its Control and Prevention. M &D Forum. 197-201. School of Law, Shandong University of Technology, China, 255049
Nigerian Prison Service, (2013).Annual report. Abuja: Research and Publication Unit, Prison Headquarters, Garki.
Pinconne, J. E. (2000). Administering the Test of Adult Basic Education at intake. The Journal of Correctional Education Vol. 57, No3. .pp239-248
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Rand Researchers, (2013). Reducing Recidivism Rate in Prison Institutions
Ugbodaga, K. (2015). Lagos Charges Female Prisoners at Kirikiri to Learn Vocation. Cited in PM News August, 02 2017
Skorton, D. J. & Altschuler, G. C. (2013). College Behind Bars: How Educating Prisoners Pays Off.https://www.forbes.com/sites/collegeprose/2013/03/25/coll ege-behind-bars-how-educating-prisoners-pays- off/#ef9343827077
The Post, January 19, (2014).www.thepost-ng.com/prisoner-tuwanse- kabiru-among-4,308graduates-from-noun/
The Punch, January 16, (2018).NOUN graduates Obasanjo, two prisoners, 14,768 others.NOUN%20graduates%20Obasanjo,%20two%20prison ers,%2014,768%20others%20– %20Punch%20Newspapers.html
Zilly, G. Y. (2009).Prisoner Rehabilitation.Journal of Experimental Criminology MACPress, USA
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Impact of Inflation and Exchange Rate on Poverty Alleviation in North Central-Nigeria
Emmanuel Omoniyi AWE, PhD,
Marvellous AIGBEDION, PhD and
Sesan Oluseyi ADENIJI, PhD
Department of Economics University of Abuja, Email: [email protected]
Abstract
overty has been receiving global attention and has defied various attempts at curbing it especially in developing P countries. The high and unacceptable number of people within its grip around the world gave it a pride of place as one of the major goals of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). However, a well- functioning and regulated informal economy will be a critical prerequisite to sustainable growth. This is because the link between, informality, poverty alleviation and growth is not fully understood. This study seeks to investigate the link between Inflation and Exchange rate and poverty alleviation in north central-Nigeria. A Linear Probability Model (LPM) Regression approach was employed with data from 1970 to 2015. Based on the negative and significant relationship that exists between exchange rate, inflation and poverty alleviation in north central-states-Nigeria, the study therefore
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conclude that there exist a significant relationship between exchange rate, inflation and poverty alleviation in Nigeria. The study recommends among others that education of the rural poor to embark on viable projects, disbursement of fund through Informal Financial Institutions (IFIs) and favourable government policies so as to make the sector becomes relevant.
Keywords: Inflation, Exchange rate, Poverty Alleviation, Economic growth
1.0 INTRODUCTION
Poverty reduction has been receiving increasing global attention and the challenges are becoming more daunting. It is, however, encouraging to note that research findings and empirical evidence have shown that significant poverty reductions are possible and have, indeed, occurred in many developing countries with appropriate policy put in place. In particular, it has been established that economic growth and poverty reduction go hand- in-hand. For example, studies have revealed that the absolute number of people living in poverty has dropped in all the developing countries that have experienced sustained rapid economic growth over the past few decades. (Adam, 2007).
Evidences have shown that Small and Medium scale Enterprises (SMEs) provides an effective means of stimulating indigenous entrepreneurship, enhancing greater employment opportunities per unit of capital invested and aiding the development of local technology. (Yelwa et al., 2012).
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The issue of poverty has not only attained a global height but a major concern to many nations particularly the developing countries that are direct victims in which Nigeria is one of them. Nevertheless, the developed nations are not completely excluded in this phenomenon. The World Bank Development Statistical Report (2011) explained that a country could be described as being poor if the per capita income is below US $370 or very poor if it is below US $275 at any point in time (Obadan, 2009 and Adeyemi, 2014).
Poverty in both relative and absolute terms as a state where an individual is unable to cater adequately for her basic needs of food, clothing and shelter; meet social and economic obligations; lacks gainful employment, basic education, skills, assets and self-esteem; and has limited access to social and economic infrastructures with no recognition from any angle (Adeyemi, 2014).
In Nigeria, Narayan, (2009) is of the view that about 80 percent of Nigerians finds it extremely difficult to maintain a minimum standard of living that meets up with the above variables. In other words, majority of Nigerians are living below poverty line, showing that the level of poverty in Nigeria is very high. This is alarming and surprising; it ought not to be as Nigeria is naturally endowed with enough mineral resources including oil and gas coupled with the fact that she has earthquake and tsunami-free environment. (Anyanwu, 2014).
Presently, it has become very difficult if not impossible for many Nigerians to live above the poverty line. Accessibility to credit facilities is also very difficult for women and men, farmers and people who are poor. The increase rate of inflation and exchange rate
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have made businesses difficult operate in the north east-Nigeria which has also increase the rate of unemployment and hence, poverty rate.
Furthermore, North Central Nigeria consists of the seven states (Kwara, Kogi, Nasarawa, Niger, Benue, Plateau and Federal Capital Territory)situated geographically in the middle belt region of the country, spanning from the west, around the confluence of the River Niger and the River Benue. The region itself is rich in natural land features, and boasts some of Nigeria's most exciting scenery. The region is also home to many historical and colonial relics. However, this study focuses on only three states among the North Central states which include Kogi, Niger and FCT. However, this research therefore will establish the nexus between inflation and unemployment on poverty alleviation in north central states-Nigeria.
2.0 LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Concept of Poverty in Nigeria Central to the quest for policies and programmes that will reduce poverty is the issue of the conceptualization of poverty. Conceptually, three dominant views are identified as the meaning of poverty in the literature. The first view sees poverty as a severe deprivation of some basic human needs at the individual or household level, (Obadan, 2009). Put differently, poverty is a material deprivation and this can be assessed in monetary terms. (Aliyu, 2012).
The second view defines poverty as the failure to achieve basic capabilitiessuch as being adequately nourished, living a healthy life, possession of skills to participate in economic and social life, permission to take part in community activities to mention a few. This
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conceptualization forms the basis for the belief that ‘poverty is multi– dimensional’ (Senn, 2009). The third conceptualization of poverty came into limelight in the 1990s and has a fundamentally different approach to the understanding of poverty: subjective poverty assessments. The core of this view of poverty is that poverty must be defined by the poor themselves or by the communities that poor people live in. (Streeten, 2008).
Real Exchange Rate (RER)
Real exchange rate is that which measures the relative price indicators we have in terms of economic international competiveness, which is to know the extent of international competitiveness. The real exchange rate measures both changes in nominal exchange rate and changes in relative inflation rate (Obadan, 2009). It is the rate of the price level.
The Nominal Exchange Rate (NER)
The nominal exchange rate (NER) is the derivation of the nominal exchange rate index differential ratio relationship to the base exchange rate where the value of the trade weight index of the country under consideration is of importance in computing the indices of all countries (Hinkle and Monties, 2009). The basis of computation of the nominal effective exchange rate index is the average of trade volume of a country (i.e. the value of important export) over a given period of time expressed as a ratio of the average total of the trade volume currencies which are included in the basket.
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Concept of Inflation
According to oxford dictionary of economics inflation is a persistent tendency for prices and money wages to increase. Inflation is measured by the proportional changes over time in some appropriate price index, commonly a consumer price index or a GDP deflator. Solow (2001) defined inflation as a sustained fall in the purchasing power of money. Generally, inflation is defined as a sustained rising trend in the general price level.
2.2 Empirical Review
Honohan (2014) confirms the position of Li et al. (2011). He shows a robust effect of financial depth (measured as the ratio of private credit to GDP) on headcount poverty incidence (based on both the $1- and $2-a-day poverty lines). The regression results suggest that a 10 percentage-point increase in the ratio of private credit to GDP would lead to a 2.5 - 3.0 percentage-point reduction in poverty incidence. While controlling for per capita GDP, the study indicates that there is a direct relationship between financial development and poverty reduction. However, this relationship exists independent of the indirect effect through growth.
[[ Fowowe and Abidoye (2011) examine the effect of financial development as measured by private credit on the growth of poverty and inequality inSub-Saharan African countries. Their findings show that private credit has no significant influence on poverty in these countries. However, empirical results show that macroeconomic variables such as low inflation and trade openness engender reduction of poverty.
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Geda et al. (2014) use the rich household panel data of urban and rural Ethiopia that covers the period from 1994 to 2010, the authors attempted to establish the link between finance and poverty in Ethiopia. Their results show that access to finance is an important factor in consumption smoothing and hence poverty reduction.
Yelwa, et al. (2012), carried out a research on the relationship between Informal Financial Sector and Financing of the Small and Medium scale Enterprises in Nigeria using Niger state as a case study. He concluded that Informal Financial market operators in Minna, Suleja, Bida and Kontagora have contributed largely to investment, job creation, income generation, easy accessibility to credit facilities and supports the production and distribution of goods and services to the people of the towns.
Adam (2015) opined in his study of the role of informal sector on poverty alleviation in Nigeria. He came up with a conclusion that inflation rate has a significant impact on poverty alleviation in Nigeria.
Rama (2013), in his study of the theoretical and empirical determinants of investment in developing countries identifies macroeconomic and institutional factors, such as financial repression, foreign exchange shortage, lack of infrastructure, economic instability, aggregate demand, public investment, relative factor price and credit availability as important variables that explain private investment. Here, credit availability among other factors was stressed.
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Poverty and Economic Growth
The relationship between poverty and economic growth is that they are empirically needed in growth comparison: A nation without poverty or a reduced level of poverty is definitely having a consistent and reliable economic growth. Nigeria without economic growth and development cannot increase the welfare of the people and would definitely bring about the prevalence of extreme poverty.
Mwakapui, (2012) sees Economic growth as an increase in a country’s productive capacity, identifiable by a sustained rise in real national income over a period of years. A country’s annual growth, can be measured by taking the average percentage increase in national income over a long period of time, say five or ten years.
Economic growth and economic development are closely related. We draw an important distinction between them. A country is enjoying economic development when it is experiencing economic growth.
A growing labour supply enables a community to produce bigger combination of goods and services and so bring about an outward shift in it production possibly frontier. This in turn leads to an increase output per head and hence a potential improvement of the social welfare of citizenry. An expansion of a country capital stock through net investment, just like an expansion of its labour forces, increase the country Stock of productive resources and so represent another possible source of economic growth. (Tonge, 2013).
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2.3 Theoretical Framework
The theoretical framework for this study is rooted on the model by Ravallion and Chen (1997), which was based on the extended Solow Growth Model of Poverty. The model reported that growth has a positive impact on reducing income poverty. This was also buttressed by Nafziger (2006), in his analysis of poverty alleviation and income distribution in which he asserted that economic growth is the most important factor influencing poverty reduction. However, poverty level for a given countryat a given period of time tdepends on the economic growth. The model is specified as:
Povt = ƒ (y, ε )------(2.1) Where: Povt = Poverty y = the economic growth, ε = error term with zero mean and constant variance. From eq. (2.1), holding the error term(ε) constant, it then means that all variables that influence economic growth are likely to have influence on poverty level, Hence,
Povit = ƒ (y)------(2.2)
From equation 2.2, economic growth strategy may not necessarily lead to poverty reduction but not a sufficient condition may be required to make for poverty reduction Nemedia (2001), Obadan (2001) and DFID (2004). Thus, equation (2.2) above is modified as follows:
Povt= ƒ (y, O, ε ) ------(2.3)
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Where: O stands for other variables required to complement economic growth in achieving poverty reduction. As regards other independent variables to be included in the model aside economic growth is the financial sector development. To measure financial development, a data that captures the development of the formal and informal financial system would have been appropriate as pre-condition for measuring the impact on poverty. Many indicators have been employed in studies examining the impact of finance on poverty reduction. The commonly used indicators of financial development that are available for most developing countries over a long period time include the ratio to GDP of the value of credits granted by financial intermediaries to private sectors (PRICRE), the level of education of the entrepreneurs and the Small and Medium scale Development.. These three indicators are used by Levine et al. (2000) in their analysis of the relationship between informal financial intermediation and growth.
However, based on these three indicators, equation (3) is re-stated as follows based on Chakraborty model (2010): Povt= λ0 + λ1 GDPi t+ λ2 PRIVCRE + λ3 EDU + λ4 SMEDEVt------(2.4)
The model explains that the behaviour of the savings ratio (s) is assumed to be influenced by inflation (INFL). There seems to be an agreement in the literature on the negative effects of inflation on poverty. In another development, Goetz and Gupta, (2010) uphold that the behaviour of the savings ratio (s) is also influenced by exchange rate (EXR) which has a significant impact on expenditure. Therefore, the higher the expenditure, the lower the savings; Hence, equation 2.3 is expressed as follows:
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s = ƒ (INFL, EXR) ------(2.5)
Substitute equation (2.4) into equation 2.5, we derive the following model as: Povt= λ0 + λ1 GDPit+ λ2 PRIVCRE+ λ3 EDU + λ4 SMEDEV + λ5 INFL+ λ6 EXR+ εit------(2.6) Equation 2.6 is thus used as a functional model in this analysis.
The theoretical framework can be represented by the model below:
3.0 METHODOLOGY
Study Area
The study was conducted in the North Central, Nigeria. These areas consist of the selected three states situated geographically in the middle belt region of the country, spanning from the west, around the confluence of the River Niger and the River Benue. The region is made up of the following states: Benue, Kogi, Kwara, Nasarawa, Niger and Federal Capital Territory (Abuja).The region itself is rich in natural land features, and boasts some of Nigeria's most exciting scenery. The region is also home to many historical and colonial relics.
The selection of these states was based on the growing SMEs in these states because of their growing population. For instance, FCT used to be known as businesses headquarters, but recently, because of the growing population in the region with about 6 million people, the growth of SMEs have been on a high side. The same apply to Kogi and Niger state because of their proximity to the FCT.
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Nature and sources of Data
This study relied on secondary data. the secondary data consisting of Gross Domestic Product (GDP), Credit to the Private sector (PRIVCRE), Inflation (INF) and Exchange rate (EXR) were obtained from the Central bank of Nigeria (CBN), National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) and the World Bank.
Model specification Based on the model specified by Ravallion and Chen (1997) which was reported that growth has a positive impact on reducing poverty, the model was adapted with little modification. However, the models will be specified along the hypotheses stated:
Hypothesis
H01: There is no significant effect of Inflation and Exchange rate on poverty alleviation in North Central Nigeria.
Following the model by Ravallion and Chen (1997) which was later modified by Obadan, (2001) which holds that economic growth is a necessary but not a sufficient condition for poverty reduction. The model is modified as follows taking into consideration the sufficient condition:
Povt= ƒ (y, O, ε ) ------(3.1) Where: Y = Gross Domestic Product (GDP) O = other variables required to complement economic growth in modeling poverty. ε = Other variables These other variables are included in the model as follows:
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Povt= λ0 + λ1 GDP+ λ2 PRIVCRE + λ4 INF+ λ5 EXR+ + εit------(3.2) Where:
Povt = P =1 if inflation and exchange rate have impact on poverty alleviation and 0 if otherwise. GDP = the Gross Domestic Product annual growth rate. PRIVCRE = Private Credit INF = Inflation rate EXR = Exchange rate ε = other factors influencing poverty other than economic growth. Since the dependent variable is binary, the model however becomes a Linear Probability Model (LPM)
Measurement of Variables Table 3.1 S/N Variable Measurement Expected Sign A priori on impact POV = 1, if Inflation + λ1> 0, Poverty and exchange λ 1< 0 Alleviated by rate influences Informal poverty, 0, if Loan. otherwise. Dependent Variable Independent Variables Owner’s Characterist ics Variables 1. GDP Data on the + /Based on Solow λ1>0, Gross Domestic growth theory of Product growth poverty, growth rate in Nigeria. and Inequality.
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2. PRIVCRE Data on loan + /Based on the λ 2> 0 available for the endogenous private sector in theory of Nigeria business finance 3. INF Data on the rate -/ λ 4< 0 of inflation in Based on the Nigeria classical theory of business survival. EXR Data on -/ Based on the 5. Exchange rate classical theory in Nigeria of business α5< 0 survival.
Source: Author’s compilation, 2017
Methods of Data Analysis
A Linear Probability Model using Ordinary least square (OLS) technique was employed in computing the numerical estimates of the constant and co-efficient of the variables in the specified models. The OLS method was chosen because of its optimal properties (best, linear, unbiased, estimate) (BLUE). Also its computation procedure is fairly simple and of course it is an essential component of most other estimation technique as it has the ability to capture the long term relationship between several variables especially economic variable.
The unit root studies have also shown that using classical estimation methods, such as the Ordinary Least Squares (OLS), to estimate relationships with unit root variables gives misleading inferences. In the presence of non-stationary variables, there might be what Granger and Newbold (1974) call a spurious regression.
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Bruesh-Pagan Heteroskedasticity Test
Since the Linear Probability Model (LPM) is highly exposed to heteroscedasticity problem which violates the assumption of the Ordinary Least Square (OLS), however, Bruesh-Pagan (1980) test is a test of the null hypothesis of no heteroskedasticity against heteroskedasticity of unknown, general form. The test statistic is computed by an auxiliary regression, where we regress the squared residuals on all possible (nonredundant) cross products of the regressors.
4.0 ANALYSIS OF RESULTS GDPG EXR 12 25
10 20
8 y
y 15
c
c
n
n
e
e u
6 u
q
q
e
e r
r 10 F 4 F
5 2
0 0 -20 -10 0 10 20 30 40 0 20 40 60 80 100 120 140 160
CRPS INFR 40 15
12
30 y
y 9
c
c
n
n
e
e u
20 u
q
q
e
e r
r 6
F F
10 3
0 0 0 2,000,000 6,000,000 10,000,000 14,000,000 18,000,000 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80
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Test of Hypothesis
This section tests the hypothesis stated and modeled in chapter three. Three steps were utilized in interpreting the Linear Probability Model regression results. The steps involved firstly, restating the hypotheses in Null forms, secondly, interpreting the regression results and thirdly, using the decision criteria to accept or reject the null/ alternate hypotheses.
Test of Hypothesis
Step One: Restatement of Hypothesis in Null Form
H01: There is no significant effect of Inflation and Exchange rate on poverty alleviation in North Central Nigeria.
Povt= λ0 + λ1 GDP+ λ2 PRIVCRE + λ4 INF+ λ5 EXR+ + εit------(4.1)
Step Two: Presentation of Regression Result
Table 4.2 Results of the stationarity (unit root) test Variables ADF-statistic Critical values Order of integration GDPg -5.790676 1% = - Stationary at 3.588509 level. 5% = - 2.929734 10% = - 2.603064 PRIVCRE 2.685597 1% = - Stationary at 3.626784 level. 5% = - 2.945842 Awe, Aigbedion& Adeniji {88}
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10% = - 2.611531 INFR -3.148823 1% = - Stationary at 3.588509 level. 5% = - 2.929734 10% = - 2.603064
EXR -5.693443 1% = - Stationary at 1st (0.214601) 3.592462 diff. 5% = - 2.931404 10% = - 2.603944
Breusch -Pagan Test
Heteroskedasticity Test: Breusch-Pagan-Godfrey
F-statistic 0.908277 Prob. F(4,39) 0.4687 Obs*R-squared 3.749592 Prob. Chi-Square(4) 0.4410 Scaled explained SS 3.949864 Prob. Chi-Square(4) 0.4128
Test Equation: Dependent Variable: RESID^2 Method: Least Squares Date: 03/27/17 Time: 12:20 Sample: 1970 2015 Included observations: 45
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Variable Coefficient Std. Error t-Statistic Prob.
C 0.099345 0.064890 1.530992 0.2338 GDP 0.101166 0.004442 0.262529 0.0003 EXR 0.200677 0.000918 0.737499 0.0012 PRICRE -0.28E-08 1.57E-08 -1.449306 0.0002 INFR 0.401876 0.002197 0.853812 0.0014
R-squared 0.825218 Mean dependent var 0.132435 Adjusted R-squared 0.808606 S.D. dependent var 0.219380 S.E. of regression 0.220322 Akaike info criterion -0.080811 Sum squared resid 1.893125 Schwarz criterion 0.121938 Log likelihood 6.777838 Hannan-Quinn criter. -0.005622 F-statistic 0.908277 Durbin-Watson stat 2.386679 Prob(F-statistic) 0.000663
H0: P-V > 0.05 = (Presence of heteroscedasticity)
H1: P-V < 0.05 = (Absence of heteroscedasticity)
This shows that the model is free from heteroscedasticity problem.
LPM USING OLS
Dependent Variable: POV Method: Least Squares Date: 03/27/17 Time: 14:12 Sample (adjusted): 1970 2015
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Included observations: 45 after adjustments White heteroskedasticity-consistent standard errors & covariance
Variable Coefficient Std. Error t-Statistic Prob.
GDP -0.106965 0.007793 -0.893760 0.0169 EXR -0.252004 0.001610 -1.244557 0.0007 PRICRE 0.40E-08 2.76E-08 1.595630 0.1106 INFR -0.493713 0.003854 -0.963298 0.0013 C 0.937834 0.113845 8.237840 0.0000
R-squared 0.409743 Mean dependent var 0.818182 Adjusted R-squared 0.368435 S.D. dependent var 0.390154 S.E. of regression 0.386541 Akaike info criterion 1.043486 Sum squared resid 5.827135 Schwarz criterion 1.246234 Log likelihood 17.95668 Hannan-Quinn criter. 1.118675 F-statistic 8.201897 Durbin-Watson stat 2.340266 Prob(F-statistic) 0.003510
Source: E-views 7
A Linear Probability Model regression was estimation while the overall results are expressed below:
Povt= 0.937834 - λ1 0.106965GDP - λ2 0.252004EXR + λ3 0.401358 PRIVCRE - λ4 0.4937134INFL
푅 2 = 0.409743Adj. R2 = 0.588435
푆 . 퐸 = 0.386541D.W = 2.340266
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Step Three: Discussion of Result
The regression result reveals that most of the variables have expected signs. However, the result shows that a unit increase in GDP is associated with 11% point increase in the probability that IFIs will not alleviate poverty (L = 0). The result also shows that a unit change in Exchange rate (EXR) is associated with 25% point increase in the probability that IFIs cannot help to alleviate poverty (L=0). The finding also indicates that a unit change in private credit (PRICRE) is associated with 40% increase in the probability that IFIs will alleviate poverty (L=1). Lastly, the result revealed that a unit increase in inflation rate (INFR) is associated with a 49% increase in the probability that IFIs cannot help in poverty alleviation in north central states-Nigeria (L=0). This result concise with the outcome of Adam, (2015) which says that inflation rate has a positive impact on poverty alleviation in Nigeria. Similarly, the result is also in line with the outcome of Esien (2001) who concluded that growth is a function of capital, moderate inflation as well as moderate exchange rate. The result disagreed with the work of Fowowe and Abidoye (2011) who concluded that private credit has no significant influence on poverty in sub-sahara African countries. However, the result agrees the one obtained by Honohan (2014) which suggested that 10% increase in private credit to GDP would lead to 2.5-3.0% reduction in poverty incidence. However, the results of unit root test are contained in the appendix column. The results revealed that all the variables of the model are found to be stationary at both 1 percent, 5percent, and 10 percent level with first difference (d(1)), which is indicated by ADF results at all levels less than the critical values in negative direction.
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Step Four: Decision Based on the findings, the 25% and 49% of the probability that Inflation and exchange rate have no relationship with poverty alleviation is an indication that there exists an impact of both exchange rate and inflation rate on the dependent variable in north central-states, we therefore reject the null hypothesis while the alternative hypothesis is accepted, meaning that there is significant impact of exchange rate and inflation on poverty alleviation in Nigeria.
5.0 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Based on the findings of the study, it can be found that Inflation and Exchange rate influences the progress of any business in the north central states-Nigeria which therefore increases the rate of poverty. It is therefore concluded that a significant relationship exist between inflation and exchange rate and Poverty alleviation in north central state-Nigeria. Based on the result of data analysis in our chapter four and the entire study, it is therefore recommended that there is the need for the government to intensify its effort to promote stable macroeconomic variables such as exchange rate and inflation. Stable macroeconomic variables can be achieved by promoting local production while the citizens should also be encouraged by consuming local productions. To say it clearer, “we must consume what we produce”.
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Adam, G. (2015), Role of Microfinance Institutions in Actualization of MDGs. Paper delivered at the induction ceremony of Institute of Chartered Economists of Nigeria (ICEN) in Port Harcourt
Adam, A. (2007), “Business Development Services for MSEs in Thailand” In MSE Development and Poverty Alleviation in Thailand, Finnega Gerry (ed.), ILO/UNDP Working paper. Business Times (1995) Nigeria. April 12th, Pp35
Adeyemi, A.D. (2014), “The impact of Poverty on Economic Development”, Journal of Finance, Vol. 12, pp 222-240
Aliyu A. (2012), Implementation progress report, background, structure achievement and problems, A paper presented at a one day special presidential retreat for permanent secretaries.
Anyanwu, C.M. (2014), Microfinance Institutions in Nigeria: Policy, Practice and Potential. Nigeria: Central Bank of Nigeria Research Paper pg 1-31
Ardener, A. and Fitchette, P. (2012); policy framework and linkages to sources of finance, market opportunities and technical support; Abuja journal of business
Aryeetey, E., &Udry, C. (2007), “The Characteristics of Informal Financial Markets in Sub-Saharan Africa”, Journal of African Economies, Supplement Vol. 6 (1), 1997: 161–203
Central Bank of Nigeria (2010) Statistical Bulletin CBN, Abuja.
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Geda, J. A., Newbold, J. P and Whitford, D. T. (2014). Predicting Bankruptcy: If Cash Flow's Not the Bottom Line, What Is It?.Financial Analysts Journal, 41(5), 47- 56.
Fowowe, B.andAbidoye, O. (2011); “policy framework and linkages to sources of finance, market opportunities and technical support”; Abuja journal of business
Goetz, A. and Gupta, R. S. (2010).Who Takes the Credit? Gender, Power, and Control over Loan Use in Rural Credit Programs in Bangladesh. World Development, 24, 45-63.
Granger, C.W. and Newbold, P. (1974).Spurious regression in econometrics. Journal of Econometrics, 35(1): 143-159.
Hinkle, M. and Monties, J. (2009), “Credit for the Alleviation of Rural Poverty: The Grameen Bank in Bangladesh”, Washington, D.C.: IFPRI, Research Report No. 65
Nemedia, A. (2001). Microfinance as a Poverty Reduction Tool; A Critical Assessment. DESA Working Paper No. 89ST/ESA/2009/DWP/89 December
Honohan, J. (2014). Planning for Growth in a Small Company.Long Range Planning, 23(3),76-81.
Li, S; Lavoie, D.,and Culbert, S. A. (2011). Stages of Organization and Development,’’ Human Relations, 5(2), 417-438.
National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) (2014).Provisional of State and Local Government Totals of the 2006 Population Census of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.www.nigerianstat.gov.ng
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Narayan, P. (2009), “Microfinance Impact Report”. Trihcirappalli, India: The Activists for Social Alternatives
Newbold, J. (1974). Firm Size, Finance, and Investment.Economic Quarterly –Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond, 80(1), 19 – 33.
Nwakapui, A. A. (2012), “Reflection on the Possibilities of Reduction in Poverty in the Context of Economic Growth and Underdevelopment, Democracy and Good Governance”, Development Policy Management and Network Bulletin, Vol. IX, No. 1, pp 36-40
Obadan, M.I. (2009a) “Analytical Framework for poverty Reduction: Issue of Economic Growth versus Other Strategies”, Proceedings of the 1996 Annual Conference of the Nigeria Economic Society (Ibadan: NES).
Obadan, M. I. (2001) “Poverty in Nigeria: Characteristics, Alleviation Strategies and Programmes”, NCEMA Analysis Series, Vol. 2, No. 2.
Rama, M. (2013) Money, Interest and Banking in Economic Development. John Hopkins University Press: Baltimore.
Ravallion, D. & Cheng, B. (1997).Nursing Research: Principles and methods. New York: JB Lippincott.
Senn, A.K. (2009). The Standard of Living. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. The World Bank, (1992).Poverty Reduction Handbook. Washington D.C., U.S.A.
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Shaw, E.S. (1973): “Financial Deepening in Economic Development” New York: Oxford University Press.
Streeten, P. (2008). Does rural location matter? The significance of a rural setting for small businesses. Journal of Developmental Entrepreneurship,10(1), 49–63.
Tonge, A., Greer, L., Lawton, A. (2013). The Enron story: You canfool some of the people some of the time ---- Business Ethics: An European Review, 12/1, 4-22.
World Bank (2011) African Development Indicators 2005 New York: Oxford University Press. World Bank (2005) World Development Report 2005 New York: Oxford University Press.
Yelwa, M.; Obansa, S.A.J and Awe E.O. (2014), “Informality, Financial Institutions and Exclusive growth in Nigeria” European Journal of Economics, Vol. 5, No. 3.
Yelwa, M.. (2012), “Poverty Alleviation: Is Economic Any Help? Lessons from the Grameen Bank Experience. Journal of International Affairs 52, 47-65.
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The Role of Women in the Prevention of Women and Child Trafficking in Edo State, Nigeria
Anthonia H. OKONYE Department of Political Science National Open University of Nigeria, Abuja. Email: [email protected] Abstract uman trafficking has remained one of the social challenges in Nigeria. Extant body of literature seems to be suffused H with the causes, and consequences of the phenomenon, with relatively little in acknowledging women’s impact towards preventing the menace. The present study, therefore, seeks to examine the role of women in the prevention of human trafficking in the country, using Edo State as the focus of analysis. The paper applies itself to Human Security Theory. Primary and secondary data were employed in this study. Primary data were obtained through questionnaires and in- depth interviews while secondary data comprised reports from Non- Governmental Organizations (NGOs), the police and other related agencies in social works. A plethora of mutually reinforcing factors has influenced women’s involvement in preventing human trafficking including cultural, social, religious and economic factors. As mothers, they advise their children on the danger of falling victims of human trafficking. They educate young girls on importance of self-reliance through self- empowerment to avoid being victims of human trafficking. Women are also involved in rescue missions, counseling, and rehabilitation of rescued victims for easy re-integration into the society. Women’s groups have worked with a number of local and international organizations to combat human trafficking. The study contends that since women constitute the greater number of trafficked victims, their impact in preventing the menace cannot be
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overemphasized. It is, therefore, recommended that governments at all levels should reinforce women in their efforts towards preventing human trafficking in the society. Private sectors and international organizations should support women in combating human trafficking.
Keywords: Human trafficking; Non-Governmental Organizations; Self-empowerment; Counselling and Rehabilitation.
1.0 INTRODUCTION
Nigeria has been identified as a source transit and destination country for women and children who are subjected to trafficking. They are recruited from rural areas within the country’s borders and taken to other West and Central Africa countries, Europe especially Italy, Russia and the Middle East for forced prostitution and forced labour (the U.S Department of State, 2010).Human trafficking is violence against human rights, is the trade of humans, most commonly for the purpose of sexual slavery, forced marriage, trafficking for organ trade, forced labour or commercial sexual exploitation for the trafficker or others. It is thought to be one of the fastest-growing activities of trans-national criminal organizations. Human trafficking entails the violation of the victims’ rights of movement through coercion and because of their commercial exploitation human trafficking is condemned as a violation of human rights by international conventions.
Ofuoku (2010) revealed that trafficking in human beings, especially women and girls, is a complex, multifaceted problem, involving multiple stakeholders at both the institutional and commercial levels.
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It is a demand-driven, global business with a large market for commercial sex and cheap labour. The illicit business has continues to flourish because of insufficient and unexercised policy frameworks or trained personnel to curb or prevent it.
The phenomenon of human trafficking has continued to assume worrisome dimensions in various parts of Nigeria with the devastating implications for human security and national integration. Nigeria is a significant country in terms of anti-trafficking work, due to the larger number of emigrants and trafficked persons compared with other countries (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 2006). Efforts like anti-trafficking laws, poverty alleviation programmes, border security and so on in preventing human trafficking in Nigeria and elsewhere have not succeeded in stopping it. In other words women have been fully involved. Nevertheless, despite the strategic involvement of women in combating human trafficking in the country, their role has not been considerably appreciated in extant scholarship. Therefore, the preoccupation of the present study is to examine the impact of women in the process of tackling women and child trafficking in the country with emphasis on Edo State.
Edo state is selected as the focus of analysis in this study because it is one of the major hubs of human trafficking in Nigeria, and by extension the West African region. The study attempts to concentrate on women and children as victims because they constitute the greater percentage of humans who are being trafficked from the study area. The methodology in carrying out this research involved primary and secondary sources. The sampling techniques used were snowball strategy. Purposive sampling strategy was used to select respondents based on their knowledge in the area of study.
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The sampling started with selection of some of the non-governmental organizations for interview. From there, the snowball sampling strategy holds out by feeding on the expert knowledge and networks of identical respondents to recommend other experts and or professionals for interview. Data was content analyzed.
2.0 THEORY OF HUMAN SECURITY
This paper applies itself to the analytical perspective of human security. According to Hideaki (2004), the concept of human security has drawn great attention among scholars as well as practitioners since the publication of Human Development Report 1994 by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP)..According to Thakur (1997), “Human security refers to the quality of life of the people of a society or polity. Anything which degrades their quality of life – demographic pressures, diminished access to or stock or resources, and so on – is a security threat. Conversely, anything which can upgrade their quality of life – economic growth, improved access to resources, social and political empowerment, and so on – is an enhancement of human security.
The UNDP's (1994) Human Development Report‘s definition of human security argues that the scope of global security should be expanded to include threats in seven areas:
• Economic security • Food security • Health security • Environmental security • Personal security
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• Community security • Political security
Tadjbakhsh (2007) stated that in an ideal world, each of the UNDP's seven categories of threats would receive adequate global attention and resources and yet attempts to implement this human security agenda have led to the emergence of two major schools of thought on how to best practice human security–"Freedom from Fear" and “Freedom from Want".
Freedom from Fear: This school seeks to limit the practice of Human Security to protecting individuals from violent conflicts while recognizing that these violent threats are strongly associated with poverty, lack of state capacity and other forms of inequities. This approach argues that limiting the focus to violence is a realistic and manageable approach towards Human Security. Emergency assistance, conflict prevention and resolution, peace-building are the main concerns of this approach.
Freedom from Want–United Nations Development Programme report (1994) stated that the school advocates a holistic approach in achieving human security and argues that the threat agenda should be broadened to include hunger, disease and natural disasters because they are inseparable concepts in addressing the root of human in security and they kill far more people than war, genocide and terrorism combined."Freedom from fear" and "freedom from want" are the most commonly referred to categories of human security practice.
A report carried by Hoeben(2016) revealed that in recent decades the world has been struggling with a wide diversity of real and immediate
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threats that are often interlinked. These threats originate from different levels; the global level (e.g., climate change, weapons of mass destruction),the transnational level (e.g., transnational organized crime, illicit trade, human trafficking), the regional level
(e.g., corruption, state repression), the national level (e.g., poverty, environmental degradation) and/or local level (e.g., child abuse, ethnic conflict).
In view of this theory, it can be observed that most of the seven threat areas identified by the UNDP’s report are still prevalent in Edo state and attempts to implement the human security agenda specified by UNDP with emphasis on –"Freedom from Fear" and “Freedom from Want" have not been fully actualized in the state especially in the area of economic, health, personal and environmental securities. The resultant effects of these Fear and Want is a very strong desire by the youth of Edo State to search for greener pasture in other countries thereby falling victims of human trafficking.
2.1 Conceptual Clarifications i. Human Trafficking
The United Nations (2012) protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons defines human trafficking as the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harboring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation.
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Enaikele and Olutayo (2011) reveal that human trafficking is largely a form of modern slavery because its resemblance to the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade; Slavery as an institution was abolished in the 19th century, and the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights prohibiting slavery or servitude recognizes the rights of all human beings to live a life of freedom and dignity. Since the abolition of slave trade, more than two centuries ago, about 300 international protocols and conventions prohibiting and criminalizing slavery and slave trade in any form, have been signed and adopted by nation states.
Trafficking can be traced century back. An overview on trafficking in persons according to the United Nations (2012) was a violation against humanity 200 years ago, as it still is today. It has also continued to be an international issue. Virtually every country in the world is affected by trafficking for sexual exploitation or forced labor. Data taken from the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) report on trafficking in persons document the trafficking of human beings from 127 countries to be exploited in 137 countries. Reliable global data are limited, but the number of victims is believed to be reaching epidemic proportions.
Andy (2015) agreed that human trafficking is an old institution which became a more prominent economic venture during and after the trans-Atlantic slave trade when humans became the object of trade, today it still appears that human trafficking has many battles to fight, but all hope is not lost, the vigilance of women is essential to oil the wheel of the anti-human trafficking crusade.
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ii. Women and Child Trafficking
WOCON (2013) Report, accounted that hundreds of Nigerian women and girls are trafficked each year into forcible prostitution. They are made to endure slave-like conditions in foreign countries, notably Italy, and the Middle East. Women are more prone to this because of the high rate of poverty and unemployment even after gaining university degree. More so the burning interest for quick riches; however, comparing the foreign currency to that of the local which has less value and some parents even get involve by forcing their children especially women and children to be trafficked either as prostitutes or for forced labour.
Parents make sacrifices such as the sale of their properties to make N65,000-N130,000 (an equivalent of about $200-$400 US dollars) deposits to traffickers on behalf of their children. In many cases, the trafficker takes the yet to be trafficked victim to spiritual temples and shrine for oath taking in secrecy, where the victims can be asked to summit his or private items such as bra, pant and blood, and most cases the victims’ pubic hairs are shaven in carrying out the rituals. However, this spiritual process obviously brings fear around the victim with the consequences to go mad or die if the instructions are not adhered to. Many a time the victims are deceived to believe that the oath taking has a multi-purpose effect; which could also protect them from disease such as HIV/AIDS (WOCON 2013).
Impact of Human Trafficking on Edo Socio-Cultural Millieu
According to Lawal (2013), Benin City has always been an attraction in the scourge of human trafficking basically women and child trafficking. Benin City is inhabited by it indigence and other
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indigenous groups like Etsako,Akoko-Edo, Ishan and more. There is a general perception that Benin girls are the highest victims in the scourge for human trafficking to Europe basically for commercial sex, although a number of international organizations and non- governmental organizations have intervened to combat sex trafficking in the region. Despite these interventions, sex trafficking is still rife in Benin City.
Lawal further stated that the factors that account for human trafficking in Edo State include the impact of the Nigerian Civil War (1967-1970) and especially the six week occupation of the Bendel State by “Biafran” soldiers who raped girls and women recklessly; the corrupt military regimes (1966-1979, 1984-1998); the socio-economic impact of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP)-1986-1993; early physical and sexual abuse of teenage girls; collapse of family values and family honor, owing to prevalent polygamy, polyandry, adultery, prostitution to Satisfy the inordinate and ambition for affluence in the society. Others are the absence of parental role models; parental pressure, peer pressure.
Tim (2013) accounts that the State of Edo has also taken measures aimed at combating human trafficking, particularly for sexual exploitation. The Edo State House of Assembly enacted a law (Edo State Criminal Code (Amendment Law)) criminalizing prostitution in the state. Although the state law was introduced to deter anyone participating in sex trafficking, it also penalizes trafficked victims for prostitution.(Olateru, Olagbegi and Ikpeme, 2014).The Danish Immigration Service fact finding mission on human trafficking to two States (Lagos and Edo State) and the Federal Capital Territory of Nigeria Abuja, revealed that the majority of “female victims of
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trafficking are from Beni -City. The International Organization for Migration which stated that Edo State is a source of human trafficking by listing known endemic local government areas which include: Oredo, Ikpoba–okha, Ovia North East, Uhunmwonde, Egor, Orhionmwon, Esan North East, Esan Central, Etsako West, and Ovia South West (Tim 2013).
Additionally, Aronowitz (2001) stated that approximately 80 per cent of trafficked Nigerian women to Italy come from Edo State that is Benin City inclusively. Aronowitz shows his astonishment at the high percentage of trafficked victims from Edo State simply because of the fact that Edo State is not the most poverty-stricken region in Nigeria. In the activities of this inhuman act, traffickers and the trafficked persons give reasons for their acts which always drive to poverty and unemployment but ironically the state is blessed with natural resources, rich cultural heritage and agricultural product that could yield positive growth, attract foreign investments and sustainable development.
3.0 CAUSES AND EFFECTS OF HUMAN TRAFFICKING
Poverty has been identified as a causal root of the global injustice of human trafficking and sex trafficking in particular. An ILO/IPEC report (2000) found that 40% of Nigerian street children and hawkers are trafficked persons.
Fayomi (2009); notes that the quest for survival because of prevailing inequitable allocation of resources and unemployment are considered major motivators for indulgence in human trafficking. With the current high rate of unemployment among graduate youth, gendered nature of access to and allocation of productive resources, restricted mobility for women in the formal labour force (women represent a
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greater majority in the informal and unskilled labour) due to lack of appropriate capacity.
Although poverty has often been cited as a major cause of human trafficking, particularly for sexual exploitation, it is only a co-existing factor and not its root. Thus, corruption is the head link to corruption and it is the major hindrance to curbing sex trafficking in Benin City and Nigeria at large.
Patterson (2003) asserts that the desperate need for jobs to support their families makes women susceptible to traffickers who offer them high salaries. Ikein, Alamieyeseigha and Azaiki (2008) acknowledge unemployment as a serious socio- economic problem in Nigeria. Like poverty, unemployment is a visible feature in Edo State. Most individuals have carved out employment opportunities for themselves by becoming self-employed. Thus, the state, like most states in Nigeria, is overwhelmed with Okada riders, taxi drivers and traders. In addition, owing to a lack of job opportunities, some girls and women use sex as a means of economic sustenance, not just in Benin City and Edo State in general and Nigeria, but in most parts of the world. Therefore, unemployment, like poverty, is advantageous to sex traffickers because girls and women who become victims of sex trafficking are desperate to earn a living.
The preference of sons over daughters is a major tradition in most part of the country and continues in the 21st century in certain communities in Nigeria and Benin City. Primogeniture, a traditional practice whereby the eldest son inherits the father’s title and property. This practice of primogeniture which both discriminates and devalues women is one of the reasons for the difficulties in curbing sex trafficking in Benin City. For example, when the first male child
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inherits his father’s property at his death, the women do not get any share of the property except in rare cases where a will has been written by the deceased. This lack of distribution of properties to women in the Benin culture leaves the women in extreme poverty.
In an already poverty-stricken country such as Nigeria, most of these women have to fend for themselves with some lucky enough to end up in matrimonial homes, while a great deal are forced to fend for themselves - this includes prostitution. Thus, some Benin women are more susceptible to traffickers because they are devalued and this has its roots in the Benin practice of primogeniture.
In Benin kingdom, the girl child is often time perceived as not worthy to be educated due to the position that daughters would eventually be married apparently leaving their family to join her husband and his family. In this case women are devalued which revolves around inequality.
Tim (2013) reveals that in Edo State and Benin City that unlike daughters, sons were viewed as support and strength to the family. This belief was developed through the fact that when sons get married, they would bring home their wives to support and strengthen the family and this belief continues in the 21st century in certain communities. However, the introduction of Western values to Africa, through Christian evangelism, which also brought with it Western education, has been advantageous, particularly to Benin women who have begun to gain education at the same rate as men. Irrespective of this, various studies have revealed a high level of girls dropping out of school in Benin.
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For example, the study carried out by Henrietta and Omotunde (2010) revealed a high dropout rate among Edo girls which was caused by poverty and poor academic performance. Tim further reveals that according to estimates by the Edo State Ministry of Health, 30% of adolescents aged 12-15 years and above, 50% of adolescents aged 16-19 years are out of school.
These shocking statistics reveal the high rate of persons, particularly females, who are likely to fall victims to sex trafficking.
Illiteracy remains one of the key problems faced in the cause of sex trafficking in Edo State. Whereas those who are school drop outs have basic education up to primary or secondary level, there are those who lack any basic education. The latter are the easiest prey of sex traffickers.
Odigie and Patience (2008); account that Nigerians of school age who are not in school easily fall prey to sex traffickers who deceive them with tales of good jobs abroad. Although some parents do make sacrifices to send their children to school, however, more often, lack of funds and uncertainty about the future discourages some poor families from letting their children continue in education, or sending their children to school. Poor families see education as futile and are more motivated in engaging their children in productive activities. Therefore, one could argue that there is a strong link between illiteracy and sex trafficking and that illiteracy is one of the reasons for sex trafficking in Benin City.
Women’s Role in Combating Human Trafficking in Edo State
The phenomenon of trafficking in women and children is fast becoming epidemics plaguing Edo State as it is the case in several
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other parts of the country. This situation has elicited public outcry leading to the intervention of the United Nations General Assembly as well as member states coming out with several treaties, laws and policies on women in a bid to protecting the woman from the dehumanizing violation of human rights. This section examines the various means by which women intervene in ensuring that human trafficking and other forms of violence against women become a thing of the past in Edo State.
Women‘s active participation in the process of combating and preventing human trafficking in Edo State cannot be overemphasized. Findings showed that women employed collaborative and holistic approaches at grassroots, national and international levels to combat women and child trafficking and other dimensions of human enslavement in Edo State.
Women in Edo State have always attached importance to the inculcation of values and ideals in the child as a veritable way of ensuring proper child upbringing for self-actualization and societal development. Hence, in playing their role as mothers and care givers, Edo women prevent and discourage the act of women and child enslavement by training their children and ward the right attitude to life in terms of hard work, commitment and dignity of labour. Through this medium, children develop cold attitude towards subjecting themselves to human trafficking and any other forms of human enslavement.
Human trafficking in its contemporary context has remained one of the most notorious violations of women‘s human rights as it involves physical, economic, psychological, social and sexual abuse, with the
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devastating implications for the victims ‘fortunes and societal development. Hence, through the employment of international instruments, women from various strata have risen up to responsibility of combating the menace in its entirety.
Human trafficking has been identified as one critical dimension by which violence is being perpetrated against women and children in greater proportion than men and aged people. Women have endeavoured to promote advocacy against the enslavement of women and children through trafficking in their productive years. In addition, the campaign titled ―Unite to End Violence against Women was launched as well as declaration of ―16 days of activism against violence against women every year. It is obvious that in recent times there have been several outcries on the prevalence of human trafficking and other forms of violence against women and girls in Edo State and in by extension Nigeria.
Women have employed the instrumentality of international provisions for the elimination of all forms of violence against women to promote the course against human trafficking because women and girls, who fall victims of human trafficking also suffer other dimensions of gender-based violence such as sexual assault, beating, forced marriage among others. Most women victims of human enslavement including human trafficking and domestic violence suffer in silence as their ordeal goes unnoticed. This, among other factors, is because victims do not have access to rescue measures. Women are also involved in rescue missions, counselling, and rehabilitation of rescued victims for easy re-integration into the society. Women’s groups have worked with a number of local and international organizations to combat human trafficking
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Women and Human rights Protection inthe Nigeria Constitution has provisions dealing with equality under the law and also assures the rights to protection from inhuman and degrading treatment in its fundamental human rights provisions. Women have taken advantage of this to defend the plight of victims of human trafficking in the court of law. The whole idea is to ensure the implementation and enforcement of the availability of the constitutional provisions in Nigeria, which guarantee equality before the law.
Through various individual, institutional and corporate human rights protection measures, women have demonstrated considerable efforts in the prevention of women and child trafficking in Edo State. For instance, women have expended their resources on individual and collective note to ensure that victims of human trafficking gained access to justice. Thus, the domestication of such international instruments has enabled women to stand in the gap by advocating for the need to eradicate human trafficking in Edo State in particular, and Nigeria in general.
GIRLS’ POWER INITIATIVE, NIGERIA (GPI)is a feminist, youth development organization formed in 1993 by two prominent women, Bene Madunagu and Grace Osakwue to intervene in the socialisation of girls for the realization of a future where women are visible and valued actors in Nigeria society. But effectively started the execution of regular comprehensive sexuality education programs and other related and relevant activities like anti- trafficking agent in 1994. GPI also has a branch in Benin City; the Edo state capital. GPI‘s focus is to assist young girls to live healthy lives and achieve their full potentials, towards an empowered womanhood. It is also includes
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assisting young girls to overcome the risk of early sexual activities, gender discrimination, harmful traditional and Contemporary social practices, adolescent/unintended pregnancies, Sexually Transmitted Infections (STIs) including HIV/AIDS, unsafe abortion, all forms of sexual abuse and harassment as well as other forms of violence against girls and women and exploitation.
Bisi Olateru-Olagbegi, Executive Director of the Women’s Consortium of Nigeria (WOCON), contributed to the first research study on the trafficking of women in Nigeria and launched the first national campaign against trafficking of women in 1997.WOCON is grassroots human rights organization, established in 1995, committed to the enhancement of the status of women and related feminist goals and ideals. WOCONs special focus is on Global trafficking in persons which has become one of the most lucrative illicit businesses in the world today, moving between $6 and $12 billion and two million women and children each year. Nigeria is a source country for women and children who are trafficked to Europe for purposes of sexual exploitation, domestic work, and child labor. The country has often been referred to as the "most donating African country in the global sex industry." Nigerian women comprise a large percentage of the African victims of trafficking in Europe. Although the last decade has witnessed heightened awareness on the issue of trafficking, it has emphasized the trafficking of Nigerian women and girls to Europe for prostitution. WOCON in its impact provides school Uniforms to Children to supplement their Parent's effort, thus experience has made evident the importance of sensitizing the major stakeholders in the rural community, which is often a source for the victims of
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trafficking. In the Program for the Withdrawal and Re-integration of Children in Domestic Service and Prostitution; a platform was designed to address this issue in the rural communities of Nigeria.
The rise in awareness about human trafficking in Nigeria started in the late 1990s. Titi Atiku Abubakar, wife of the former vice-president of Nigeria, recalls the trip she undertook to study in Rome, Italy, from 1986—1987. Her observation of Nigerian women engaged in sex work on the streets of Rome changed the direction and focus of her working life. In 1999, she took advantage of her husband’s ascendency to the office of vice-president to establish the Women Trafficking and Child Labour Eradication Foundation (WOTCLEF), which is committed to building an international coalition that restores human dignity through empowerment, education and advocacy. WOTCLEF is dedicated to the eradication of trafficking in persons, child labour and violent abuses of the rights of women and society, as well as HIV/AIDS. WOTCLEF‘s awareness activities have not been restricted to Nigeria, but also led awareness campaigns to a number of European countries known to be recipients of young women and children trafficked from Nigeria. Having the goal to eventually reintegrate the victims into society by ensuring that they are economically self-sufficient and psychologically well adjusted, WOTCLEF offers assistance to young women, boys and girls who are victims of trafficking and child labour.
Idia Renaissance is a Benin base anti trafficking agency which is initiated by Mrs. Eki Igbinedion, wife of Edo State Governor between 1999 and 2007. Idia Renaissance as a campaign against human trafficking most especially in Benin city; Edo state provides support services to local governments and organizations to deliver safe and voluntary return services to Nigerian nationals who may be irregular
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migrants abroad to return home with living and economic support to enable them reintegrate back into the society. Thus Idia Renaissance is an alternative to sex trafficking by initiating empowerment programmes for survivors and vulnerable women and young girls in the country.
More so, it has been a medium of sensitization and advocacy; the most successfully are the advocacy visit to his Royal Majesty, the Oba of Benin to intimate him on the issue of human trafficking in his domain. This led to his public condemnation of human trafficking and the role of traditional priests in trafficking. The Benin monarch also made several donations to Idia Renaissance in support of the campaign against human trafficking. Other advocacy activities embarked upon by the organization includes advocacy to the Edo State House of Assembly, traditional rulers in various communities in the State. Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), Market Women Associations (MWA), Catholic Women Association of Nigeria (CWAN) and wives of Chairmen in the 18 Local Government Councils in Edo State.
The Idia Renaissance boss revealed that the trend of trafficking gained prominence in Benin City and Edo State in general in the early eighties and late nineties. Young girls and women were recruited and transported to Europe and the Middle East for international prostitution, in a manner reminiscent of the seventeenth century Atlantic slave trade. The recruitment of these young girls and women
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for international sex work was made possible because several powerful syndicates emerged with complex mode of operation and shrouded in such secrecy that no one dared speak up to denounce the inhuman trade. Idia Renaissance is in partnership and collaborates with the following local and international institutions:
Committee for the Support of the Dignity of Women (COSUDOW) is an NGO working on Crime located in Benin City.The Leaders of the religious women of Nigeria established the Committee for the Support of the Dignity of Women (COSUDOW) in 1999 as a counter- trafficking project. Touched by the horrible experiences of young women trafficked into Europe and elsewhereOkonye for (2018) sex trade, COSUDOW works to prevent human trafficking, protect and rehabilitate those who are already victims, and seek out and prosecute traffickers. COSUDOW has its office in Benin City from where about 95% of trafficked women come from. COSUDOW works in collaboration other NGO‘s both within and outside Nigerian in rehabilitating and reintegrating returnees from Italy, Spain, Germany and other European countries as well as from Nigeria.
The International Reproductive Rights Research Action Group (IRRRAG)is an international consortium of women researchers, activists and health providers on matters like HIV/AIDs. is also an NGO working on Crime. The NGO has a branch in Benin City. They give assistance and educate rescued trafficked women and children. There are basically advocate on Women's rights. In 1992, IRRRAG teams were formed in Brazil, Egypt, Malaysia, Mexico, Nigeria, Philippines and the United States to conduct a four-year study on women's reproductive and sexual rights (1989. Negotiating Reproductive Rights: Women's Perspectives Across Countries and Cultures). In 1999, ARROW (Asian-Pacific Resource and Research
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Centre for Women, in ECOSOC special consultative status since 2000) became the International Coordinating Office (ICO) when IRRRAG decided to work together on the second research and action project titled "Women's Reproductive and Sexual Health: Investigating Male Involvement". Out of the seven original IRRRAG country teams, only Brazil, Malaysia, Mexico, Nigeria and the Philippines were involved in the second project.
Federal Ministry of Women Affairs was created consequent upon of the response to The United Nations agreement to establish Institutional Mechanisms for the advancement of Women and Women matters in Supporting the work of relevant non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and civil society organizations (CSOs) working for the realization of Women and Children‘s right. The Ministry of Women Affairs is required to review substantive and procedural laws that affect women and is also for the youth who are being forced to go into prostitution; thus re-integrating them back to the society by giving them hope for a second chance by introducing them to small scale business and skill acquisition.
The National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP) is a multidisciplinary and domestic anti-trafficking legislation in Nigeria Agency created to tackle the scourge of human trafficking. NAPTIP as an anti-trafficking agency, assist coordinate law enforcement, protection and preventive initiatives of the various levels of Government and Non-Governmental Organizations working in this area. Our unique organizational mandate enables us to suppress human trafficking, prosecute its perpetrators and offer a range of protection services to victims of the crime, including temporary sheltering, counselling, rehabilitation, reintegration and access to justice.
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Enaikee and Olutayo (2011) revealed that since the emergence of the National Agency for Prohibition charge of investigating and prosecuting all crimes connected with or relating to trafficking in persons in consultation with the Attorney General of the Federation. Some of the conviction according to Enaikele and Olutayo include: Title of case: Attorney General of the Federation Vs Jean Adjayi (M), Gilbert Ganysiode (M) and Alake Iroko (F). Charge No: HCL/2C/05. Jurisdiction: High Court of Justice, Ogun State Ilaro. Nature of offence: Two of the traffickers are from Benin Republic and the third a Nigerian. They were charged with recruitment of 4 girls from Ghana and Togo and subjected them to various forms of sexual abuse in Nigeria. Conviction: The first and second accused persons were convicted to 7 years imprisonment each. But the third accused person was discharged and acquainted for lack of evidence.
4.0 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
The essence of this paper is to examine the role of women in the prevention of human trafficking in Edo State. According to Fayomi (2009), Edo state is one of the major hubs for human trafficking especially children and women. This paper identified the motivating factors for the intensity of human trafficking in Edo State. These are cultural, social, religious and economic factors which entails the search for the Golden Fleece abroad especially by women.
The implications of human trafficking leaves the victims with psychological; social and health problems such as HIV/AIDS. Also victims of human trafficking are exposed to human rights violation, physical abuse, racial harassment, extortion, exploitation, destitution, arrest, detention, imprisonment and deportation. Suffice it to say that
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the menace of human trafficking is damaging, disastrous and devastating to the victims, the family and the society at large. This paper revealed that women have played considerable role in the fight against human trafficking in Edo state in particular and Nigeria at large. Women have great synergy of efforts in promoting public awareness of the crime; and evolved strategies of rescue mission, counseling, rehabilitation and reintegration of victims. Moreover, women have impacted significantly in providing counseling for traumatized and disoriented victims who are haunted by their experience; and facilitate processes of victims’ rehabilitation and subsequently adequate reintegration into the society. In order to reinforce women’s collaborative efforts in the fight against human trafficking in the country, the paper advances the following recommendations:
• Intense public awareness programmes should be organized in schools, markets places, churches, mosques and so on by both public and private sectors so that parents and potential victims would be aware of the dangers of falling victim of human trafficking.
• Government should improve on the existing strategies of combating human trafficking. This will enhance overall approaches for preventing trafficking in the country. Government should check the compromising tendencies of officials in charge of prevention of human trafficking.
• More stringent anti-trafficking laws should be enacted to serve as deterrent to perpetrators of human trafficking to complement the existing regulations, thereby discouraging
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• any form of human trafficking in Edo State in particular and Nigeria in general.
• Public and private sectors should intensify in poverty alleviation programmes with a view to empowering victims of human trafficking through vocational skills training and capacity building such as tailoring, hairdressing, cosmetology, computer/secretarial studies, etc. for easy reintegration into the society. Government should provide adequate employment for the citizens. When people are gainfully employed, they would be less susceptible to fall victim of human trafficking. • Women’s involvement in border security should be increased to reduce free movement through the borders by human traffickers. • Joint efforts between the government, traditional leaders, religious institutions/NGOs and members of the public are needed to eradicate this scourge.
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Aronowitz, A. (2001) Smuggling and Trafficking in Human Beings: the phenomenon, the markets that drive it and the organizations that promotes it, European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research.9, 183.
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Henrietta & Omotunde (2010).Dropout from school among girls in EDO state: Implication. for counseling. University of Benin, Benin city Nigeria.
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Nigeria. Publisher: UPA, Language: English; ISBN-10: 0761839283; ISBN-13: 978-0761839286
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Greening the Nigerian Economy: Challenges, Opportunities and Way Forward
Gideon Gokum GOSHIT, Ph.D
Department of Economics University of Jos, Plateau State Email: [email protected] Abstract
he most serious problems facing the world today include water and food supply shortages, extreme volatility in energy and food prices, rising green house gas emissions, severe T income disparity, chronic fiscal imbalance and terrorism. These development challenges either stem from environmental mismanagement or inequality or both. In the face of pressing economic and environmental challenges, national and international efforts to promote green industrialization, green growth and ultimately green economy have been intensifying in recent years in Nigeria. Therefore, the study theoretically examined the efforts of the past governments in greening the Nigerian economy and its challenges and provides the way forward. The study adopted the qualitative analytical methodology to examine available documents. The study revealed that Nigeria currently has no official green growth agenda but several initiatives aimed at promoting sustainable development directly or inadvertently contribute to the greening of the economy. It was also discovered that inadequate funding and investment, high population growth, technological inadequacy and inadequate knowledge and awareness of the climate-resilient green economy strategy among other factors are the major challenges of
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greening the Nigerian economy. However, the study revealed that quite a number of opportunities in greening the Nigerian economy abound. These include huge potentials in agriculture and rural development, huge renewable energy potentials and access to global finance and technology, among others. The study submitted that building green production system, development of green technology, building of ecological system, promotion of green consumption and implementation of green policies and reforms are the way forward for greening the Nigerian economy.
Keywords: Green economy, green growth, challenges and opportunities, Way forward. JEL Classification:Q50, Q20, O44
1.0 INTRODUCTION
African countries are highly dependent on natural resources. Natural capital assets are thus critical to the economic activities and the livelihood of millions of people who depend on fertile soil, forest, fishery and other resources from nature. The exploitation of these resources has fostered rates of economic growth, which in recent years have been among the strongest in the world. Notwithstanding such economic performance, African countries continue to face persistent poverty and unemployment particularly among the continent’s fast growing young population. One of the most critical socio-economic problems threatening the survival and sustenance of human life in particular and animal and plant life in general is environmental degradation. The problem is so worrisome that Awodala (1997) ranked it as second to economic depression, and one of the major problems the world is currently facing. Environmental degradation is critical because the ability of the environment to support and sustain life depends on the proper natural balance of its
(Goshit (2018)
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properties (soil, water, air, plants and animals). This means that it has to possess the right temperature, needed oxygen and carbon dioxide in its atmosphere, good rich soil, water of its rivers, lakes, oceans and precipitation, vegetation and all other conditions that are necessary for the sustenance of life (Maduegbuna, 2004). Crisis of biodiversity loss has also become increasingly evident in recent years. This is made evident through severe fish stock decline or total collapse, desertification, land degradation, and scarcities in key natural resources including water, phosphorus (important in agriculture) and metals and minerals used in electronics (some of which are essential to the green economy).In addition to climate change and biodiversity loss, human over-exploitation of natural resources is also resulting in the breaching of some natural thresholds.
Nigeria has made significant effort since the Rio Conference to address the core environmental and sustainable development issues which were identified and agreed upon at the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) in 2012. However, environmental problems are still visible today. Land degradation remains a serious problem in Nigeria. In addition, we still witness high levels of water and air pollution while efforts to reduce the rate of natural resources depletion and desertification are yet to yield significant result. A part from national environmental problems, Nigeria has to contend with global environmental problems such as ozone layer depletion, global warming and the consequent climate change. The unprecedented increase in population and rapid rate of urbanization have brought about significant settlement problems of housing, overcrowding, traffic congestion, environmental degradation, inadequate infrastructure and services. Another major
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source of concern to the country is the persistent decline of national forest at an alarming rate of 3.5 per cent per annum (Awodala, 1997). Population pressure, overgrazing and the continuous exploitation of marginal lands have aggravated drought and desertification.
The government of Nigeria at different levels (Federal, State and Local) have initiated different economic and environmental programmes and policies to address these problems (particularly the renewable energy programmes, climate change initiatives and actions to combat desertification by the Federal Government), but has not yielded the desired results and the environment notwithstanding, still appears to be in a sorry state. This is evident in the oil producing states of Nigeria especially the Niger Delta region and the solid mineral mining states like Plateau and Nasarawa states among others. Despite various national efforts and achievements (renewable energy projects, climate change initiatives and action to combat desertification) recorded by the Federal government, desertification and general land degradation remains a major challenge to Nigeria’s sustainable development. The rate of environmental degradation is still progressing at an alarming rate, threatening human, animal and plant production and economic prosperity. It is on this note that this paper seeks to examine government’s efforts in greening the Nigerian economy and the challenges faced in greening the economy.
The major objective of this paper therefore, is to examine government efforts in greening the Nigerian economy and its challenges and provide the way forward. The paper also evaluates the opportunities available for greening the Nigerian economy. To achieve these objectives, the paper has been structured into six sections with the introduction as section one. Section two addresses the conceptual and theoretical issues in green economy. Section three appraises the past
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governments’ initiatives in greening the Nigerian economy. Section four examines the challenges and opportunities in greening the Nigerian economy. Section five is the concluding part of the paper. Section six provides the way forward.
2.0 CONCEPTUAL AND THEORTICAL ISSUES
2.1 Conceptual Issues
Green Economy
The last two decades have seen a steady increase in policy makers’ interest in not only the concept of the green economy, (an area within environmental economics), but also its practical applications as a tool of trade policy, industrial planning, urban design and economic development. Therefore the concept of green economy has attracted different definitions by policy makers, academicians and the private sector among others. Different interpretations have been given of the term green economy with emphasis being put by some exclusively on reducing the carbon footprint through measures that reduce Green House Gas emissions.
The United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (2012) describes a green economy as one that focuses on enabling people around the world to pursue and achieve lives that are meaningful to them, while minimizing humanity’s negative impacts on the environment. It is an economy that is measured against the yardsticks of human well-being and its productive base and anchored by passion for equity and celebration of integrity. In a green economy, growth in income and employment is driven by public and private investments that reduce carbon emissions and pollution, enhance energy and
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resource efficiency, and prevent the loss of biodiversity and ecosystem services. UNEP (2011) further provide a common understanding of green economy as a concept that brings together a suite of policies to promote investment in environmentally-significant sectors while contributing to the pursuit of sustainable development and poverty eradication.
The United Nations’ Green Economy initiative –GEI (2012) argued and re-emphasized that a green economy is one “that results in improved human well-being and social equity, while significantly reducing environmental risks and ecological scarcities”. In its simplest expression, a green economy can be thought of as one which is low carbon, resource-efficient and socially inclusive. The OECD (2010) on its part posited that the green economy seeks to drive the growth of GDP and jobs through shifting investments towards clean technologies and natural capital as well as human resources and social institutions. It focuses on the shifting of public and private investment as a decisive instrument to achieve growth, environmental improvement, poverty eradication and social equity, with policy reforms supporting the shift.
Similarly, Fedrigo-Fazio and Brink (2012) argued that at its most basic level, the green economy could be seen as one that is low- carbon, resource-efficient and socially inclusive in practice; the sectoral scope is focused primarily on four sectors: renewable energy (e.g. solar, wind, geothermal), green building and energy efficiency technology, energy-efficient infrastructure and transportation, and recycling/waste-to-energy. In the same vein, Kiraga (2015) posited that a green economy encompass an economy that uses low carbon sources of energy, has adopted resource-efficiency mechanisms and
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ensures social inclusion in this pursuit. Ultimately, the green economy is an outcome-oriented concept that aims at improving human being without undermining the resource-base that current and future generations depend on for livelihoods
It is therefore worth noting that all the foregone surveyed definitions are pointing towards the fact that green economy focuses on enabling people to pursue and achieve live that are meaningful to them while minimizing human’s negative impacts on the environment through the use of less carbon sources of energy, resource – efficiency use, environmental-integrity, social equity and prevention of biodiversity loss among others. Therefore, green economy is a matter of both economic policy and sustainable development policy and greening of the economy refers to the constant improvement of environmental performance of all sectors of the economy that results in improved human well-being and social equity of the people.
Green Growth For many economic policy-makers around the world, the term green growth has become a talisman, a way of involving steady increases in output without adverse environmental consequences. Green growth is understood by many countries to be about mainstreaming inclusive economic development in ways that incorporate, create and sustain environmental and social values. The OECD Green Growth Report (2011) posited that green growth fosters economic growth and development, while ensuring that the natural assets continue to provide the resources and environmental services on which our well- being relies.
The OECD (2012) and UNEP (2011) report showed that green growth is gaining support as a way to pursue economic growth and
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development, while preventing environmental degradation, biodiversity loss and unsustainable natural resource-use. Green growth is a matter of economic and sustainable development policies. It tackles two key imperatives together: the continued inclusive economic growth needed by developing countries to reduce poverty and improve wellbeing as well as improved environmental management needed to tackle natural resource scarcities and climate change. According to Bapna and Talberth (2011), a green economy can be thought of as an alternative vision for growth and development, one that can generate growth and improvements in people’s lives with sustainable development. Green growth is about reconciling and reinforcing various aspects of economic, environmental and social policy. This is achieved by taking into account the full value of natural capital and recognizing its essential role in economic growth. A green growth model promotes a cost- effective and resource-efficient way of guiding sustainable production and consumption choices and could lead to the following outcomes if designed and implemented effectively.
Green growth outcomes
Economic • Increased and more equitably distributed GDP- production of conventional goods and services. • Increased production of unpriced ecosystem services (or their reduction prevented) • Economic diversification, i.e. improved management of economic risks. • Innovation, access and uptake of green technologies, i.e. improved market confidence.
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Environmental
• Increase productivity and efficiency of natural resource use. • Natural capital used within ecological limits • Other types of capital increased through use of non-renewable natural capital. • Reduced adverse environmental impact and improved natural hazard /risk management
Social
• Increased livelihood opportunities, income and /or quality of life, notably of the poor. • Decent jobs that benefit poor people created and sustained. • Enhanced social, human and knowledge capital. • Reduced inequality.
In the face of pressing economic and environmental challenges, national and international efforts to promote green growth as a new source of growth have been intensifying in recent times. Building on this momentum can help to accelerate progress towards sustainable use of natural resources, efficiencies in the use of energy, and valuation of ecosystem services.
Green Industry
Renewable energy is in many ways central to green growth and is a major component of both the greening of industries (in terms of energy inputs) and the stimulation of green industries (in terms of the renewable energy industry itself). There is a great need as well as considerable potential for the pursuit of green industry in developing
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and transition countries. This is because green industry transforms manufacturing and allied industry sectors so that they contribute more effectively to sustainable industrial development. Green industry is therefore the sector-strategy for the realization of green economy and green growth in the industry sector. UNEP (2011) posited that green industry is a pathway for protecting communities, vital ecosystems and the global climate from escalating environmental risks and emerging scarcities of natural resources. To ensure that industrial progress of developing countries does not result in skyrocketing emissions and ecosystem degradation, it will be vital to pursue a different mode of development than the traditional high-energy, high- emission modes of industrialization.
While green industrial policy has been considered as strategic government policy that attempts to accelerate the development and growth of green industries to transition towards low-carbon economy, green Industry refers to industrial production and development that does not come at the expense of the health of natural systems or lead to adverse human health outcomes. Green Industry is aimed at mainstreaming environmental, climate and social considerations into the operations of enterprises. It provides a platform for addressing global, interrelated challenges through a set of immediately actionable cross-cutting approaches and strategies that take advantage of emerging industry and market forces.
Green industry, as distinguished from greening of industry, involves stimulating the development and creation of industries that provide environmental goods and services (UNIDO, 2011). It is a varied and growing sector that transcends conventional sectoral boundaries and
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comprises elements from both manufacturing and services. It includes, for example, companies that manufacture and install renewable energy equipment and develop and manufacture clean technologies, but also companies active in material recovery, recycling, waste treatment and management, as well as environmental and energy consultants (UNIDO, 2011). Hence, green industry is obviously an essential part of the greening of industries, as it provides many of the related services and equipment. The greening of industry refers to the constant improvement of environmental performance of all industry, regardless of sector, size or location. Most obviously, the greening of industries can be pursued through promoting greater resource efficiency.
Green Jobs
“Green jobs” can be regarded as those associated with environmental objectives and policies. Some definitions of “green jobs” or related concepts focus on occupations and skills with an identifiable environmental focus, but most focus on employment in industries (or specific projects) with products deemed to be of environmental benefit (Bowen, 2012). Such benefits can be defined more or less broadly. For example, some concentrate on renewable energy, including or excluding biofuels, while others also include environmental services and employment related to improving energy efficiency or developing less-carbon-intensive products (e.g. building railways). UNEP (2011) has adopted a definition that attempts to incorporate aspects of job content as well as the characteristics of industry goods and services. It defines green job as “work in agricultural, manufacturing, research and development (R&D), administrative, and service activities that contribute substantially to
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preserving or restoring environmental quality”. Specifically, but not exclusively, this includes jobs that help to protect ecosystems and biodiversity; reduce energy, materials, and water consumption through high-efficiency strategies; de-carbonize the economy; and minimize or altogether avoid generation of all forms of waste and pollution.
2.2 Theoretical Review
The two sources of the theory of green development that are relevant to this study are; namely, the concept of “unity of nature and humanity” and the Marxist dialectics of nature.
The Unity of nature and Humanity Philosophy
The unity of nature and humanity in traditional Chinese philosophy was first proposed by Chuang Chou, 369-286 BC. The philosophy has three basic tenets. First, according to the unity of nature and humanity, nature and humanity are inseparable, rather than opposites. The idea of the unity of nature and the earth proposes that humanity and everything else constitute an organic intertwined system in which humanity is simply a part of the universe. The unity of nature and humanity proposes that the relationship between humanity and nature is not a master/servant or conqueror/conquered relationship, but an equal and harmonious relationship (Ren, 1985).Secondly, the unity of nature and humanity argues that humanity should be in harmony with nature and finally, as an important part of nature and humanity, the simple idea of the conservation of nature was put forward and argued that “if farming is done in the right season, corn will fill up the
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ban…if people cut down trees with axes at the right time, the trees cannot be exhausted” (Ren, 1985). Ren further stated that “as tree cutting shall be done at the right time, so the green forests provide people with more wood than before.’’
The unity of nature and humanity means harmony between humanity and nature, complying with the laws of nature, self-discipline in the use of natural resources, and long-term coexistence between humanity and nature. It is different from many western philosophies that view nature and humanity as being in opposition, and which attempts to justify nature being permanently under human control, resulting in the plunder and destruction of natural resources. In the interactions between humanity and nature, people play a more active role, and so should strive to follow nature and cherish nature. Therefore, humanity should strive to form a symbiotic relationship of coexistence and common prosperity.
Dialectics of nature in Marxist Philosophy
The dialectics of nature in Marxist philosophy was first put forward by Engels and it developed into the Marxist view of nature and natural science (Engels, 1995). The dialectics of nature embody the unity of world outlook, epistemology of Marxist philosophy and constitutes an integral part of it (Engels, 1995). This approach has three main aspects. First, in the dialectics of nature, nature is the source and basis of human life and that human beings must depend on nature. Secondly, the relationship between humanity and nature is a unity of opposites. Humans can understand and transform nature; in the relationship between humanity and nature, humanity is the subject and nature is the object; humans may change nature through practice-
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driven initiatives. Finally, in the dialectics of nature, humanity must respect and follow the laws of nature, and in that way we are able to transform nature. Engels (1972) warned “that at every step we are reminded that we by no means rule over nature like conqueror over a foreign people, like someone standing outside nature, but that we, with fresh, blood, and brain, belong to nature, and exist in its midst and that all our mastery of it consists in the fact that we have the advantage over other beings of being able to know and correctly apply its laws”.
The Marxist dialectics of nature clarified how humanity should correctly understand and handle its relationship with nature and strongly criticized the plundering of nature by western countries since the start of the industrial revolution. The dialectics of nature proposed the correct approach to the relationship between humanity and nature. That is, an approach leading ultimately towards the harmony of humanity and nature through advanced human technology and development. The theory of dialectics of nature provides a profound theoretical basis and methodology for green development, based on which the relationship between humanity and nature can be divided into three stages. In the first stage, humanity is a passive natural slave to nature, and all activities are subject to natural control. In the second stage, humanity tries to become the master of nature to obtain resources from it; this stage includes the golden era of industrialization, urbanization, and modernization. In the third stage, humanity is no longer the master of nature, but is a friend to nature. Natural ecosystems and socio-economic systems form a virtuous cycle on the new green road of development with harmony between humanity and nature.
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3.0 PAST GOVERNMENTS’ INITIATIVES IN GREENING THE NIGERIAN ECONOMY
In spite of the fact that Nigeria currently has no official green growth agenda (Olufemi et al, 2015), several initiatives aimed at promoting sustainable development directly or inadvertently contribute to greening of the economy. Olufemi, et al (2015) however were quick to submit that the scope and extent of the impact of such initiatives are difficult to measure, given the present limitations of green growth accounting. The major initiatives to promote green economy by the Federal Government in Nigeria include among other the following:
3.1 Renewable Energy Project
The renewable energy project spearheaded by the Federal Ministry of Environment (FMoE)in 2007 meant to develop and implement strategies that will achieve a clean reliable energy supply and establish mechanism to develop the private sector, based on international best practices to showcase the viability of the sector’s participation. The main goal of the renewable energy project is to reduce projected energy use by 20 per cent by 2020 and meet 20 percent of the nation’s electricity needs by 2020 (Federal Ministry of Environment, 2013). Some of the benefits that the project is expected to bring were documented by Olufemi et al (2015) to include;
• Reduction in greenhouse gases (GHGs) • Elimination of agricultural and household wastes that will be used for biofuel production.
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• Provision of clean smoke-free cooking fuel as alternative to firewood in rural Nigeria. • Rural electrification and fossil-fuel alternatives. • Address the associated problems of environmental degradation resulting from pollution, deforestation and vegetation loss. • Carbon credits from green energy sources.
Other renewable energy initiatives to promote clean energy use as enumerated by the FMoE (2013) include:
• Establishment of two skill-acquisition centres to train people on the fabrication of solar-powered grinding machines in Kaduna and Baruten in Kwara state. • Registering over 900,000 women nationwide for Rural Women Energy Security (RUWES) programme in conjunction with Bank of Industry (BoI) and other renewable energy manufacturers. • Under the RUWES programme, 2,150 Wonderbags and other solar-powered kits such as solar lighting –kits, solar mobile- phone chargers, solar-dryers, solar barbing-kits, solar grinding-machines and solar sewing-machines were provided. • Retrofitted 600 houses with solar-panels in Mutum-Biu, Gassol LGA of Taraba State as demonstration project. The success of this has encouraged other States to key into it. • Retrofitted Government Girls’ Secondary School (GGSS), Kawo and Federal Government Girls College (FGGC) in Zaria with solar panels.
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• Retrofitted 50 schools in Borno State with solar panels in partnership with the Borno State government (Olufemi et,al (2015).
3.2 Climate Change Initiatives
Initiatives in the areas of climate change adaptation and mitigation were spearheaded by the FMoE in 2013. Some of the projects initiated in this respect include:
• Provision of rooftop rainwater harvesting infrastructure in Pella (Adamawa State), Bidir (Bauchi State and Doho (Gombe State). • FMoE endorsed 13 Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) projects for private sector implementation in the country. • Four projects have been registered by the CDM executive board while others are undergoing registration process. It is expected that these projects would create new jobs and earn carbon credits and invariably money needed to further promote adaptation and mitigation measures (Olufemi et,al, 2015).
The FMoE, in collaboration with the UNDP, has also implemented the following programmes:
• Provision of rooftop rainwater harvesting facilities in Nuku, Abaji LGA of FCT. • Provision of solar powered facility for a secondary school in Kwali LGA of FCT.
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• Promoting adaptation to impacts of climate change by reducing flooding through development of small-scale hydropower system and integrated agricultural practices in Aguta LGA, Benue State. • Training of 200 women in Naka and Kyado communities in Benue State on how to make compost for farming. • Training of 360 farmers drawn from five communities (Obagali, Adagbo, Okokolo, Okpakchenyi and oweto – Benue State) on climate change adaptability in agriculture. • Setting up a national climate change media network in Abuja. • Study of impacts of climate change, water supply, and sanitation in Nigeria. • Assessment of gender-sensitive climate change adaptation initiatives for sustainable livelihoods’ development (FMoE, 2013).
3.3 Action to Combat Desertification
Despite the various national efforts and achievements recorded by the Federal Government, desertification and general land degradation remain a major challenge to Nigeria’s growth and sustainable development. This has become a major challenge to growth and sustainable development because of inadequate knowledge and awareness of the resilient green economy strategy in the economy. The problem continues to impact adversely on the natural resource base and complicate efforts to reduce the pervasive poverty. The dwindling natural resource base of the frontline states in the Northern part of the country constitutes a potential for generating conflict. Most soils in the sub region possess inherently low natural fertility (and
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therefore low productivity) and are highly susceptible to degradation of all sorts (Adeoti and Ajibade, 2008; Olokesusi, 2010).
In this respect, a major initiative aimed at combating desertification is the Great Green Wall for Sahel and Sahara Projects (GGWSSP). This is a Pan-African project under the auspices of the African Union (AU). Meanwhile, the FMoE developed a comprehensive Action Plan for the Nigerian component of GGWSSP in 2012. As reported by the FMoE, the GGWSSP for Nigeria is a five-year strategic action plan with the goal of improving the well-being of the affected people and reducing their vulnerability to the impact of desertification through improved use of land and other natural resources for sustainable development and support to climate-resilient infrastructure. The development objective is to combat land degradation and desertification in Nigeria to protect and restore ecosystems as well as essential ecosystem services key to reducing poverty, enhancing food security and promoting sustainable livelihoods. The Nigerian component of project is targeted at fighting desertification in the eleven (11) frontline states in Nigeria which include Kebbi, Sokoto, Zamfara, Katsina, Jigawa, Kano, Bauchi, Yobe, Gombe, Adamawa and Borno States.
The Pan-African Agency of the Great Green Wall (PAGGW) established in 2010 is charged with;
• Coordinating the implementation of the Great green Wall Programme in 11 member states namely Mauritania, Senegal, Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, Nigeria, Chad, Sudan, Ethiopia, Eritrea and Djibouti, on the basis of national strategy; • Mobilize international funding, and
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• Building regional capacity on best practices through knowledge, skills and technology. The goal of the project is therefore to provide assistance in developing a regional strategy and national implementation plan that would lead to selection of country and cross-border projects for donor support.
The main strategic pillars of intervention in the GGWSSP include:
• Improvement of the management of land resources and their sustainable use. • Enabling policy, legal and institutional framework for sustainable land management and desertification control. • Improvement of critical infrastructure for enhanced and sustainable socio-economic development and environmental sustainability. • Enhancement of private sector investment in sustainable land management. • Sustainable financing for desertification control. • Effective communication for improved land management. • Monitoring and evaluation system. • Eco-regional approach for improved trans-boundary sustainable land management.
Also, at the Federal level, the Nigeria national Petroleum Cooperation (NNPC) established a Renewable Energy Department in 2008, charged with the responsibility of promoting and popularizing biofuels, especially in the transport sector (FMoE, 2013). Further, the department is expected to promote the use of liquefied natural gas
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(LNG) or its liquefied form – Liquefied Petroleum Gas (LNG) in the transport sector too (FMoE, 2013)
3.4 Green growth Initiatives at the State Level.
The policies and Programmes initiated by different States of the federation that might result into greening the economy includes those summarized in appendix 2 but not exhaustive. It could be observed from appendix 2 that while northern states initiatives are geared towards addressing the problem of desertification; those of the coastal states are aimed at addressing the problem of water and soil pollution. However, both the northern and southern states are all involves in policies and programmes such as natural resource conservation, environmental protection, industrial and solid waste disposal, beautification and landscaping of cities, environmental sanitation, waste recycling and natural resource conservation and clean and green city for tourism among others (see appendix 1).
4.0 CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES IN GREENING THE NIGERIAN ECONOMY
4.1 Challenges The main challenges confronting Nigeria in greening the economy include the following:
Inadequate funding and investment: Greening the Nigerian economy is a capital intensive project that requires huge amount of money to be invested in. Most of the projects initiated both at the federal and state levels engulf huge amount of money and some projects are still yet to be completed because of lack of funds. The savings-investment gap in Nigeria has shown a large resource deficit; the difference between
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domestic savings and domestic investment is so great. As a result, the country has been heavily dependent on international assistance to support its fiscal and external positions. Therefore inadequate finance, to a very large extent, has constrained the implementation of green projects in Nigeria.
Lack of adequate capacity: Lack of adequate local capacity adversely affects the ability of green policies to achieve short-term development and longer-term green growth transformation goals. There is limited capacity for the use of analytical tools to assess the synergies and trade-offs of green economy. Although the necessary institutions are in place and climate –resilient green economy units have been established in key government sectoral institutions, such as the federal and state Ministries of environment, an inadequate number of human resources and frequent turnover of technical staff have remained a daunting challenge for green economy policies and development of green economy –related plans in Nigeria.
High population growth: Population pressure, especially in rural areas is a significant challenge as it puts pressure on natural resources. The rate of population growth in Nigeria poses a c great challenge in terms of creating more productive employment opportunities in green activities.
Technological inadequacy: Accessing green technology presents another great challenge for greening the Nigerian economy. There is a growing concern that green economy policies favour capital-intensive technologies and skill-intensive employment in selected sectors such as the manufacturing sector in Nigeria. This does not only limit employment generation, but also stops sectoral labour mobility and
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promotes social exclusion, thereby retarding the pace of structural transformation.
Inadequate knowledge and awareness of the climate-resilient green economy strategy: An obvious gap exists between public awareness of green economy and its inherent potentials. Although high-level government officials are aware of green economy/climate-resilient green economy, there is a seemingly inadequate awareness of the issues among middle and lower government officials and non government officials. This is another challenge that needs to be tackled given the crucial role the middle and lower level government and grass-roots levels in the design and implementation of relevant policies, programmes and activities that involve the greening of the economy. Worse still, the majority of the rural dwellers in Nigeria are ignorant of the concept of green economy and therefore may not consciously and deliberately pursue it as an objective to be achieved in the society (United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, 2012).
4.2 Opportunities
Despite the number of challenges faced by the country in greening the economy, there are also quite a number of opportunities that can be capitalized on to develop and implement green economy policies to enhance greening of the Nigerian economy. These include:
Agricultural and rural development: The agricultural sector in Nigeria is one of the main drivers of the economy with huge potentials, but at the same time, it has not been fully developed. This opens an opportunity to transform the old and traditional agricultural
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sector and reduce poverty through improved and environmentally friendly and inclusive technologies.
Early stage of industrial development: Given the low level of industrialization and infrastructure, Nigeria is positioning itself to leapfrog environmental detrimental processes and promote green investment in the manufacturing industries through deployment of clean resources efficient technologies. This can be considered advantage of late industrialization in the era of climate change. Nigeria can seize this opportunity by quickly designing the necessary incentives to encourage green industrialization.
Huge renewable energy potential: Nigeria has a huge potential for renewable energy, especially hydropower, which has an exploitable potential. Currently, massive investment is taking place in the development of hydropower and other renewable energy sources. The majority of Nigerian households, especially in rural areas do not have access to modern energy, indicating an opportunity to expand renewable and affordable energy sources in rural areas.
Trainable workforce, training opportunities and low labour cost: The rapidly growing young population can also be an opportunity for the country to attract and encourage labour intensive green activities, especially in the manufacturing sector. The quality of human development is improving in Nigeria owing to improved access to education and to health services. Nigeria is experiencing rising skill intensity, especially in the skilled and semi-skilled labour force, due to expanding technical and vocational education and training and tertiary education across the country.
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Access to global finance and technology: Availability of assistance and access to environmental funds are opportunities for the country in building a green economy. Development assistance as a catalyzing factor or as a factor necessary for big push, or as a necessary factor reaching the ladder of development has been upheld. Three ways in which countries can be supported in transiting towards a green economy include development assistance, technology transfer and research and development (African Development Bank and OECD, 2013). If wisely and transparently used, can enhanced transition towards a green economy.
5.0 CONCLUSION
The study revealed that Nigeria currently has no official green growth agenda but several initiatives aimed at promoting sustainable development directly or inadvertently contribute to the greening of the economy. The government of Nigeria therefore needs to deliberately plan and implement green, policies, activities and programmes that will enhance greening of the economy for the benefit of the present and future generations without compromising the well-being of both present and future generations. It is worth noting here that, driving green economic transformation will require a set of enabling policies and institutions that imply a critical role for the state, through public investment, fiscal policies, regulations, government procurement and market creation at national, regional and international levels, as well as the facilitation of an active participation of non-state actors. A move towards green economy ill require leveraging on the current relative strength of the economy to motivate the private sector to adopt strategies and technological options that are pro-green, pro-job and of course, without
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jeopardizing current opportunities for sustained growth of the economy.
6.0 WAY FORWARD
Transiting to green economy will require a fundamental shift in thinking about growth and development, production of goods and services, and consumer behaviour. This transition will not happen solely because of better information on impacts, risks or good economic analysis; ultimately, it is about politics and changing the political economy of how big decisions are made.
If greening is to be more than policy rhetoric, a credible combination of regulations, fiscal measures and incentives are needed to provide private investment with clear consistent messages about the government’s intent to invest in a better environment and to curb environmental damage. Crucially, alongside design of policy and institutions, government must invest in capacity to implement those policies. This will require a realistic assessment of what government can do best and where it needs to rely on private sector actors. Greater visibility on the need for this transition can motivate consumers, not just because of the costs but also the economic benefits generated by a Green economy, such as new jobs and new markets. People will not adopt policies because they are green. They will do so when they believe it is in their interest. Some of the ways in which Nigeria could embark on to enhance greening the economy include the following:
All on ongoing programmes and initiatives on greening, as identified in this study, should be continued while fine-tuning them for scaling up and replication.
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Build Green Production system: With the aim at improving the efficiency of resource outputs, and following the principles of “reduce, reuse and recycle”, the economy should promote the development of a circular economy production, distribution, and consumption and build a resource recycling system covering the whole of the society. There is the need to also implement recycling- based production methods, greatly enhance resource utilization, accelerate the implementation of cleaner production, promote eco- design, and improve comprehensive resource utilization. There is the need to also improve the resource recycling system, involving such aspects as renewable resources, manufacturing, garbage recycling, kitchen waste utilization and safe disposal, and an “urban mineral” demonstration base to dispose of waste metal, electrical and electronic products, paper, plastics, and other renewable resources, with both large-scale and high-value usage. This involves encouraging businesses and industrial parks to develop a recycling economy.
Develop green technology and standards: To innovate and develop green technologies, it is necessary to implement technological innovation under green standards; to encourage the introduction and use of all aspects of green technology; and to develop green technologies through original innovation, assimilation, absorption, re- innovation, and integrated innovation. There is the need to also develop and enforce all kinds of standards and designated systems of green, low-carbon, energy-saving, emission-reducing, and environmental protection technology. There is the need for government to encourage technology and farm practices that enhance productivity of agricultural land use. This has the tendency of improving the chances of green growth.
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Actively Promote Green Consumption: Governments at all levels and public institutions will take the lead in energy saving, emissions reduction, and green procurement. They should also promote green food and medicine, smart energy-efficient appliances, energy-saving environmentally friendly vehicles, energy-efficient lighting products, energy-and land-conserving housing, and green buildings. It will also be important to create green businesses, schools, and communities; and built green cities.
Encourage Green Investment and Credit: Public investment will give priority to ecological construction, environmental protection, energy- saving, emissions reduction, and disaster prevention and mitigation. Non-governmental sector investment in the above areas will be encouraged by tax reduction, financial discounts, and other incentive policies. Investment in renewable energy systems should be encouraged with adequate incentives. Renewable energy sources provide a pro-green alternative that can be packed in modular forms suitable especially for off-grid electricity supply to rural communities.
Develop Green Energy: It is necessary to continuously improve the proportion of renewable energy, significantly reduce the proportion of high-carbon energy, limit total coal consumption, enforce the clean use coal and the desulfurization and de-nitrification of coal-fired units, and continue to reduce the proportion of coal consumption and the emissions intensity of coal carbon and sulfur in Nigeria.
Build Green Ecological System: Necessary ecological construction in Nigeria includes protection of natural forests, restoration of farm land and grazing land to forest, sandstorm source control, soil erosion control, wetland protection, and control of desertification. All of these
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will be required to effectively curb the trend toward ecological deterioration and to increase the nation’s natural capital.
Implementation of Green Policies and Reforms: Government of Nigeria must establish, develop, and enforce the “polluter pays” system and increase the standards and rates levied for sewerage and garbage disposal. It is also important that government design and implement green fiscal reforms. Further reforms include improving the policy, evaluation, legal, and compensation systems conducive to resource saving and environmental protection; the introduction of market mechanisms to establish and improve mining rights; and the enforcement of payments to use emission permits.
Green International Cooperation: It is important for government to actively participate in, and take the initiative in, promoting global energy and climate governance, as well as championing international green cooperation in Nigeria. The scope includes actively participating in global energy governance, strengthening the dialogue mechanisms associated with energy and security, and participating in the formulation of international rules. Under the principle of “common but differentiated responsibilities” Nigeria must take the lead in global compliance with international conventions increase information transparency; actively participate in international mechanisms to tackle global climate change (such as the United nations Clean Development Mechanism –CDM projects and also take the initiative in reducing emissions and maintaining the nation’s international image. Finally, Nigeria must be encouraged to develop the low-carbon economy.
Campaign and advocacy for change in attitudes of households: More rigorous campaign and advocacy are needed to improve household
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attitudes towards greener behaviour. Finally, for the above recommendations to translate into desired results, government should exercise strong political will and policy consistency.
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REFERENCES
African Development Bank and Organization for Economic Coorporation and Development- OECD (2013).Enabling Green Growth in Africa: A joint report from the workshop held in Lusaka in January 15-16, 2013.
Adeoti, J.O. & Ajibade, L.A. (2008). The role of government in climate change adaptation in Nigeria, In: T. Akande& A. Kumuyi; Challenges of climate for Nigeria. A multidisciplinary perspective. NISER/NewWorld press, Nigeria.Pp.111-124.
Akol, C., Banda, B.M., Aliu, A., Closset, M., Gnegne, Y., Kinda, R.S. & Osaliya, R.C. (2014).A report on Inclusive Green Economy Policies and Structural transformation in Ethiopia. Ethiopia. Pp.78 -83.
Awodala, A.M. (1997). Drought and desertification in Nigeria. In: B.R. Sigh (ed); Marginal lands in Nigeria; Proceedings of the 23rd Annual Conference of the Soil Science Society of Nigeria. SSSN/UDU, Sokoto, Nigeria.Pp.33-34.
Bapna, M. & Talberth, J. (2011). Questions and Answers: What is Green Economy? Mexico City.
Bowen, A. (2012). ‘Green’ Growth: What does it mean? The Grantham Research Institute on climate Change and Environment.Pp.10.
Cameron, A., & Stuart, A. (2012).A guidebook to the Green Economy. UN Division for Sustainable Development, UNDESA, Pp.63-64.
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Engels, F. (1995).Dialectics of nature, selected works of Marx and Enels, vol, 4. People’s House Publishing House, Beijing, Pp.383-384.
Engels, F. (1972a). Collected works of Marx and Engels, vol.20. People’s Publishing House, Beijing, Pp.519.
Federal Ministry of Environment – FmoE (2013). (http://environment.gov.ng/special- units/renewable - energy/)
Fedrigo-Fazio, D. & Brink, P.T. (2012). Briefing, Green Economy: what do you mean by Green Economy? United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), Pp.4-7.
International Human Dimensions Programme on Global Environmental Change (UNU- IHDP)and the Industrial Transformation Project (IHDP-IT), (2012).Green Economy and Sustainability: A societal transformation Process, Germany.
Taiwo, O., Olokesusi, F., Adeoti, J.O., Adesanya, A. Olorunfemi,F., Chete,L., Adeagbo, A., & Alaba, O. (2015). Growth and Greening of the Nigerian Economy: An Analysis of status and future prospects. NISER-IDRC/TTI, Pp.1-4.
Stephenson,S. (2013). Addressing Local Content Requirements in a sustainable Energy Trade Agreement, International Centre for Trade and Sustainable Development (ICTSD), Geneva, Switzerland. Pp. 2-3.
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Kiragu, E. (2015). Transition to a Green Economy: Are there limits to Government Intervention? World Trade Institute Working PaperNo.05/2015/November, 2015.
Kuntze, J.& Moerenhout, T. (2013). Forthcoming Local Content Requirements and the Renewable energy Industry: A good match? ICTSD Issues Paper. Pp. 2-3.
Maduegbuna, A.N. (2004). The Emerging Challenges of Environmental problems in the face of struggling for the survival of Developing Countries. International Journal of Environmental Issues, 2(1&2), 173-179
Olakesusi, F. & Gwarry, D. (2010).Sustinable development and environment. In : T.S. Akande & S.Kumuyi (eds), Nigeria at 50. NISER, Ibadan.Pp.427-428.
Olufemi, T., Olokesusi, F., Adeoti, J.O., Adesanya, F., Olorunfemi, F., Chete, L., Adeagba, A. and Alaba, O. (2015). Growth and Greening the Nigerian Economy: An analysis of status and future Prospects. NISER-IDRC/TTI.
OECD (2011). Towards Green Growth: Monitoring Progress, OECD, Paris
OECD (2012). Green Growth and Developing Countries: A Summary for Policy Makers, OECD, Paris.
Ren, J. (1985). Chinese Philosophy history of Development. People’s publishing House, Pp. 583
Research Group of Chinese Sustainable Development for Forestry Strategy (2002). Introduction of Strategic studies on the Sustainable Development of Forestry. China Forestry Publishing House, Beijing, Pp.127-128.
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Stephenson, S. (2013). Addressing Local Content Requirements in a sustainable Energy trade Agreement. International Centre for Trade and Sustainable Development, Geneva, Switzerland. Pp. 2- 6.
UNEP (2011). Green Jobs: Towards Decent work in sustainable, Low-Carbon World. UNEP. Pp.12.
UNDP (2002). China Human Development Report: Making Green Development a Choice,
United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (2014).Local Content Requirements and the Green Economy.New York and Geneva, Pp.1-6.
United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, (2012). A green economy in the context of sustainable development and poverty eradication: What are the implications for Africa? Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
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Appendix 1: Cases of Green Initiatives from selected States in Nigeria
S/No. Geographical State Initiative Zone 1. South-West Lagos Operation Green Lagos Project and Lagos State Light Rail Project. In Lagos State, the policies and programmes for greening focus on, climate change, urban regeneration (inclusive of beautification and landscaping), Natural resources conservation,
environmental protection and waste to-wealth.
North- Ondo Waste – to – Wealth. The focus of the government is in 2 Central the areas of urban regeneration, beautification and landscaping, environmental sanitation, waste recycling and natural resources conservation.
Kwara Kwara State Clean and Green Programme. Kwara State Institutions policies and programmes (IPPs) for green in Kwara State are closely related to existing policies on environmental protection, conservation and
beautification
3. North-East Bauchi Bauchi Water Recycling Programme. Establishment of shelter belt, woodlot in designated areas of the state, roadside watershed plantation, that is, artificial forest; and young foresters club in all schools.
Green Model Village, Pambila and sustainable
Adamawa Management Programme. Involved environmental
conservation, all primary schools in the state are
encouraged to organize environmental friendly clubs.
Songhai Green Rural City. The State designed various 4. North-west Katsina programmes related to greening, which include: The roadside planting for environmental safety and employment generation aimed at nurturing fast- growing tree species on the roadside.
Sokoto Kaura Bella–Danjuwa Extended Integrated Renewable Energy Model Village, Sokoto: The Sokoto Energy Research Centre (SERC)has five research units; the
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small Hydro; Solar Thermal; Solar Photovoltaic; Wind and Motor; and Biomass. The activities of these units are geared towards the promotion of Greening initiatives.
5. South-East Anambra Organic fertilizer: Some initiatives have been commenced in the agriculture sector to promote greening. The state is now deemphasizing inorganic fertilizer and promoting biomass (composting). Instead of allowing water hyacinth (water lettuce) to clog water ways, they being harvested and composted for mulching the soil.
6. South Cross Ecotourism, Calabar: The Cross River State Tourism River Bureau is a key player in the Greening initiative. The Clean and Green City Project in Cross River State is a concept that seeks to ensure that the City of Calabar is thoroughly clean and trees are planted regularly in order to widen the space for green areas (an environmental management strategy).
Rivers Clean and Green Programme: The River State South Environmental Sanitation Authority regulates the operations of waste management service providers in Port Harcourt as well as oversees refuse evacuation (basically municipal solid wastes and industrial wastes). Source: NISER-IDRC/TTI (2015) and authors’ survey.
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Child-Witch Stigmatisation and Child-Centered Domestic Violence in Akwa Ibom State: Implications for Family Peace
Olusola Matthew OJO, PhD
Peace Studies and Conflict Resolution Programme, Department of Political Science, National Open University of Nigeria, Abuja Email: [email protected] Abstract he manifestation and intensity of child-witch stigmatization and the attendant child-centered domestic violence has T become a subject of grave concern in Nigeria. Employing qualitative method of data collection and using Akwa Ibom State as focus of analysis, this paper seeks to examine the rising spate of child-witch stigmatization and how this has triggered the infliction of domestic violence on innocent children with far-reaching abuse of child rights in Nigeria. Findings reveal that although witchcraft practice is not a strange practice in any part of the Nigerian society, the phenomenon of stigmatizing children as witches and wizards and alleging them for perpetrating family misfortunes is alien to African traditional practice of witchcraft. It is further revealed that cultural indulgence, poverty, socioeconomic crisis and poor policy framework for capacity-building are responsible for family crisis, and not innocent children. It is argued that the time is ripe for the stoppage of castigating children for witchcraft practices in the interest of family peace and societal harmony. Therefore, there is the need for government to implement international provisions for child rights and protection from all forms of domestic violence. State and non-state actors should pull resources together towards preventing unjust
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stigmatization of blameless children for child-witchcraft with a view to guaranteeing peace, equity and harmony.
Keywords: Child-Witch Stigmatization; Domestic Violence; Policy Framework; Family Peace; Capacity-Building.
1.0 INTRODUCTION
The phenomenon of witchcraft practice is not new in any part of the Nigerian society. What is new, however, is the intensity at which children are being stigmatized as witchcraft, marking a radical departure from the traditional witchcraft practice in the country. Using Akwa Ibom State as focus of analysis, this paper evaluates the prevailing dynamics of family-induced child witch Stigmatization in Nigeria. Akwa Ibom State became a distinct state entity within Nigeria's federalist structure on September 23, 1987 under the military regime of General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida. Prior to this period, that geographical entity was an integral part of Old Cross River State. Given its natural endowment in oil deposits, Akwa Ibom state is one of the potentially richest states in Nigeria. The state has three core groups, all of which share common sense of cultural heritage. The three core groups are Ibibio, Annang and Oron. Unlike some other states of the federation, Akwa Ibom State is often referred to as a 'uni-cultural' entity where the norms, taboos, traditions, rituals and myths of the people are identical.
Anthropological research has established the prevalence of the belief in witches among most Ibibio. The intensity of child witchcraft stigmatization has deprived so many innocent children their fundamental rights including the right to life. Nevertheless, this development has received extremely scant scholarly attention. Thus,
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the choice of Akwa Ibom State is predicated upon the unprecedented intensity of alleged witchcraft against children in that part of the country and the attendant deprivation of child rights. The thrust of the argument is that alleging children for witches and wizards, and blaming them for the infliction of poverty and misfortune in the family are in actual fact a reflection of bad governance, leadership failure and poor policy framework for capacity-building.
2.0 THEORETICAL AND CONCEPTUAL DISCOURSES
Witchcraft
According to the World Book Encyclopedia, the etymological origin of witchcraft could be traced to the Anglo-Saxon noun Wicca, which means a magician or a wise one (Tanto & Akenji, 2005). There is no blanket definition of witchcraft as understanding of witches varies across different social groups. However, the general belief is that witches use their souls when they move out, usually at night to perform devilish and undesirable activities. Religious Anthropologists such as Taylor maintain that traditional societies believed two entities constitute the human body - one active during the day and the other (which they refer to as a double, or soul) is active at night(Cited in Tanto & Akenji, 2005). Given the anti-social character displayed by witches, mostly in the supernatural realm, they are referred to as "forces of darkness." Among the Wimbum ethnic group in the North West province of Cameroon, witchcraft is referred to as tufh which means 'darkness.' By extension, practitioners of witchcraft are called Nkahtufh, meaning 'people of darkness'(Tanto & Akenji, 2005).
Witches are regarded as very selfish, lazy, jealous and greedy persons whose principal aim is to deprive others the peace they might have
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individually achieved through personal efforts. They perpetrate havoc by inflicting all kinds of terror on victims. On many occasions, they lay hands on relations; including members of their nuclear family- children, spouses and parents. In various parts of Nigeria, the practice of witchcraft, sorcery and other forms of cultic practices are well established. With specific emphasis on South-South geo-political zone where Akwa Ibom State is located, in 1846, Dr. A.W.F. Daniel accounted for the use of "ordeal bean" as a means of detecting witchcraft in Calabar area.
While adults are mostly accused of witchcraft, the practice has been extended to children. Anthropologists have confirmed children's involvement in the practice of witchcraft in Africa as elsewhere. As Tanto and Akenji (2005) note, some innocent children acquire the spirit of witchcraft at the point of death of elder witches, especially within family circle. When the witch dies, the evil components of their spiritual entity exit and inhabit another human being. In such a circumstance, children fall victim of being possessed. Moreover, some elder witches and wizards could nominate their loved ones, especially children and other close relations as successors while they pass on. Through this medium, innocent children get entrapped and become occupants of the witchcraft world.
Despite traditional beliefs and empirical discourses on the phenomenon of witchcraft, there are still some who have not shared the sentiment about the existence of witchcraft but hold the idea that witchcraft is mere hallucination. For instance, at Bangala, the belief of some is that witchcraft is no more than self-induced; a result of man's own imaginations and it is not based on actual facts since it defies scientific proof (Tanto & Akenji, 2005). However, the popular
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view is that witches and wizards exist and possess powers to frustrate the fortunes of victims.
Domestic Violence
Traditionally, the term family denotes a biological unit comprising people that are related by blood. In every culture across the globe, the family represents the immediate social institution to which a child belongs at birth without their input, and with which they share the primary sense of identity. Although the composition of membership of family may vary from one cultural system to another, yet, every culture recognises the existence of nuclear family setting, comprising the parents and their biological or adopted children. Either as the sole prevailing form of the family or as the basic unit from which more complex forms are compounded, the family exists as a distinct and strongly functional group in any known society (Murdock, 1949). As the most fundamental social unit in human society, the family provides a distinct avenue for physical, emotional and psychological needs that guarantee a sense of belonging to the child. These include food, clothing, shelter, care, love and happiness. Viewed within the context of this broad sociological standpoint, Lemmon (1985) described family as "people who provide each other with emotional and economic support, protect one another, and intend to continue to do so permanently."
Perhaps, this primary function of ensuring the survival of children who are the potential strength and indispensable source of continued existence of a people that informs the sociologists' presumption of the family as the cornerstone of society (Haralambos & Holborn, 2004).
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Despite the indispensable importance of family in any organized social setting, post-modernist feminists, Marxists and critical psychologists have begun to explore some negative effects of family setting, which is commonly referred as 'dark side' of family life (Haralambos & Holborn, 2004). This was partly informed by certain social changes, which undermined traditional construct of family system and weakened the ability of family to meet the needs of society and of family members. These include rising divorce rates, increasing numbers of single-parent families, and other forms of man- induced abuse on family institution which has invariably exacerbated domestic violence.
With particular reference to Nigeria, a combination of social, economic, political and cultural factors have had negative impact on Nigeria's family life. On that note, family institution in Nigeria has failed drastically in performing its traditional functions, which has not only-endangered the security of life but has also distorted the upbringing of children and intensified the spate of violence at the domestic and national levels. Parents and care givers have neglected their roles and responsibilities as custodians of socialization.
In Akwa Ibom State, the phenomenon of child-witch stigmatization constitutes one of the manifestations of distorted family life, which has not only punctured the right of the child but also triggered domestic violence, thereby undermining family peace. As a matter of fact, allegation against children as witches and wizards is not a phenomenon peculiar to Nigeria. Other communities across Africa have been involved in the practice, albeit at varying degrees. These include Ghana, Central Africa Republic (CAR), Cameroon, the Gambia, Sierra Leone and Republic of Benin. For instance, Oyeleke
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(2011) established that child-witchcraft practice exists in Republic of Benin. A child could be considered to be witch or wizard in that country if it is born face down, or its feet first come out of its mother's womb instead of head. What is more, a child could be considered as possessing witchcraft spirit if the mother could not survive the child labour. Such a child will either be starved to death or put in a pot to get him suffocated.
Trend and Pattern of Child-Witch Stigmatization in Akwa Ibom State
The practice of undesirable traditions has always received stakeholders' attention across the geographical area now known as Akwa Ibom State. Missionaries, journalists, anthropologists and human rights activities have continued to expose the prevailing dynamics of child-witch phenomenon in that part of the country. For instance, Mary Slessor was credited with stopping the taboo attached to the birth of twins and the trial of alleged witches using 'ordeal bean' in that region during the colonial era.
A recent research-based report by UNICEF confirmed that children accused of witchcraft and blamed for socioeconomic crisis inflicting the family are on the rise in the state. Young children who exhibit special behaviour or display unusual character are unduly stigmatized as witches and wizards without scientific proofs to substantiate such claims. In the process, the victims are made to suffer all manner of untold sufferings. For instance, children who are naughty or naturally hyperactive, or those who like to sleep outside at night when the weather is hot, or even babies who cry a lot have been wrongly accused of witchcraft. The alleged witch children are stigmatized as the root of the problems being faced by the family members.
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Paul Fedeski, UNICEF Communication Officer in Nigeria submitted that members of a family, community, or church accuse a child of being witch, very often after some kind of calamity, like the death of a family member, the loss of a job, or infertility. (http:// vvww.zimdiaspora.com/index.php). Innocent children have suffered varying degrees of physical, emotional and psychological violence from the hands of either their parents who alleged them of possessing witch craft.
The prevailing dimension of child-witch stigmatization in Akwa Ibom State assumed another dimension following the emergence of some commercial prophets and diviners who turn parents and caregivers against their children and wards, by stigmatizing them as witches and wizards. They put pressure on innocent children to confess against their conscience that they belong to witchcraft forces through which they inflict untold hardship and torture on their respective nuclear and extended family members without empirical conviction. In the process, the victims are subjected to untold abuse in the name Of deliverance designed to drive out the spirit of the witch. As long as the so-called deliverance activities last, under the watch of these commercial prophets, victims undergo untold bodily, emotional and psychological violence. These include isolation, abandonment, public disgrace, starvation, torture, acid baths and lynching. Indeed most of these children could not explain why they find themselves in deliverance centres and on what grounds they are condemned to undeserved punishments.
By implication, the affected children are technically deprived of their sense of belonging and right to peace as a result of social neglect and disconnection from family ties. At that point, these innocent children
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who are mostly teenagers and adolescents become internally displaced and fall victims of other undesirable circumstances, within the community. They roam about the streets and become easy tools in the devil's workshop as they turn to social miscreants and disrupt community tranquility. In the process, some of these children experience more complex security threats such as sexual molestation, forced labour, child trafficking and kidnapping. Invariably child- witch allegation has intensified domestic violence by promoting divorce or other forms of separation between couples who take divergent positions on the spiritual positions of their children.
3.0 DETERMINANTS OF CHILD-WITCH STIGMATIZATION IN AKWA IBOM STATE
A number of factors are responsible for the prevalence of child-witch stigmatization in the study area. These include:
Tradition: As earlier explained, the existence of witchcraft forces in any given family is regarded as a medium through which innocent children are invited into the witchcraft world. This belief has provided avenue for many parents to believe the insinuation that their children are possessed of witchcraft which is responsible for their misfortunes. Thus, whenever the false prophets pronounce innocent children as witches and wizards, most parents subscribe to such notion and inflict untold violence on their children.
External influence: One of the key determinants of the prevailing complex character of child-witch stigmatization in Akwa Ibom state is foreign influence on African socio-cultural life. This was facilitated by the airing of movies, social media and other documentaries which
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forbids the sharing of food and drinks among children on the ground that the process could be used to entice innocent children into the spirit world. Therefore, anytime children elicit unusual behaviour, parents regard such as a product of spiritual contact between their children and erstwhile witch-children who might have enticed them to their fold through sheering of food and other items.
Poverty: It has been established that poverty is a reflection of the inability of individuals to satisfy basic human necessities, which invariably influence people's character in a negative manner (Ayantayo, 2009). This thesis confirms another dimension of poverty as a trigger of child-witchcraft stigmatization in Akwa Ibom State. Many parents and caregivers most times allege their children of being responsible for the social ills and misfortunes confronting them, such as financial constraints, diseases and marital crises, among others. Many individuals who could not make ends meet turn to fake prophets for solution. The latter most times allege victimized children as defiled and are released for isolation and social discrimination.
Socio-economic factor: Another factor which triggers the intensity of child-witch stigmatization in Akwa Ibom State is the persistence of economic hardship in the country. Increasing socio-economic hardship confronting majority of parents provoke them to transfer the blame on their children and wards. In the process, they approach prophets for spiritual intervention. Sometimes these fake prophets could offer these innocent children for sale with or without the consent of their parents under the guise of completely disconnecting with them and be free from the alleged witch-child.
Ignorance and over-spirituality: Ignorance and extreme religiosity is another factor responsible for the prevalence of child-witchcraft
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allegation in Akwa Ibom State. Many parents who suffer from certain socio-economic, spiritual or health challenges approach various religious leaders in an attempt to find solution to their problems. On many occasions, many parents are being misled by the false spiritualists and diviners who allege the children of such parents as the root of their problems.
Gross indiscipline and mismanagement of resources: Directly or indirectly, successive governments have had their own share of the prevailing phenomenon of child-witch stigmatization in Akwa Ibom State. Poor management of the state resources, on the part of the government has intensified social-economic crisis, which deprive many parents the opportunity to be gainfully engaged, thereby compounding their financial challenges. This has increased the level of poverty in various families, which many parents and caregivers wrongly accuse their children of being the cause. Thus, children who are God's image are considered as threats for the survival and security of their families and are made to suffer as scapegoats.
Case Studies of Child-witch Victimisation in Akwa Ibom State
Child rights activists and other state and non-state agencies within and outside the state have confirmed that children in Akwa Ibom state are frequently abandoned, injured and murdered on account of witchcraft Stigmatization by their parents. Over the years, innocent children have been reportedly killed by the perpetrators of act of child-witch Stigmatization through jungle justice. For instance, one of the notorious 'commercialized child-witch spiritualists,' claimed to have killed 110 witch children. The callous 'bishop,' after his arrest, shamelessly claimed that he had only killed the witchcraft spirits in them.
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On March 15, 2012, one Mr. Friday Daniel, the father of Daniel Akpan was arrested by the Akwa Ibom State Police Command for child Stigmatization. In his confession, Mr. Friday accused his son of being sick with witchcraft. He confessed that the boy was absconded at a church when he took him there for deliverance.
In another occasion, one Mr. Michael Effiong from Eket Local Government Area was arrested on March 1, 2012 by the Akwa Ibom State Police Command. Mr. Effiong was alleged of violating Child Rights Act by accusing his son Benjamin Michael Effiong of witchcraft and subjecting him to torture and abandonment. The man claimed that his 7 year old son was using witchcraft powers to manipulate his fortune, which was responsible for his predicaments. Effiong was ejected from home and became vagabond until he was rescued by a Human Rights Organisations, Young Humanists Network and Child's Right and Rehabilitation (YNH/CRARN).
Apart from being denied their fundamental right to peace, other challenges faced by the victim of child witchcraft include being lured into practicing social vices, such as commercial sex work, drug pushing, rape, and so on. While there is the possibility for children to be possessed and demonstrate certain strange behaviour, the fact remains that subjecting them to torture, social neglect, hard labour and other forms of child abuse is an aberration. Efforts to rehabilitate and re-orientate such children ought to be fashioned out by parents, spiritual leaders, government and other stakeholders. It is illogical for a mother to throw away the baby with bathwater. So also it is contrary to reason for a child to be subjected to any form of jungle justice on mere allegation of witchcraft.
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4.0 CONSEQUENCES OF CHILD-WITCH STIGMATIZATION IN AKWA IBOM STATE
Social neglect: On many occasions, allegations levelled against innocent children as witches and wizards have resulted in social neglect and lack of parental care. A lot of children have been deserted and denied fundamental rights. This has caused many children to lose a sense of belonging and become vagabond and fugitive across the state. Children who should be considered as divine gifts for their parents and indispensable assets for their society are castigated as witches and condemned to untold sufferings.
Loss of lives: Child-witch Stigmatization has resulted into unnecessary loss of innocent lives across the state. Over 1000 children have been reportedly killed by the perpetrators of act of child-witch Stigmatization through jungle justice. The figure does not include other numerous children who were unjustly killed without public knowledge.
Violation of fundamental human rights: Allegation of child- witchcraft has resulted in sheer child abuse and violation of fundamental human rights as enshrined in the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. For instance, the development has denied many children the right to education, which has truncated their prospects as future heroines and heroes. Some have been perpetually disconnected from their family identity because they have been sold to another man's land. Worse still, many innocent children have had their destinies shattered following their untimely deaths from the hands of wicked parents and ungodly commercial prophets.
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Intensity of child trafficking: The phenomenon of child- witch in Akwa Ibom state has increase the practice of child labour and child trafficking across the state. As an adage says, 'give the dog a bad name to hang it'. Innocent children are deliberately alleged of witchcraft by the so-called prophets and prophetesses with a view to converting them to human commodity and sell them to modern day slave dealers both within and outside the state. These false prophets connive with human traffickers for financial gains. In 2012, the Akwa Ibom State Police Command confirmed the sales of children of Akwa Ibom origin to syndicates coming from Aba, Port-Harcourt and other places for subsequent transfer to various parts of the country and beyond for cheap labour and related human rights abuses. These syndicates maintain robust network with the so-called prophets who specialize in detecting children possessed with witchcraft. Depending on age, sex and the quality of physical fitness of victims coupled with the power of bargaining on the part of the child traffickers, male children could be sold for between the range of N150,000 and N170,000, while their female counterpart are sold for between Nl30,000 and Nl50,000.
Combating Child-witch Stigmatization in Akwa Ibom State
The prevalence of child-witch accusations has continued to attract attentions from various stakeholders, especially from non-- governmental bodies. In that regard, considerable achievements have been recorded across the state. Various non-governmental organizations (NGOs) had come to the rescue of many children accused of being possessed of witchcraft. These NGO’s have rescued over 1500 abandoned children across the state. Majority of these
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children had regained social contact with their parents having being redeemed from the traps of fake deliverance ministers and their collaborators. The efforts of the NGOs have also provided avenues through which many parents are re-orientated and are delivered from ignorance.
Moreover, both local and international media have performed creditably well in enhancing public awareness on the evils of child- witch Stigmatization in Akwa Ibom state. For instance, it was the broadcast of the documentary, 'saving Africa's witch children' on BBC that challenged the Akwa Ibom State under Godswill Akpabio to wake up to its socio-political responsibility along that direction. Suffice it to say that it was the efforts of the NGOs and the media that propelled the government of Akwa Ibom State to act on the development.
Akwa Ibom State Police Command has also rescued many innocent children from the custody of child traffickers and devilish ' 'deliverance contractors.' Many of these human traffickers have also been apprehended and prosecuted. However, the manifestation of lack of understanding between public and private stakeholders has caused a major setback for the efforts at combating the menace of child witch hunting in Akwa Ibom State. While the government allegedly discredited the initiatives of NGOs and human rights groups, the latter condemn government agencies for playing politics with the child- witchcraft phenomenon in the state. This clash of interests between government and private organizations is expressed in many instances.
Hence, rather than considering themselves as partners in progress and maximizing the advantages inherent in public/private corporate social responsibilities, both the state government and the non-state actors
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engaged in war of words, which did not have any benefit to offer the citizenry.
5.0 CONCLUSION
There is no justification for the act of childwitch stigmatization and the attendant infanticide and other forms of child abuse perpetrated against children of Akwa Ibom State as citizens of Nigeria. Children are not mere commodities in the custody of their parents. Rather, they are God's heritage and an asset for national development. Roth public and private stakeholders should rise up to their responsibility and open up a space for possible options to solving the various socioeconomic, cultural and political challenges confronting the nation. The paper posits that the phenomenon of childwitch hunting in Nigeria, particularly in Akwa Ibom State is 'Unafrican', uncivilized, barbaric, ungodly and totally unacceptable. It is an act of internal terrorism deliberately designed to destroy future leaders in Nigeria. Hence the practice must be challenged by all stakeholders in the interest of domestic peace and national development.
This act must be fought in all its ramifications not only to stop its perpetration in Akwa Ibom State, but to prevent its spread to other parts of the country, especially now that the security situation across the country is very fragile. If the peaceful co-existence cannot be ensured between parents and their children at the domestic level, it will have serious security implication on the country at the long run. The prevailing insurgency of Boko Haram in the country is a phenomenon that emanated from age long parental neglect and poor policy responses to the socio-economic crises in the country, especially in some parts of the north. Hence, if the phenomenon of alleging children of possessing witchcraft is not checked, it is capable
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of exposing these dejected children to partaking in all sorts of social vices and crimes, which is dangerous to national security and integration. There is the urgent need for government to evolve an enabling environment for the culture of peace to thrive both at the domestic and national levels by providing for our children every social emotional, spiritual and political ingredient they need to survive. If Nigeria's projection of becoming one of the leading emerging economies is anything to go by within the context of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), adequate provision for the protection of child's rights must be put in place. Hence, government must not be reactive but responsive in its efforts at combating the act of commercializing the idea of child abuse in the name of allegation of witchcraft. In other words, stakeholders' failure to secure the rights of children in its proper perspective constitutes a threat to national peace, stability, tranquility, security and cohesion.
No nation can develop beyond the quality of survival strategies put in place for its children who constitute its future hope. Hence, if Nigeria's dream of evolving an egalitarian society in the 21st century is to be a reality, government and other stakeholders must do everything possible to protect the image and interest of its God-given heritage and secure their fortunes. On that note this paper advances the following recommendations.
1. Stringent measures for culprit: Childwitch stigmatization is not only a form of child abuse but also a crime against humanity. Therefore, all the perpetrators of the menace should be apprehended and duly prosecuted. Such callous and heartless adults who parade" themselves as detectors of witchcrafts without concrete evidence that agrees with
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2. common sense should be punished for their grievous misdeed. Government should not turn blind eye to the inhuman act of torturing and killing of innocent children in the name of practicing witchcraft so as to serve as deference. 3. Re-orientation for all the surviving victims: Government should partner with non-state agencies to locate all the affected children who survive the ordeal of child-witch stigmatization and make adequate provision for their re- orientation so as to overcome the trauma of their bitter experiences. If this important step is not taken, it portends grievous security risk to the nation in the nearest future. 4. Human capacity building: Akwa Ibom State is one of the richest states in Nigeria. Government should commit public resources to human capacity development with a view to empowering the citizenry and thereby tackle the problem of poverty and joblessness. This will go a long way in changing the orientation of parents and encouraging them to be committed to their parental responsibilities. 5. Public enlightenment programmes: Government should commit human and non-human resources towards grassroots public enlightenment programmes. Such exercise should focus on reintegration of various families who might have been disconnected on account of child-witch hunting across the state. The medium should also be used to inculcate the culture of peace, tolerance and fraternity in both adults and children in various communities across the state. 6. Child's rights protection: Governments at all levels should commit-public resources to the protection of children rights. This should include the passage of Child's Rights Act, provision of qualitative and quantitative education for children
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and enabling environment for even competition for all children across religious leaning, ethnic affiliation, family background, and socio-economic status. Akwa Ibom State Government should also consider the establishment of family courts at the grassroots levels across the state, to ensure quick judicial intervention over childwitch stigmatization and any other form of child's rights violation.
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REFERENCES
Akinjogbin, A. (ed.) War and peace in Yorubaland (1793-1893), Heinemann Educational Books, Ibadan Nigeria Albert, I.O. (ed.) (2009) Praxis of Political Concepts and Cliches in Nigeria 's Fourth Republic.
Bamgbose, J. A. (2003): "Cultisfti, Power and Politics in Africa". In: Dukor, M. (Ed.) (2003) Philosophy and Politics: Discourse on Values, Politics and Power in Africa. Malthouse Press Limited, Lagos.
Haralambos, M. &Holborn, M. (2004) Sociology: Themes and Perspectives.HaperColins Publishers, London.
Igwe, L. (2011).http://saharareporters.com/article/witchcraft- accusatioas and-politics. .see witch craftaccusationsandpolticsinAkwalbomstate May 19,2011
Oyeleke.V. (2011) http://www.tribune.com.ng/sun/sunday- zest.seepli.ght02thechild-witch. May 15,2011
Tanto.T.R. and Akenji, N.I. (2005). "Indigenous Authority and Witchcraft Containment in Post-Colonial Cameroon: The Case of Wumbum Country in the BamendaGrassfields." In Albert, I.O. (ed.) (2005) Perspectives on Peace and Conflict in Africa.John Archers (Publishers) Limited. Ibadan
Donoliver: http://www.modernghana.eom/movie:seepolicenabschild- witch seller in Akwa Ibom State
Akoaso, H.H. http://www.thenigerianvoice.com/nvnews.unicefnigerian child witch report andtheworkofCRARN
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Okon, E. (2012): Humanist Against Witch Killing and Stigmatisation: http://hawkafrica.blogspot.com
Sahara Reporters (New York) http://saharareports.com/news- page/akwa-ibom witchcraft - panel - London: AkwaIbom Witchcraft Panel off to London http//news.bbc.co.uk/hi/Africa/7764575.stm: Nigeria 'child witch killer'
http://www.zimdiasppra.com/index.php see: Nigeria's child witch hunt children accused and abused
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Implications of Campaign Funding on the Nigerian Economy: Evidence from 2015 General Elections
Ganiyat Adejoke ADESINA-UTHMAN, PhD
Department of Economics National Open University of Nigeria, Abuja Email: [email protected]
and
Wilson Friday OHIOZE
Department of Economics National Open University of Nigeria, Abuja Email: [email protected]
Abstract emocracy requires transition from one regime to another through periodic elections. Elections cannot take place D without campaign. Campaign doesn’t occur without funds to finance it. Transiting from one political dispensation to another has become a political ritual that gulps billions of naira from the Nigerian state without recourse to limit imposed by the Electoral Acts. The 2015 general election is a good instance, and this has set Nigerians thinking about its possible impacts on the economy. The study therefore, examines the implications of campaign funding on the nation’s economy, with focus on the 2015 general elections. The study is descriptive in nature. The study found that PDP exceeded the Presidential campaign fund limit of N1 billion by 775 percent while,
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APC (opposition party then), surpassed the spending limit by 191 percent. Macroeconomic variables experience random walks, the nation’s foreign reserve was seriously depleted, the already plummeted naira value worsened. It also found that figures of currency in circulation reverted back to its mean when pre and post campaign figures were compared. The study therefore recommends that, political parties should adhere to the provisions of the Electoral Acts as amended in the electoral spending; violators should be prosecuted to serve as deterrent.
Keywords: Campaign funding, Elections, State, Electoral Acts, Macroeconomic Variables. JEL Classification: D72, H40
1.0 INTRODUCTION
Transition from one regime to another under a democratic political setting is only possible through the ballot. Not only that a country’s citizenry are usually looking forward to transition to a new regime through election, also, nations across the world are always apprehensive about the transition and its processes. The concern about the processes of electioneering is heightened especially when the incumbent President/Prime Minister is requesting to be elected for a second or elongated term in office. Elongated term is mostly common in African countries where some Presidents often want to perpetuate themselves in position of authority. A good example was the case of Former President of Nigeria; Olusegun Obasanjo who sought for a third term in office, but was unable to realize his ambition as a result of rejection of the idea and proposed constitutional amendment to permit such (Timberg, 2006). Other
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African leaders who had spent more than second term in office are Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe; Felix Houphouet Boigny of Cote d’Ivoire, of blessed memory, Paul Biya of Cameroun and a host of others. At the end of the transition processes, large sums of money are always spent by political parties in order to convince the electorate to vote for their candidates. These large sums of monies spent during elections are regarded as campaign funds.
Campaign funding is critical to any political processes as political parties compete to solicit for the maximum numbers of votes. Political parties’ contributions to the political processes cannot be overemphasized. Political processes are such that gulp funds from parties and party members. Parties cannot function or exist without adequate funding else the ambition to hold on to power or to capture it from the incumbent ruling party may not be realized. The just concluded general election in Nigeria (2015) is a good example. Political Parties that were interested in capturing political power sourced for huge funds. In the cause of doing that (that is, sourcing for funds), a lot of abnormalities such as getting money from avenues not tenable in law, became a common practice. A good instance is the Dasukigate scandal, where monies met for ammunitions were diverted to finance the 2015 presidential election. The Nigerian electoral law has put a limit on how much an individual, cooperate bodies and political parties can contribute towards campaign funding.
The paper therefore, investigates the interaction between campaign funding and some macroeconomic variables to ascertain the reactions of the shock created by the withdrawals and injections, and its implications on the Nigeria economy. To achieve this, this paper is structured into six (6) sections: Introduction; Methods and Data;
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Campaign funding; Sources and Limit; Campaign Expenditures and Rallies; Discussion of Findings; and Conclusion
2.0 THEORY, METHODS AND DATA
According to Milyo (1999), interested money is likely to produce deviations from what would have otherwise occurred under a simple majority rule. He sighted Plott (1967)’s conclusion that pure majority rule is irrational because pure majority equilibrium never exist. These arguments lend support to social choice theorists’ conclusions that ‘collective decision rule cannot always satisfy a certain reasonable set of rationality’ (Arrow, 1963). This gives way to political agenda setter to manipulate the electorates using money through campaign financing and to spend beyond the campaign funding limit stipulated by law. To examine this theory in 2015 Nigerian election, data were extracted from CBN Statistical Data, CBN Daily Exchange Rates, CBN Money and Credit Statistics, Federal Republic of Nigeria: The 2002 Electoral Act, Federal Republic of Nigeria: The 2006 Electoral Act, Federal Republic of Nigeria: The 2010 Electoral Act (Amended), Federal Republic of Nigeria: The 1999 Constitution (Amended) and other secondary sources useful for the research. The study is qualitative and quantitative; it employs descriptive analysis to show occurrences as against the electoral laws. Macroeconomic performances before, during and after 2015 elections were presented using graph which leads to inferences based on available figures.
3.0 CAMPAIGN FUNDING: SOURCES AND LIMIT
Sources Anywhere in the world where democratic governance has been entrenched, transiting from one democratic government to another is
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a function of known procedures spelt out in the country’s constitution and electoral law. Common among these procedures are: reeling out of election guidelines (i.e. election time table) by the Electoral Body
that is saddled with the responsibility to conduct election, nomination and selection of parties’ flag bearers, campaign by political parties, voting by the general public and declaration as well as assumption of office by winners. All these processes connote that; elections are usually preceded by political parties’ campaigning across the length and breadth of a country. This can only happen on the basis of political organization, planning and funding. Political campaign is one of political parties’ activities to ensure electoral victory. In order words, campaign funding is sub-set of Political party financing, which requires a lot of plans and strategies. That said, funding/financing is one of the life wires of political parties survival. Underscoring this, Ukase (2015) submits thus, that:
Money is critical if political parties must be seen to be performing their statutory obligations within their respective spaces. Without the necessary funds, it would be certainly difficult for politicians and political parties to articulate and showcase their ideas and visions to the electorate. Political parties, therefore, require funds to be able to sell their programmes and manifestoes to the public. It is only by so doing that the electorate can make informed choices about which political party to support or not.
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To further understand the role played by campaign funding in a democratic setting like Nigeria, Doorenspleet cited in Ukase (2015), says that campaign funding decides the number of party members that will be involved in party rallies, the number of vehicles required in the course of campaigning, the number of adverts to be played on radio and aired on television stations.
Campaign funding is indeed an aspect of party financing which is dedicated to funding all the processes/activities engaged in during the electioneering period, with the aim of winning over the electorates’ conscience. Party finance is indeed an all-encompassing concept that involves funds for party structure maintenance, membership drive and campaign funds. To broaden our understanding on party finance, Oji (2014) posits that, the notion of political finance has two main categories, these are, the fund used for electioneering purposes (campaign funds) and the money used to cater for political party expenses (party funds).
Generally, party financing anywhere in the world is not without some intrigues. In the submission of Max Weber cited in Political Party Finance (PPF) (2005), “Party Finance is among the most important and yet, for obvious reasons, the least transparent chapters of party history.’’ A critical reflection on the just concluded 2015 general election in Nigeria, in relation to money spent during the various campaigns, most especially by the two prominent political parties (APC and PDP), leaves much to be desired. It is a serious pointer to a lot of intrigues and ingenuities in the nation’s political history. Underpinning this, PPF (2005) submits thus that:
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In emerging democracies such as Nigeria, the highly monetized political culture coupled with the desperation of politicians to win elections at all cost has its attendant demand on huge election financial outlay. These result in a headlong pursuit of funding sources, fueled by campaign imperatives which have led many candidates and parties into tailspin, as rules of conduct no longer respond to party ethics, principles and beliefs, but rather are increasingly defined by expedience and urgency of fund raising. Political parties rarely play the game according to the rules as regard parties’ campaign fund. This has somehow reinforced the observation of Bettino Craxi, a one-time Italian Prime Minister, that, ‘what needs to be said, and which in any case everyone knows, is that the greater part of political funding is irregular or illegal.’ This illegal or irregular means of funding campaigns is becoming detrimental to the nations’ political and economic culture. In-line with this assertion, Eme and Anyadike (2014) observe that:
Large corporate or single donor funding for parties and candidates dominates political decisions and political corruption is a national problem, posing a threat to the Nigerian and Kenyan economic growth, democracy, and the stability of the countries. Nearly all major financial and corruption scandals in recent times have been linked to campaign and political financing.
The constitution of Nigeria allows for both single and corporate donations of money to fund political parties’ activities which also include parties’ campaigns during electioneering periods. However,
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the nation’s Electoral Act is not silent on the maximum amount these two separate entities can offer as donations. These provisions in the various Electoral Acts aim at curbing corruptions, excesses of political parties and their allies. The irony of this is that, in the just concluded general elections in Nigeria, a flagrant a violation of these provisions is obvious to the public, which is underscored by Eme and Anyadike’s opinion. What troubles the minds of many scholars and the general populace is the source of this copious money used by political parties to finance their glamorous campaigns in and outside the shores of Nigeria. A critical review of the nation’s Electoral Acts will reveal the sources of party funding. According to Ukase (2015),
In Nigeria, there are various constitutional and other legal instruments guiding the operation of political parties, especially as it relates to campaign financing. These include the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as amended, the 2002 and 2006 Electoral Acts, and 2010 Electoral Act as amended. Others include the statutory rules of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and other informal rules. These laws provide copious provisions of the extent and limitation of political parties with respect to campaign/political financing.
Before 1979, there was no known legal framework put in place to regulate political parties and their activities in Nigeria. Financing of political activities and campaigns was basically on private basis. That said, members of political parties and candidates who contested elective offices then, to a larger extent, funded the parties activities which also included electioneering campaigns. By the second republic
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(that was 1979 to 1983); a formal legal framework to regulate political party and campaign funding was put in place. In section 205 of the 1979 constitution, the then National Assembly was empowered to enact laws. One of the laws allowed the Federal Electoral Commission (FEDECO)to make funds available to parties in form of grant to enable them(political parties) finance their activities, in addition to privately generated funds from party members excluding money from abroad as recognized by the constitution, see PPF Handbook, (2005). This marked the start of political parties funding by government in Nigeria. Going by this section of the constitution, campaign funding sources can be categorized into two, these are: The external source which comprises grants from the Electoral Body and the internal source, which is privately raised money among party members.
However, the 2002 Electoral Act made amendment to the disbursement of grant from the Electoral Body to contesting political parties. Section 80 of the Act provides that30 percent of the funding shall be distributed alike among the contesting parties before the election and 70 percent balance will be shared among the participating political parties after the outcome of the election has been declared in proportion to the number of seats won by each party in the National Assembly. However, the 2006 Electoral Act amended the provisions of 2002 Act in section 80. The 2006 Act stipulates empowered Electoral Body to make available to parties 10 percent which should be shared on equal basis among the registered political parties, and whatever was left, that is, 90 percent, should be disbursed in proportion to the number of seats won by each party in the National Assembly. In all, the 2002 and the 2006 Electoral Acts where
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basically an amendments to section 80 of the 1979 constitution in relation to government funding of parties’ activities in Nigeria.
Inferring from the reviews of the constitutions, various Electoral Laws and other conducted studies, in sum, campaign funds/funding in Nigeria, are sourced primarily from: statutory allocation, fees and subscription, lawful donations and public collection, personal earnings, donation from friends and close associates and proceeds from investments made by the party.
Campaign Funding: Limit
Having identified the avenues through which funds are raised by political parties and their flag-bearers during electioneering, this money, more often than not transmits into the nation’s body polity. This somehow has turned the political system in Nigeria into a money making venture. Consequent upon this, excesses such as godfatherism, political mercantilism, illegitimate means of funding and a host of others are almost becoming norms. Corroborating this view, Oji (2014) stated thus, that:
The increasing influence of ‘godfatherism’ in contemporary Nigerian politics can be linked to uncontrolled party financing as witnessed in both Anambra and Oyo States where State Governors had to negotiate and renegotiate peace with ‘godfathers ‘and money-bags politicians who claimed to have helped them win elections by all means! The absence of effective regulation of the amount of private funding that political
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party can receive from private sources made all forms of political mercantilism attractive and possible.
In view of the above submission coupled with the undignified manners in which politics is being played in recent times (that is, money politics), governments through the Electoral bodies have tried to regulate and make the whole processes of electioneering transparent. A good instance was the Electoral Act of 2006 which amended the ambiguity in 2002 Electoral Act. The Act formally and clearly stipulated the limits (maximum amount of money) parties’ flag-bearers (candidates) can spend in relation to campaign in an election. Also, the amount which individuals or cooperate bodies can donate to support candidates’ election bid during electioneering was equally specified.
Section 93 of the Act specifies that election expenses by any candidate contesting for the office of President shall not exceed N500 million, N100 million for Governorship office, N20 million for Senatorial position, N10 million for Federal House of Representative, N5 million for State House of Assembly, N5 million for Chairmanship of Local Government council and N500, 000 for Councillorship position. By the same Act, no single person is allowed to donate more than N1 million to a candidate. Any violation of these provisions attract fines ranging from N100, 000 or one month imprisonment or both for councillorship candidates, N1 million or twelve months imprisonment or both for presidential candidates, while single individual who gives excess of a N1 million to any candidate commits an offence liable to a fine of N500, 000 or nine months imprisonment or combination of the two fines. No political
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party by the spirit of the Act, was permitted to accept or keep unidentified contributions of more than N100, 000 unless the source of the money is known, and must keep records of all donations over N1 million.
To be in tune with the prevailing economic reality, the 2010 Electoral Act in sections 90 and 91 made some amendments to the Electoral Act of 2006 again on spending limits. In the Act, the bar was a little bit raised to reflect prevailing realities to allow for more funds for political activities. As a result of the amendment, presidential candidates’ spending limit was peg at N1 billion, Governorship N200 million, Senatorial N40 million, House of Representative N20 million and N10 million for State Houses of Assembly (Electoral Act, 2010 as amended). The punishments for any violation were as stated in the Electoral Act of 2006. In spite of the limit to spending during electioneering, what was witness during the 2015 general elections was an eye-sore. A startling example was the fund raising occasion organized by the PDP stalwarts to raise money towards funding the party’s Presidential flag-bearer Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan’s campaign. From that ceremony, the nation witnessed a deliberate violation of the Electoral Acts by persons and corporate organizations who made unashamed donations. At the end of the fund raising ceremony, a shocking sum of over 22 billion naira was realized.
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Table 1.0 List of Contributors to GEJ Campaign Funding in 2015 Presidential Election S/N Names of Contributors Amount (₦) 1 Tunde Ayeni 1 billion 2 Tunde and Group of friends 2.6 billion 3 Jerry Gana and friends 5 billion 4 National Automotive Council 450 million 5 PDP Governors Forum (₦50 million each 1.05 billion x 21 Governors) 6 Bala Shagaya representing the Oil and Gas 5 billion sector 7 Construction sector 310 million 8 Transport and Aviation sector represented 1 billion by Didi Ndimou 9 The real Estate sector represented by 4 billion OluchiOkoye 10 Food and Agric sector represented by 500 million Chief Ominife Uzeogbu 11 Cizally Limited 250 million 12 Power sector represented by Tunde Ayeni 500 million 13 National Association of Stevedores 25 million 14 Mr. Sam Egwu 1 million I5 Halima Jibril 5 million 16 Ajuji Best Hotel 1 million TOTAL CONTRIBUTED 22.442 billion
Source: Adopted and modified from Ukase (2015)
Although, months later, the party refuted the notion that the money was meant to sponsor GEJ’s presidential campaign bid. Instead, it stated that, from the money realized, part of it shall be spent on
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building the party’s national secretariat in Abuja. This repudiation came after series of serious condemnation by many Nigerians, and it even became matters arising in many media outfits. However, a glance through the table will reveal the bare faced abuse of sections 91 (2) and 91 (9) of the 2010 Electoral Act which states that, “neither individual nor group/entity shall donate over a million naira to a political party or to support any party flag-bearer.” By inference, this shows the state of lawlessness, and the level which rule of law has been debased, and committed to the dust bin of history, while impunity has become the order of the day.
The Legality of the donations was challenged and the morality of the donations was questioned expressly at a time when Nigerian economy was shaken with oil price plummeting, high corruption index, prevalent insecurity, and life-threatening poverty level. For instance, civil servants salaries were owed in some states and each PDP governor donated 50 million naira each. Prof. Jerry Gana who represented the power sector donated 5billion naira and power supply in the country was epileptic and nothing to write home about (Nda- Isiah, 2014).
4.0 CAMPAIGN EXPENDITURES AND RALLIES
Campaign funding sources and expenditures in politics can be likened to sources and applications of fund in book keeping. A good understanding of the issues surrounding sources of campaign fund and how it is spent would bring to memory a bi-directional concept that allows for causal relationship among variables. This is the case with sources and expenditures of campaign fund. On one hand, the
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nature of campaign expenditures may determine the volume of funds to be sourced, on the other hand, the sources of funds can also direct the form (magnitude) of expenses that may be made. If campaign finance is the funding of expenditures that are incurred during campaigns, what then is campaign expenditure in all of this? PPF handbook (2005), put campaign expenditure as:
Any expenditure incurred by a party for electoral purposes; that is solely for the purpose of enhancing the standing of or promoting electoral success for a party at a forthcoming or future election. This includes issuing disparaging materials relating to another party or its candidates. Moreover, goods or services for which payments are made prior to the campaign period, for use during the campaign period, shall be considered campaign expenditures and, therefore, must fall within the campaign expenditure limit.
This definition of campaign of expenditure has revealed that all expenses incurred during electioneering process are campaign expenditures, and are for the purposes of victory during election by political parties. Also, it comprises expenses incurred before and during electioneering periods, and that these expenses must be made within the limit of what the Electoral Act permits. The essence of the spending limit may not be unconnected with forestalling some unhealthy economic and political implications that may arise as a result of the stupendous spending. In addition, it may be to guarantee a level playing field for political parties in times of elections. But, spending limit rule and good intention has been defeated. A good
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example is the money spent by the two leading political parties (APC and PDP) in the 2015 Presidential election. In the report of Centre for Social Justice (CSJ) published in the Punch of 4thNovember, 2015, both parties during their Presidential campaigns spent a verifiable sum of ₦11.6 billion. Out of this, PDP expended a whopping sum of ₦8.75 billion, representing 75 percent of the total. While, APC expenses stood at ₦2.91 billion, about 25 percent of the total (See table 2).
Table 2 Breakdown of APC and PDP 2015 Presidential Campaigns Expenses Expenditure Amount Amount (₦) Spent Items (₦) By PDP Spent By APC Campaign and 671.06 1.28 billion Rallies million Billboards 190.38 473.16 million million Electronic 410 532 million Media million Campaign Electronic 1.06 3.98 billion Media billion Advertisement Print Media 579.6 2.47 billion Campaign million Total 2.91 8.75 billion Expenditure billion Source: The Punch Newspaper, 4th Nov., 2015. Vol 39 pp. 7
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In line with the spending limits specified by the Electoral Act of 2010, the two political parties’ campaign expenditures exceeded the limit. The Act has specified a ₦1 billion expenditure limit for the presidential cadre. While APC exceeded the limit by ₦1.91 billion which represented65.6 (191 percent), the PDP expenditure was in excess of ₦7.75 billion, which was 88.6 (775 percent).From all these, some emphatic conclusions can be reached: there is a possibility that certain elements in government (politicians) had access to funds which the Act seriously frowned at; second, some individuals may have contributed their life-savings to support some candidates who sort re-election with the conviction that the election’s pendulum will definitely swings in their favour because of incumbency factor and third, some people may have possibly spent their money profusely with the intention of unseating the incumbent office occupants. All these may have been done without minding the campaign expenditure’s limit. What a nation of lawlessness!
A deeper understanding of PPF handbook definition on campaign expenditures suggest that certain goods and services which enhance campaign receive payments, thereby constitute campaign expenditures. What are these goods and services? A glance through Table 2 would reveal few of these goods and services that constitute what is known as campaign expenditure items. Nonetheless, according to The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in the handbook declares thus, that:
Campaign expenditure includes any expenditure incurred by a party in connection with the following items: Political Party broadcasts; advertisement; distribution of unsolicited materials to electorates; circulation of manifesto or other policy documents; market research and
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canvassing; media / publicity; transportation; and rallies or other events.
A comparison of the items in Table 2 and those stated in PPF handbook by INEC, shows that what was reported as verified campaign expenses during the 2015 presidential election by the two parties (APC and PDP) is a far cry from actual. This is because, of the items listed in Table 2, certain campaign expenditures such as market research, distribution of unsolicited materials and transportation were not included. These expenditure items are fundamentals to any party victory at the poll. If fund spent on these items were added to what is displaced in table 2, what CSJ reported as the amount spent by both parties during the presidential campaigns may not be a true representation of the actual money spent
Besides the items mentioned by INEC in PPF handbook, large sum of money is spent on gift items to party leaders, incentives to people and other party officials. Other significant expenses include office space for the candidates and personal body guards at campaign rallies (NDIIA, 2005). It means that party chieftains (god fathers) and body guards seeing around contestants during electioneering period are part of campaign expenditure.
Political Parties campaign rallies in the recent past have assumed a new dimension, especially what was witnessed in the 2015 general elections. Although, party rallies during election, are strategic to any political party level of success in moment of elections. This is because campaign rallies are crowd-pulling occasions where political parties and their flag-bearers share their manifestos with well-wishers, party lovers and the general public. In the2015 general election, we
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witnessed how campaign rallies were full of jamborees, fun-fairs and became more colourful than before. For instance, in all organized state rallies especially by the two leading parties (APC and PDP), uniforms (Aso- Ebi) were worn by party members and party chieftains. Even valuable and expensive gifts were given out to well- wishers at campaign venues. This may explain why rallies gulped a lot of money in the last election (see Table 2). For example, while campaign and rallies was the second highest expense for APC, it occupied the third position on PDP’s campaign expenditure list.
5.0 DISCUSSIONS OF FINDINGS
Macroeconomic Variables’ Reaction to Withdrawals and Injections through Campaign Fund
The competitive campaign spending in last general elections had interplayed seriously with various macroeconomic variables in Nigeria. In this section, facts and figures of how these macroeconomic parameters react to political activities of the various parties via their huge campaign spending in the 2015 general elections are discussed. For instance, the nation’s foreign reserve experienced a kind of movement within that period. Also, the rate of inflation then, exhibited some funny movement too. Both the exchange rate and the liquidity rate (i.e. volume of money in circulation) were also affected by the enormous campaign spending. All these variables are discussed focusing on the pre, during and post campaign periods.
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a. Inflation Rates
In economics, there is no commonly acceptable definition of the term “inflation.” However, it is defined as a measure of the general rise of the price level in an economy. Inflation rate is one of the macroeconomic variables which countries’ are always wary of. This is because inflation at a high rate can be detrimental to the economy. Even at a lower rate, it can affect the economy of nation poorly. The rate of inflation has been found to be positive related with the volume of a nation’s currency in circulation. And in the last elections (general), substantial amounts of money were injected into the Nigeria economy as result of political parties’ activities.
Shortly before the start of the 2015 general elections campaign by the political parties, the rate of inflation was 8.5 percent in August 2014 (see table 3) and it followed a downward trend through September to December same year (the peak of parties campaign for votes). The inflation rate then assumed an upward trend thereafter from January 2015 to August, 2015 (see Figure 1). This occurred concurrently with the upsurge in the exchange rate, and the nation’s currency began to depreciate against the US dollar.
Table 3:Inflation Rates in Pre, During and Post Campaign Period
Year Months Inflation 2014 August 8.5 2014 September 8.3 2014 October 8.1 2014 November 7.9 2014 December 8 2015 January 8.2 2015 February 8.4 Adesina-Uthman &Ohioze (2018)
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2015 March 8.5 2015 April 8.7 2015 May 9 2015 June 9.2 2015 July 9.2 2015 August 9.3 Source: Extracted from CBN Statistical Data on Inflation
9.5
9
8.5
8
7.5
7
Inflation Rates
Figure 1: Graph of inflation rate in pre, during and post campaign periods (August 2014 to August 2015) b. Movement in External reserve
External reserve or foreign exchange reserve can be likened to basket of currencies for a nation with dollar in higher percentage while other currencies like euro, pound sterling, gold reserves,
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special drawing right (SDR), among others constitute the lower percentage in the portfolio. It represents credit worthiness of the Nigeria economy at the international market. According IMF (1993), external reserve:
“Consist of official public sector foreign assets that are readily available to and controlled by the monetary authorities, for direct financing of payment imbalances, and directly regulating the magnitude of such imbalances, through intervention in the exchange markets to affect the currency exchange rate and/or for other purposes”
From this definition, external reserve is meant to safeguard a nation’s currency value and to strengthen it; tomeetinternational payment obligations and manage the exchange rates. The kind of outflows that characterized external reserve shortly before the beginning of political parties’ activities and during the campaign proper, were enough to support the notion that the political actors in government who held one office or the other, did indeed use their incumbency power to access external reserve to prosecute their campaigns. A study of the figures in table 4 shows that, the external reserve experienced drops in reserve from October, 2014 till April, 2015 when the presidential election took place. The reserve had a slight increase in May 2015, and decline again in June. By July 2015, there was upward trend and it continued thereafter. Although, the plummeted oil price started in November, a quick depletion of external reserve raised dust because the falling oil price still subsisted and despite that the Nigerian economy is losing N256 billion every day to dwindling
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oil price according to CBN Governor (Abioye, 2015), September 2014 figure for external reserve is over $39 billion. By inference, there is likelihood to conclude that the external reserve was mismanaged. This affected the liquidity of the economy as the economy becomes less and less liquid throughout the campaign period till after handing over.
Table 4: Movement in External reserve and Liquidity of the Nigerian Economy During and After Campaign Period
movement in foreign reserve Date Gross Liquid SEPT/2014 39,521,030,524 38,512,684,373
OCT/2014 38,763,253,526 37,758,634,481
NOV/2014 36,803,671,454 35,791,507,760
DEC/2014 34,468,621,681 33,487,531,704
JAN/2015 34,378,477,248 33,422,509,363
FEB/2015 31,356,320,578 30,422,585,118
MAR/2015 29,789,685,844 28,884,740,388
APR/2015 29,528,024,399 28,641,489,159
MAY/2015 29,595,284,789 28,719,649,022
JUNE/2015 29,000,454,437 28,180,947,459
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JULY/2015 31,459,895,966 30,672,229,087
AUG/2015 31,322,405,219 30,553,542,088
Source: Extracted from CBN Statistical Data on 30 Days Moving Average of Movement in Reserve
50
40
30
20
10
0 Jul-14 Sep-14 Nov-14 Dec-14 Feb-15 Apr-15 May-15 Jul-15 Sep-15
Gross ($billion) Liquidity ($billion)
Figure 2: Movement in External Foreign Exchange and Liquidity of the Nigerian Economy from September 2014 –August 2015 c. Exchange Rates The Nigeria naira was stable against the US dollar two months before the commencement of 2015 general elections campaign. However, the naira started to depreciate against dollar as the campaign began in October and rose steeply in January, 2015 which was the peak of campaign. Exchange rates reacted slightly to the change in government but continue on the rise since then (see table 5 and figure
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3). The depletion of the foreign reserve which amounts to withdrawal and foreign capital flight could explain the reaction of the exchange rate during periods in focus.
Table 5: Naira Exchange Rate to a Dollar (Month End Average)
Rate Month US Dollar Buying Rate Aug-14 154.75 Sep-14 154.76 Oct-14 164 Nov-14 167 Dec-14 167 Jan-15 197 Feb-15 196 Mar-15 196 Apr-15 196 May-15 195.95 Jun-15 196 Jul-15 196 Aug-15 195.95
Source: Extracted from CBN Daily Exchange Rates per Currency
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250
200
150
100
50
0 10-Jun 18-Sep 27-Dec 6-Apr 15-Jul 23-Oct
US Dollar Buying Rate
Figure 3: Exchange Rates at Pre and Post Campaign Periods d. Currency in Circulation (Million Naira)
Currency in circulation refers to the total amount of money that exchanges hands in the economy at a particular period of time. This is another macroeconomic variable that responded to the immense injection of funds into the economy in last general elections. Between December, 2014 and March, 2015, the volume of money in circulation then was an attestation to the possibility of an injection into the economy via the spending at the start of the campaign and shortly before the presidential election in April 2015. Starting from April, 2015, there was stability in currency in circulation figure as it reverted back to its mean before pre and post campaign figures of September, 2014 and August, 2015 (see table 6: and figure 4).
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Table 6: Currency in Circulation (Million of Naira) Date Aug- Sep- Oct- Nov- Dec- Jan- Feb- Mar- Apr- May- Jun- Jul- Aug- 14 14 14 14 14 15 15 15 15 15 15 15 15 money in 1.50 1.55 1.53 1.58 1.79 1.66 1.62 1.82 1.69 1.67 1.56 1.57 1.55 circulation
Source: Money and Credit Statistics Extracted from CBN website http://www.cbn.gov.ng/rates/mnycredit.asp
2000000
1500000
1000000
500000
0 Jun-14 Jul-14 Sep-14 Nov-14 Dec-14 Feb-15 Apr-15 May-15 Jul-15 Sep-15 money in circulation
Figure 4: Currency in Circulation from August 2014 to September 2015
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Implications for the Nigerian Economy
Building up foreign reserve has its good and bad. On the good side, the accumulated foreign reserve helps to stabilize a nation’s currency. However, most countries keep higher percentage of their foreign reserve in dollar. So, just like any basket of portfolio in the financial market, a weak dollar or international financial market credit crunch has the probability of bring down the value of the accumulated reserve and destabilized a nation’s economy. During the 2015 political campaign, dollar was stable in the international market, however, the nation’s foreign reserve was seriously depicting. The depletion of the external reserve in a way affected the value of naira negatively. To make the situation worse for the naira, oil price in the international market plummet at a very fast rate until it was stable at 30 dollars per barrel. The naira circumstance then could best be analyzed using the popular fela song “double wahala for dead body.” The shock was too much on the nation’s currency because oil revenue was and still only source of income for Nigeria.
From the information presented in the table on external reserve, it is observed that before and after political campaign, the reserve was depleted but, slightly increased after the handing over to a new regime. The slight increase could not make difference in the stabilization of the value of naira. Consequently, the exchange and inflation rates that were on the rise shortly before the campaign period are still high even till date. Money in circulation reverted back to its mean in the pre campaign period. In line with neoclassical or monetarists thought about causes of inflation, there is every need to conclude that the upsurge in the quantum of money in circulation in the pre and during the campaign periods may have triggered the rise
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in the general price level. These are no doubt serious bad omen for sustainable economic growth. By inference, the high inflation and exchange rates are impacting badly on the savings of Nigerians. Why agreeing with Sidrausk argument, portfolios continue to depreciate; therefore consumption has the possibility to increase rather than holding real balance or savings to minimize loss. All these have their effects on general standard of leaving and level of poverty in the economy.
6.0 CONCLUSION
The study examines sources of campaign funds to political parties and adherence to the constitutional provision on limits about donations and spending by the political parties during electioneering period. This paper focused on the two leading political parties in Nigeria, that is, APC and PDP. The research also limits itself to campaign funding of Presidential election of the two parties in the 2015 general elections and their expenditure pattern. The findings show that, though, the Nigeria constitution put a limit to total fund that an individual can donate to a party and also put a bar on what a party should expend on election campaign, especially the Presidential cadre, however, the two leading parties were found to have gone against the constitutional provisions on the spending limit in the 2015 presidential election. The then ruling party, PDP exceeded the Presidential campaign fund limit of N1 billion by 775 percent while, APC, the party in opposition then, surpassed the spending limit by 191 percent. As regards the limit for individual donations to support the party or the candidate, the study found that, the PDP jettisoned the constitutional provision during the fund raising dinner for its Presidential candidate. At that dinner, certain individuals donated as
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high as a billion naira as against the N1 million limit stipulated in the Electoral Act. The PDP as a political party did not play according to the rules as regard campaign funding. Even in the 2011 Presidential election, PDP election expenses was well over N5 billion. While other political parties such as All Nigerian People’s Party (ANPP), Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), Action Congress (AC) and others spent less than the stipulated amount (see Eneanya, A. N, 2014). The paper therefore scrutinized the effects of campaign spending during the last general elections on the nation’s economy, using some macroeconomic variables. The analysis considered the element of time. The pre, during and post campaign periods were the focus. Therefore, the study established that, all the macroeconomic variables identified responded to the shock occasioned by the depleted foreign reserves
Consequent upon the outcomes of the investigation, the study therefore recommends the following: i) political parties should adhere to the provisions of the constitution and the various Electoral Acts as amended ii) the Electoral Body should as a matter of necessity enforce the parties to abide by the provisions of the laws iii) both political parties and individuals who violated the provisions of the rules should be prosecuted to deter intending violators iv) political office holders seeking second term in office should first resign from their positions before seeking re-election.
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REFERENCES
Abioye, O. (2015). Nigeria losing N256bn monthly to oil price crash- Emefiele. Punch Newspaper, November 22nd. Accessed on the 22nd November, 2015 from http://punchng.com/nigeria-losing- n256bn-monthly-to-oil-price-crash-emefiele
Arrow, K. (1963). Social Choice and Individual Values, 2nd Edition. New Haven: Yale University Press.
Central Bank of Nigeria. http://www.cbn.gov.ng/IntOps/ReserveMgmt.asp
Eme, O. I.&Anyadike, N. (2014). Political Financing in Africa: A Comparative Study of Kenya and Nigeria: Proposal for Reform. Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences, 5(27), 22– 34. Doi:10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n27p22, accessed on 25th October, 2015.
Federal Republic of Nigeria: The 2002 Electoral Act.
Federal Republic of Nigeria: The 2006 Electoral Act.
Federal Republic of Nigeria: The 2010 Electoral Act (Amended).
Federal Republic of Nigeria: The 1999 Constitution (Amended).
International Monetary Funds.(1993). Balance of Payment Manual.Fifth Edition.
National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI) (2005).Money in Politics: A Study of Party Financing
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Practices in 22 Countries. 5th floor 2030 M Street NW, Washington DC. Available at http//www.ndi.org.
Milyo, J. (1999). The Political Economics of Campaign Finance. The Independent Review, Viii, n. 4, Spring. ISSN 1086-1653. Pp. 537-547.
Nda-Isaiah, Jonathan, (2014). That N21bn Campaign Fund For Jonathan And Matters Arising. Leadership New Paper, Dec 28th. Accessed on November 22nd, 2015 from http://leadership.ng/news/398183/n21bn-campaign-fund- jonathan-matters-arising
Oji. R. I., Eme, O. I & Nwoba, H. A. (2014). Political party funding in Nigeria: a case of people’s Democratic Party. Arabian Journal of Business and Management Review (Nigerian Chapter), 2(11), 1 – 18, available at http://www.arabianjbmr.com/pdfs/NG_VOL_2_11/1.pdf, accessed on 30th October, 2015.
Plott, C. (1967). A Notion of Equilibrium and Its Possibility under Majority Rule, American Review 57, pp. 787-806.
PPF Handbook (2005). Political Party Finance Handbook INEC, March, 2005. Available on 30th Octoberhttp://www.inecnigeria.org/wpcontent/uploads/2013/0 1/n Political_Party_Finance_Handbook.pdf, , 2015.
Sidrauski, M. (1967). Rational Choice in Pattern of Growth in a monetary Economy.American Economic Review: Papers and Proceedings, 57. Pp.534-544.
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The Punch (2015). APC and PDP Spent ₦11.6 Billion on Presidential Election.(2015, November 4th).39(21,043), 7.
Timberg, Craig. (2006). Nigerian Senate Blocks Bid for 3rd Presidential Term. Washington Post, May 17th. Accessed on 23rd November, 2015 from http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp- dyn/content/article/2006/05/16/AR2006051600705.html.
Tobin, J. (1965). Money and Economic Growth. Econometrica, 33. Pp. 671-684.
Ukase, P. I. (2015).Political Parties and Election/Campaign Financing in Nigeria: Interrogating the 2015 General Elections. Conference Paper, Available at http://www.inecnigeria.org/wp- content/uploads/2015/07/Conference-Paper-by-Patrick- Ukase.pdf, accessed on 30th October, 2015.
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Impact of Microfinance Bank on Small and Medium Scale Enterprises in Nigeria (A Study of AB Microfinance Bank)
Jelili Babatunde SUFIAN Department of Business Administration National Open University of Nigeria Victoria Island, Lagos State Email: [email protected], [email protected]
Abstract icrofinance is the array of financial services, including loans, savings and insurance, available to low income entrepreneurs and small business owners who have no collateral and would not otherwise qualify for a M standard bank loan. Most often, microloans are given to those living in developing countries who are working in a variety of different trades, including carpentry, fishing and transportation. However, the paper makes use of primary data and questionnaire were distributed to fifty (50) staff of AB microfinance bank, Ikeja branch and fifty (50) selected small and medium scale enterprises in Ikeja metropolis, all in Lagos State, Nigeria and spearman’s rank correlation coefficient was adopted as the estimation techniques. The paper set to examine the impact of micro finance bank on the growth of small and medium scale enterprises and to also examine whether microfinance banks bring significant developments to small-scale businesses. More so, the result of the spearman’s rank correlation coefficient shows that Microfinance bank has a significant effect on the growth of small and medium scale enterprises and that microfinance banks bring significant developments to small-scale
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businesses. Therefore, the paper concludes that the Lagos state government should focus more in promoting small and medium scale enterprises (SMEs) by giving more microfinance banks opportunity to operate freely and give loan to the SMEs. Finally, the paper recommends that Government should urgently tackle the problem of infrastructure development and maintenance. These include electricity, water and efficient transportation system which impact greater on Small and Medium scale enterprises operations. The bureaucratic bottleneck involved in small business registration should also be removed. Microfinance institutions in Nigeria are faced with insufficient funds problems which militate against their efforts to grant sufficient loans to Small and Medium scale Enterprises (SMSEs), yet their tendencies to augment the financial needs of SMSEs is considerably acknowledge. Therefore, it has been unveiled that Government policies and programs designed to develop SMSEs in Nigeria are ineffective and thereby need to be re-conceptualized
Keywords: Microfinance, Loans, Small and Medium Scale enterprises, Spearman’s rank correlation coefficient, infrastructural development.
1.0 INTRODUCTION
Effectively functioning financial markets have fundamental roles to play in fostering development. At the level of individual livelihoods, financial markets can perform very crucial functions. They can be a principal means for the poor to get financial assets; through facilitating saving, they can be of importance in reducing the vulnerability associated with uneven and unpredictable year to year changes in circumstances, and they can help convert illiquid assets into liquid ones in the event of emergencies. Nevertheless, sustainable
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economic growth cannot be achieved without putting up viable programmes to encourage the SME’s, which are the engine of growth for all economies all over the world. (Olaweju, 2013).
However, Ajani (2014) said that the latent capacity of the poor for entrepreneurship would be significantly enhanced through the provision of micro finance services to enable them engage in economic activities and be more self-reliant, in turn improve their abilities to create wealth.
In spite of the above, a few number of highly effective micro finance programs have demonstrated that low-income clients especially women can manage meager resources productively provided the interest rate is relatively low.
However, Dale (2014) asserts that full financial sustainability is reached when administrative; loan loss, inflation and financial costs are covered entirely by revenues. Savings services are needed urgently by the large number of poor people around the world to protect their income and serve as an alternative to acquisition of debt, micro finance institutions are therefore increasingly under pressure to mobilize savings to assist the poor.
Moreover, savings deposit also offers micro finance institutions a valuable source of getting substantial local funds. Before the emergence of formal micro finance institutions, the informal associations that operate traditional micro finance in various forms are found in all the rural and urban communities in Nigeria (Otu, et al, 2013). The practice of micro finance in Nigeria is dated back to several centuries ago. The traditional micro finance institutions work together for mutual benefits of their members; these groups provide access to credit for the rural and urban, low-income earners. They are
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mainly the informal self-help groups or rotating saving and credit association types. Other providers of micro finance services include savings collectors and co-operative societies. The informal model is built around group concept. The model works in a situation where groups whose commitment to savings and credit are weak and look up to donor-sponsored credit.
However, according to Out et al (2013), the Grameen Bank experience of Bangladesh founded by Mohammed Yunus which started with the group concept-informal lending to the poor. The program has since been linked to formal micro credit model. The model had been quite successful as a bank for the poor and as a social movement based on principles of awareness and training, which has facilitated active participation of the poor. As at 1999, the Grameen Bank had provided its services to about 1.5 million poor, unified about 60,000 small village banks on the linkage process and about $480 million to its clients for small-scale trade.
Moreover, non-Governmental Organization tends to adopt the Grameen principles, and is usually gender specific and sectorally motivated. There are women groups, farmers union; trade union etc. in different parts of Nigeria, a revolving loan scheme is practiced where members make fixed contributions of money at regular intervals to assist in financing their small-scale businesses. At each interval, one member collects the entire contributions of money from all. Among, the Yorubas it is called “Esusu”, Hausas call it “Adashi” while Igbos call it “Itutu”. It could also serve as a savings mechanism to the members.
The demand for micro finance services is high and increasing in Nigeria. The continuous lay-off of labour from both the public and private sectors since the introduction of structural adjustment
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programme in 1986 and the growing number of graduates from schools is pushing a large proportion of the population into informal sector activities. (Yinusa, 2014).
Many micro enterprises are, therefore, springing up in Nigeria but without bank financial support. Also, the domestic market is large, with over 140 million people in need of various goods and services, including financial services. The growth in micro finance activities reflects the expansion of informal sector activities and the exclusion of a large proportion of economically active population from the various financial services of the formal sector. (Keagan, 2013)
The micro finance policy seeks to make financial services available on a sustainable basis to the economically active poor, low-income earners and the micro, small and medium enterprises through privately owned banks (microfinance banks). This is to create a vibrant micro finance sub-sector that provides the necessary stimulus for national growth and economic development. Notwithstanding, the predominant positive view of microfinance in the development of the economy, it has been studied by several researchers that micro finance services does not reach the poorest of the poor (Scully, 2004).
However, another challenge of micro finance banks is that most of its funding goes to the commercial sector to the detriment of the more vital economic activities especially agricultural and manufacturing sector which provide the foundation for sustainable growth and development of the economy. Currently, only about 14.1 and 3.5 percent of the total micro finance institution (MFI) funding went to these sectors respectively, while the bulk of 78.4 percent funded only commerce (Sowunmi, 2009).In addition, instability of interest rates is also faced by micro finance bank in Lagos state and Nigeria as a whole. In Nigeria, interest rates in the micro finance bank are much Sufian (2018)
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higher than the prevailing rates in commercial banks and also money lenders at the informal sector charge interest rates of 100% and this discourage small and medium scale enterprises to borrow for their business. However, the objective of the study is to examine the impact of micro finance bank on the growth of small and medium scale enterprises in Lagos state and to also examine whether microfinance banks bring significant developments to small-scale businesses in Lagos State.
2.0 LITERATURE REVIEW
The growing awareness of the potential of microfinance in poverty reduction, economic growth and development coupled with the emergence of several highly successful and fast growth micro-finance institutions (MFI) has effectively put the issue of microfinance on the political agenda of most developing countries.
After the 1970s, the number of microfinance institutions around the world proliferated at a fast pace. In view of the dismal performance of the conventional finance sector, policy makers, practitioner and international organization advocated micro financing as the tool for poverty reduction. Today there are more than 700 micro lending organization providing loans to more than 25 million poor individuals across the world, the vast majority of who are women. The United Nation Capital Development Fund declared 2005 as the year of micro credit. The success of Grameen Bank model in Bangladesh which offered loans to poor people through group collateral was emulated in many countries worldwide. (Feranmi, 2014).
MFI around the world have been able to help household meet basic needs and protect against risk by providing financial services to the poor and low income people whose economic standing exclude them Sufian (2018)
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from formal financial systems. Microfinance is a poverty alleviation tool. Its provides financial services to the poor, helps to increase household income and economic security, build assets and reduce vulnerability, creates demand for other goods and services (especially nutrition, education and health care) and stimulates local economies.
However, microfinance, according to Otero (1999), is the “provision of financial services to low income, poor and very poor self-employed people”. These financial services according to him generally include savings and credit but can also include other financial services such as insurance and payment services.
Schreiner and Colombet (2001), define microfinance as the attempt to improve access to small deposits and small loans for poor households neglected by banks. According to Convoy (2003), microfinance is the provision of financial services to poor and low income households without access to formal financial institutions. Mix (2005), defined microfinance organization as one that offers financial services to the poor.
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2.1 Theoretical Framework
2.2 Providers and Models of Microfinance Intentions
The Grameen Bank (2000) identified three different microfinance models. These are:
1. Rotating Savings and Credit Allowance
According to Grameen (2000), Rotating Savings and Credit Association are formed when a group of people come together to make regular cyclical contribution to a common fund, which is then given as a lump sum to one member of the group in each style.
Harper (2002), declares that this model is a very common form of savings and credit. He states that the members of the group are usually neighbours and friend, and the groups provide an opportunity for social interaction and are very popular with women. They are also called merry-go rounds or Self Help Groups (Fisher and Sriram, 2002).
2. The Grameen Solidarity Group Model
Berenbach and Guzman (1994), said this model is based on group peer pressure where loans are made to individuals in group of four to seven. Group members collectively guarantee loan repayment, and access to subsequent loans is dependent on successful repayment by all group members. Payments are usually made weekly (Ledgerwood, 1999).According to Berenbach (1994), solidarity group have proved effective in deterring defaults as evidenced by loan repayment rate attained by organization such as the Grameen Bank, who was the type
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of microfinance model. They also highlight the fact that this model has contributed to broader social benefits because of the mutual trust arrangement at the heart of the group guarantee system. The group itself becomes the building block to a broader social network. (Grameen, 1994).
3. Village Banking Model
Holt (1994) stated that village banks are community managed credit and saving association established by NGOs to provide access to financial services, build community self help groups and help members accumulate savings.
Grameen Bank, (2000), also revealed that village bank has been in existence since the mid-1980s and that they usually have 25 – 30 members who are low-income individuals seeking to improve their lives through self-employment activities. These members run the bank, elect their own officers, establish their own by-laws, distribute loan to individuals and collect payment and services. The loans are backed up by moral collateral; the promise that the group stands behind each loan. (Global Development Research Centre, 2005).
Ledgerwood, (1999), maintained that the sponsoring MFIs lend loan to the village bank, who in turn lend to members. Members saving are tied to loan amount and are used to finance new loans or collective income generating activities so they stay within the village bank. No interest is paid on savings but members receive a share of profit from the village bank’s re-lending activities. Many village banks target women predominantly, as according to Holt (1994).
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However, the Grameen Solidarity Group Model was adopted for the purpose of this paper.
2.3 Overview of Small and Medium Scale Enterprises
According to Oluseye (2014), the role of the Small and Medium Enterprises as a catalyst for economic growth and development has been well recognized in most countries of the world. For example, in many newly industrialized nations, more than 98 per cent of all industrial enterprises belong to the SMSEs sector and account for the bulk of the labour force. This is why countries, particularly the developed ones, put policies in place to ensure continuous growth of the sector. But the growth journey for small and medium enterprises in Nigeria has been a rather slow one, even though policy makers are not oblivious of the positive impact of the vibrancy of small businesses on the country’s growth and poverty reduction objectives.
There have been many attempts by government and policy makers to harness the benefits of an active SME sector to jump-start the economy but these efforts, according to experts, have not yielded visible results. Worried by the stagnant growth that has characterized the sector for long and its inability to perform its developmental role in the country’s economy due, largely, to financial squeezes, the Bankers’ Committee at the initiative of the Central Bank of Nigeria introduced the Small and Medium Industries Equity Investment Scheme (SMIEIS) in 2001. The scheme was aimed at providing financial and managerial expertise to small and medium businesses in the country to set aside 10 per cent of their pre-tax profit for equity investment in the SMSE’s, (Raji, 2013).
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According to the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) in 2005 under the microfinance scheme project, the funds set aside by banks increased from N13.1bn in 2002 to N41.4bn in 2005, but actual investment grew much lower, from N2.2bn in 2002 to N12.1bn in 2005, representing only 29.1 per cent of the funds set aside. However, with the improved status of the Nigerian banks after the consolidation, hopes were again raised that the real sector would be delivered from the lingering financial crises that had rendered it uncompetitive. Laudable as these moves were, they failed to do the needed magic of turning around the fortunes of the real sector, particularly the small businesses till date.
The CBN in its quest for a better operating environment for small businesses, launched the micro finance policy, regulatory and supervisory framework inaugurated on December 15, 2005 to restructure the community banks into vibrant micro finance banks primarily to help finances SMSEs effectively. Private investors with the desire and ability to operate micro finance institutions were statutorily empowered to do so. A two-year period, ending December 31, 2007 was, therefore, given to existing Community Banks to re- capitalize and convert to micro finance Banks.
The micro finance banks is expected to reach out the expand access to finance to the unbanked and vulnerable groups, and empowers the active poor to alleviate poverty and create wealth and this will stimulate employment generation, economic growth and development.
3.0 METHODOLOGY The paper makes use of primary data and questionnaire were distributed to 50 Staff of AB microfinance bank plc, Ikeja, Lagos
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State and 50 selected small and medium scale enterprises in Ikeja metropolis, Lagos State, Nigeria. Spearman’s rank correlation coefficient was adopted as the estimation technique. However, the formula for Spearman’s rank-order correlation is as follows: R = 1- 6∑d2
n(n2-1)
Where d = the difference between the ranks of each pair. n = number of paired observations
3.1 Data Presentation and Analysis of Questionnaire
Table 1: Age Distribution -Question 1 and 2
Respondents Frequency Cumulative Percentage Frequency Between 17- 27 14.00 14.00 14.00 years Between 28- 40 96.00 82.00 82.00 years Between 41 years 100.00 04.00 04.00 and above TOTAL 100.00 100.0 Source: Authors’ Research Survey, 2017
The results shows that 82 respondents are between 28-40 years of age and this represents 82% of the total respondents while 14 respondents are between 17-27 years of age and this gives 14% of the total respondents, while only 4 respondents are the 41 years and above, which constitutes only 4% of the total respondents. Therefore, from
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the above analysis, there is likelihood to deduce that respondents between 28-40 years of age dominate in the research.
Table 2 Marital Status
Respondents Frequency Cumulative Percentage Frequency Single 37.00 37.00 37.00 Married 63.00 100.00 63.00 TOTAL 100.00 100.00 Source: Authors’ Research Survey, 2017
The result above shows that 37% of the respondents are single while 63% of the respondents are married. From the analysis, we can deduce that majority of the respondents are married.
Table 3: Sex Distribution
Responses Frequency Cumulative Percentage Frequency Male 58.00 58.00 58.00 Female 42.00 100.00 42.00 100.00 100.00
Source: Authors’ Research Survey, 2017
Table 3 above shows that 58 respondents are male and this represents 58% of the total respondents while 42 respondents are female and this gives 42% of the whole respondents. Therefore, the research concludes that there are more male respondents.
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Table 4: Educational Qualification
Responses Frequency Cumulative Percentage Frequency WAEC 11.00 11.00 11.00 OND/NCE 28.00 39.00 39.00 B.SC/B.A 61.00 100.00 61.00 Degree 100.00 100.00
Source: Authors’ Research Survey, 2017
The table above shows that 11% of the total respondents have WAEC qualification while 39% have OND/NCE qualification and 61% are graduates. Therefore we can conclude that there are more graduates in the research.
3.2 Result of General Questions on Microfinance Bank Where SA- Strongly Agree, SD- Strongly Disagree, A- Agree, D- Disagree.
Questions Response Frequency Cumulative Percentage Frequency (%) Column
1. Borrowing SA - - - money from lender for A 10.00 100.00 10.00 business is preferable. SD 90.00 90.00 90.00 D - - -
2. Borrowing SA 80.00 80.00 80.00 from A - - - microfinance SD 10.00 90.00 10.00 Sufian (2018) {233}
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institution is D 10.00 100.00 10.00 preferable.
3. Microfinance SA 65.00 65.00 65.00 institutions are for poor and low A 22.00 87.00 22.00 income earners and SD 13.00 100.00 13.00 entrepreneurs. D - - -
4. Microfinance SA 92.00 92.00 92.00 institutions have helped in A 08.00 100.00 08.00 enhancing the growth of small SD - - - and medium D - - - Scale enterprises.
5. Microfinance SA 78.00 78.00 78.00 bank has a lot of role to play in A 10.00 88.00 10.00 improving small and medium SD 12.00 100.00 12.00 scale enterprise D - - - in Lagos State.
6. Microfinance SA 11.00 11.00 11.00 institutions are for high income A 72.00 83.00 72.00 earners and small and SD - - - medium scale D 17.00 100.00 17.00 enterprises.
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7. Economic SA 88.00 88.00 88.00 growth cannot be achieved if A - - - SMSEs do not have access to SD 12.00 100.00 12.00 Loan and credit. D - - -
8. Microfinance SA 98.00 98.00 98.00 had helped in creating A - - - employment and thereby reducing SD 02.00 100.00 02.00 poverty. D - - -
9. Borrowing to SA 100.00 100.00 100.00 finance small scale business A - - - from microfinance SD - - - bank cannot D - - - improve SMSEs business.
10. In order to SA 100.00 100.00 100.00 encourage technology A - - - acquisition for Small and SD - - - medium scale D - - - enterprises expansion, Micro finance bank should categorize their loans into low and high interest loans.
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11. Government SA 97.00 97.00 97.00 programmes on Microfinance A - - - banks have increased the SD - - - self-sufficiency of D 03.00 100.00 03.00 SMSEs.
12. Microfinance SA 72.00 72.00 72.00 is not necessary for the A 11.00 83.00 11.00 development of an economy. SD 17.00 100.00 17.00 D - - -
13. The high SA 91.00 91.00 91.00 collateral/interest involve in SD 09.00 100.00 09.00 borrowing from the microfinance A - - - banks has D - - - discouraged the SMSEs in borrowing.
14. Microfinance SA 100.00 100.00 100.00 banks bring significant SD - - - developments to small-scale A - - - businesses in D - - - Lagos State.
15. Microfinance SA 100.00 100.00 100.00 banks should SD - - - increase the A - - - Sufian (2018)
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duration of their D - - - clients' asset loans, or spread the repayment over a longer period of time, or increase the moratorium. Total 100.00 100.00
Source: Authors’ Research Survey, 2017
4.0 DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS
From the analyses above, it was revealed that 90% of the total respondent strongly disagree that borrowing money from lender for business is preferable but 10% agree with the notion, therefore we can conclude that borrowing money from lender for business is NOT preferable. 80% of the whole respondents strongly agree that borrowing from microfinance institution is preferable while 10% each both disagree and strongly disagree on the notion. Therefore, we can conclude that borrowing from microfinance institution is preferable. 65% and 22% of the total respondents both agree and strongly agree that Microfinance institutions are for poor and low income earners and entrepreneurs and we concludes that Microfinance institutions are for poor and low income earners and entrepreneurs. 92% and 8% of the total respondents strongly agree and agree that Microfinance institutions have helped in enhancing the growth of small and medium Scale enterprises. 78% of the total respondents strongly agree that Microfinance bank has a lot of role to play in improving small and medium scale enterprise in Lagos State while 10% agree with the notion and 12% strongly disagree with the question, therefore we can concludes that Microfinance bank has a lot of role to
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play in improving small and medium scale enterprise in Lagos State. 11% of the total respondents strongly agree that Microfinance institutions are for high income earners and small and medium scale enterprises while 72% of the total respondents agree with the question while 17% disagree with the notion. Therefore, we can conclude that Microfinance institutions are for high income earners and small and medium scale enterprises. However, 88% of the total respondents strongly agree that Economic growth cannot be achieved if SMSEs do not have access to Loan and credit while 12% of the whole respondents strongly disagree with the notion, therefore we can concludes that Economic growth cannot be achieved if SMSEs do not have access to Loan and credit. 98% of the whole respondents strongly agree that Microfinance had helped in creating employment and thereby reducing poverty while only 2% of the total respondents strongly agree with the notion, therefore we can concludes that Microfinance had helped in creating employment and thereby reducing poverty. All the respondents strongly agree that borrowing to finance small scale business from microfinance bank cannot improve SMSEs business. Also, all the respondents strongly agree that in order to encourage technology acquisition for Small and medium scale enterprises expansion, Micro finance bank should categorize their loans into low and high interest loans. 97% of the total respondents strongly agree that Government programmes on Microfinance banks have increased the self-sufficiency of SMSEs while only 3% disagree with the notion. We can then conclude that Government programmes on Microfinance banks have increased the self-sufficiency of SMSEs. 72% of the total respondents strongly
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agree that Microfinance is not necessary for the development of an economy while 11% of the whole respondents agree with the notion and 17% of the total respondents strongly disagree with the question.
Therefore, we can conclude that Microfinance is not necessary for the development of an economy. 91% of the total respondents strongly agree that high collateral/interest involve in borrowing from the microfinance banks has discouraged the SMSEs in borrowing while 9% of the total respondents strongly agree with the notion. Therefore, we can concludes that high collateral/interest involve in borrowing from the microfinance banks has discouraged the SMSEs in borrowing. Furthermore, it was evident from the questionnaire that all the respondents strongly agree that Microfinance banks bring significant developments to small-scale businesses in Lagos State and also all the respondents strongly agree that Microfinance banks should increase the duration of their clients' asset loans, or spread the repayment over a longer period of time, or increase the moratorium.
4.1 Analysis of the Spearman’s Rank Correlation Coefficient
Analysis of Research Hypothesis 1
Null hypothesis (Ho):- Microfinance bank has no significant effect on the growth of small and medium scale enterprises in Lagos state.
Alternative Hypothesis (H1): Microfinance bank has a significant effect in the growth of small and medium scale enterprises in Lagos state.
Decision Rule: Accept Hi when the value of spearman’s rank correlation coefficient is positively significant level less than the value of 0.05 (5% level of significance) otherwise accept Ho the null value. Sufian (2018)
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If tabulated (0.05) is greater than H calculated, we then accept the null hypothesis (Ho) and reject the alternative hypothesis. However, if H calculated is greater than H tabulated (0.05), we then accept the alternative hypothesis (H1) and reject the null hypothesis (Ho)
Result of Spearman’s Rank Correlation Coefficient for Research Hypothesis I
Q1 Q9
Spearman’s rho Q1 Correlation 1.000 .766** Coefficient .000 Sig. (2-tailed) 100 100 N 1.000 Q9 Correlation Coefficient .766**
Sig. (2 tailed) .000 100 N 100
Source: SPSS Package
Spearman’s correlation coefficient r = 0.766 here we have a strong and positive significant relationship is established as reflected in the spearman’s rank correlation coefficient result r = 0.766.
However, the tabulated value of 0.05 (5% level of significant) is less than the spearman’s rank correlation coefficient r = 0.766, so we can deduce here that H calculated is greater than H tabulated, we then accept the alternative hypothesis and reject the null hypothesis, then
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conclude that microfinance bank has a significant effect on the growth of small and medium enterprises in Lagos state.
Analysis of Research Hypothesis II
Null hypothesis (Ho): Microfinance banks does not bring significant developments to small-scale businesses in Lagos State.
Alternative Hypothesis (H1): Microfinance banks bring significant developments to small-scale businesses in Lagos State.
Decision Rule: Accept Hi when the value of spearman’s rank correlation coefficient is positively significant level less than the value of 0.05 (5% level of significance) otherwise accept Ho the null value.
If tabulated (0.05) is greater than H calculated, we then accept the null hypothesis (Ho) and reject the alternative hypothesis. However, if H calculated is greater than H tabulated (0.05), we then accept the alternative hypothesis (H1) and reject the null hypothesis (H).
Result of Spearman’s Rank Correlation Coefficient for Research Hypothesis II
Q1 Q9 Spearman’s rho Q1 Correlation 1.000 .887** Coefficient .000 Sig. (2-tailed) 100 100 N .887** 1.000 Q9 Correlation Coefficient .000 Sig. (2 tailed) 100 100 N Source: SPSS Package
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Spearman’s Rank correlation coefficient r = 0.887 Here we have a positive and strong significant correlation coefficient relationship is established. Base on the result above, the H calculated (0.887) is greater than H tabulated (0.05), then the decision rule is that we accept the alternative hypothesis and reject null hypothesis then concludes that Microfinance banks bring significant developments to small-scale businesses in Lagos State.
However, it should be noted that all the questionnaire result were used to estimate the spearman’s rank correlation coefficient.
5.0 RECOMMENDATIONS
The study recommends the following:
1. The Government should direct the commercial bank to channel more fund to the microfinance sector and stop the wrong practices of many microfinance bank in Nigeria from giving loan to high income earners at the detriment of the small and medium scale enterprises.
2. In order to encourage technology acquisition for Small and medium scale enterprises expansion, Micro finance bank can categorize their loans into low and high interest loans. The conventional loans to clients can be maintained as high interest loans, while loans for capital assets or technology acquisition should be low interest loans, which can be secured by a mortgage over the fixed asset so acquired by the micro- borrower. To achieve this, the Microfinance Banks should be recapitalized to enable the banks to support Micro Small Enterprises growth expansion adequately.
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3. The Government should urgently tackle the problem of infrastructure development and maintenance. These include electricity, water and efficient transportation system which impact greater on Small and Medium scale enterprises operations. The bureaucratic bottleneck involved in small business registration should also be removed.
4. That Microfinance banks should increase the duration of their clients' asset loans, or spread the repayment over a longer period of time, or increase the moratorium. This will enable the clients to have greater use of the loan over a longer period for the acquisition of capital assets and technology.
5. Lastly, Government should prohibit the microfinance bank from collecting collateral on loan given to small and medium scale enterprises in Nigeria.
6.0 CONCLUSION
The study confirms that microfinance bank has a significant effect on the growth of small and medium enterprises in Lagos state and also has a positive significant developments to small-scale businesses in Lagos State. Although Microfinance institutions in Nigeria are faced with insufficient funds problems which militate against their efforts to grant sufficient loans to small and medium scale Enterprises (SMSEs), yet their tendencies to augment the financial needs of SMSEs is considerably acknowledge. Furthermore, it has been unveiled that Government policies and programs designed to develop SMSEs in Nigeria are ineffective and thereby need to be re- conceptualized. However, Government should try to provide
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sufficient infrastructural facilities such as electricity, good road network and training institutions. Finally, the study concludes that microfinance bank has a positive significant impact on small and medium scale enterprises in Lagos State.
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REFERENCES
Ajani, O.O. (2001). A paper presented on Micro finance as a strategy for poverty reduction macmilliam press publication page 4 - 10 (2001).
Berenbach, D., Guzman, B. Gierameen, F,& Holt, T. (1994). Group peer pressure contribution, a textbook, 6th edition, pages 66 – 117 Grawhill press limited, 1994.
Dale, J.J.(2014). A paper presented on “micro finance institutions in Nigeria: policy, practice and potential”, university of Lagos publication 2004 page 4 – 12 (2004).
Fisher & Sriram (2002). Savings and credit toward development in Sweden, a university of lund publication, 4th edition, pages 107 – 132, lund university press limited Sweden.
Feranmi, R.E. (2014). Loans and economic development a textbook, 3rd edition pages 113 – 161, freshwood press limited, France.
Global Development Research center (2005). Loan with collateral, a textbook, 3rd edition pages 66 – 103 GDRC press limited, Nigeria.
Grameen Bank. (2000). Microfinance and its impact on small and medium enterprises in Bangladesh, a Journal, Vol 2, pages 33 – 49Albakab Publication company limited.
Grameen Bank, (1994). Microfinance and its contribution on Bangladesh economy, 2nd edition, pg 44-56, Albakab Publication limited.
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Harper, A.D. (2002). Savings and credit towards development in Sweden, a university of lund publication, 4th edition pages 107 – 132, lund university press limited Sweden.
Holt, A.W (1994). “Entrepreneurship Development Programme. A social science Journal, page 5–10, tophill press publication 1997.
Keagan, B.S. (2013). Problems and Prospects of Small and Medium Scale Enterprises in Nigeria, 1st edition, pg 55-67, Paul & Paul Publication limited.
Ledgerwood, O. (1999). Loan disbursement in Belgium a textbook, 2nd edition, pages 142 – 171, woodhill press limited 1999.
Otero A.O. (1999). Provision of financial services A microfinance issue, university of Ibadan publication, sixth edition, page 66 – 110, university press, 1999.
Olaweju, M.M. (2013). Introduction to Econometrics, a broader perspectives, a textbook Pg 66-67, Macmillan Publication limited, Lagos, Nigeria.
Oluseye, Y.O. (2014).Microfinance in broader perspectives, a textbook, 2nd edition, pages 88 – 142, Grawhill press limited, Belgium.
Otu, G.M.& Otemmy, R.O and Ellanner, D.D. (2013). Microfinance and its activities,Jurblinpublication page 50 –88, university of New York press 2005.
Raji, F.A (2013). Microfinance development in Africa, a broad perspectives. Michill college of social science journal third edition, college press, South Africa, 2001.
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Schreiner, T. and Colombet, G. (2001).Microfinance bank, an attempt to improve access to small loans for poor. Macgraw journal, 10th edition, macgraw press, 2001
Sowunmi, I.L. (2009). Development and small and medium enterprises in Nigeria, a textbook on small scale management, pages 122 – 136, macmillian press limited Nigeria.
Scully, B.F (2004). Beyond Micro credit, putting development bank, India, SW publication page 401 – 409, university publication press India, 2004
Yinusa, E.W. (2000). Micro finance tools as a way forward for small scale industry, in Africa, a Journal of African developing economy, 4, 222 – 316, African consortium presslimited, nairobi, Kenya.
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Modular Refinery as Panacea to Artisanal Petroleum Refineries’ Vandalism in the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria
Clement A. CHUKWUNKA Department of Criminology and Security Studies Faculty of Social Sciences National Open University of Nigeria Email: [email protected] Abstract
n 2015, the refined oil products consumption by Nigerians was estimated to be about 24 billion litres. However, recent events on Petroleum Policy and the sustained depression in crude oil prices are ushering in fresh waves of optimism for the informal I economic sector and predict a paradigm shift from “artisanal refinery” to “Modular refinery;” structure. The failure of the Nigerian state to provide basic public services and security in the Niger Delta has resulted in a significant breakdown of the social contract. Environmental degradation, lack of jobs and access to affordable crude oil created interdependent relationship between oil thieves and local communities. The paper examined the environmental limitations to human development in the Niger Delta as a result of both the artisanal petroleum refinery’s vandalism and by the Military and therefore Modular refinery as panacea becomes expedient. The study adopted Neo-Classical Growth theory as theoretical framework. This paper is based on data obtained in an empirical study conducted in the Niger Delta in 2017. Three communities: Oloibiri, Obigbo and Obohia-Ndoki in Bayelsa, Rivers and Abia states respectively were studied. Data were collected using
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interviews from key informants. The key informants are heads of communities, community chiefs, spokesmen, elders and other opinion leaders. Focused group discussions (FGD) were held separately with the various groups of the communities that were sampled. The paper recommendsthat legalizing and regulating bush refinery by the government should be the best solution on this oil wastage. Second, the refineries should be dismantle rather than bomb them, which is job for military engineers and not gun-carrying soldiers.
Keywords: Refinery, Artisanal, Modular, Environment, Human Development.
1.0 INTRODUCTION
The Niger Delta is blessed with abundant wealth especially mineral wealth both liquid and solid, such as: crude oil, gold, clay, limestone, tin, etc. and fertile arable land for agriculture. The oil wealth derived is worst off in terms of modern and adequate infrastructure, education and the general living conditions of the people. It is the eclectic collection of poverty and the glaring appropriation by the government of Nigeria of all oil related revenues coming from the region that generate other problems, all of which combine to make the region a flashpoint of conflict (Adetoyinbo & Oshodi, 2017). The issue of crude oil production and oil revenues usually sparked off conflict with the multinational companies and the federal government on one hand and the owners of the land mainly the youths on the other (Adetoyinbo & Oshodi, 2017). Therefore, kidnapping of oil workers, oil theft, and destruction of oil pipelines by land owners snowballed the consequences of their disenchantments. The large number of revenue derived from the exploration of oil also witnessed the
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emergence of unconventional refineries in the creeks of the Niger Delta. These illegal refinery activities as some people put it, are as a result of declining livelihoods of Nigerians especially the youths caused by hunger, poverty and unemployment; while others see it as a result of greed. The resultant effects of this illegal oil business are the incalculable loss of revenue by the government, environmental pollution, and low level of international investment and general insecurity of lives and property (Adetoyinbo & Oshodi, 2017).
The quality of the diverse bio-habitat of the Niger Delta has been greatly affected by artisanal refineries and air pollution. This is as a result of the incessant oil spills in the environment, arising from crude oil exploration, sabotage of oil pipelines and the emission of black soot, owing to the activities of illegal refineries, and petrol chemical plants in the region. The situation raises serious health and safety concerns for the people. Some medical professionals have noted an increase in the diagnoses of respiratory tract infections largely among children and cancer related illnesses, which are closely associated with the ongoing pollution of the environment (Adetoyinbo & Oshodi, 2017). The contamination of the environment by these contaminants has caused damages to the environment as well as harmed human beings and other living species. The region’s challenge lies in the extent of degradation of the environment from oil and air pollution. In fact, the endangered species such as Delta elephant, the white monkey, the river hippopotamus, and crocodiles are increasingly threatened by the exploratory activities of the oil companies. We believed that environmental pollution has its own causes, effects and solutions. The paper is therefore anchored on the identification of the causes and what steps we can take to alleviate
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these effects. We observed that lack of appropriate enforcement of environmental protection policies in the past, to checkmate illegal mining activities in the environment has led to indiscriminate sighting of Artisanal industries and deforestation in the area. The products and by-products of some of these industries produced some level of toxins and dangerous industrial wastes which are harmful to the environment.
An estimated 150,000 barrels of crude oil are stolen every day in Niger Delta (Attah, 2012).The vast majority of this is sold internationally, but approximately 25% stays in the Niger Delta for artisanal refining and consumption. The artisanal oil refining which was the major cause of environmental degradation becomes the source of livelihood in the region when their traditional occupations as fishermen and farmers were lost by whole communities. The oil spillage on land usually sets fire on vegetation, kills and creates crust over the land, thus making re-vegetation difficult. The effects of this artisanal refining have compounded the pollution of water and land in the Niger Delta. Also, the artisanal refining process poses serious health risks. The dangers notwithstanding, the organized theft of crude oil and the illegal refining business supports the families financially. Interviewees for this research described artisanal oil refining as an entrepreneurial, free market response to local economic dysfunction, socioeconomic pressures, the Niger Delta’s chronic fuel shortages and government’s failure to deliver basic public services. In response, the military Joint Task Force (JTF), charged with patrolling on-shore oil fields, each year destroys thousands of artisanal refineries. However, the set up costs are so low while the returns are so high that within week’s artisanal refiners start up new camps.
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Evidence also suggests that rogue actors within the JTF actively participate in and profit from theft and illegal refining (Attah, 2012). Oil theft and illegal ‘artisanal’ refining in the Niger Delta are massive and growing problems. The refiners used the basic refining technique, first used during the Biafran Civil War. This technique was resurrected and modernized by members of militant camps between 2005 and 2009, providing fuel and cash to support the Niger Delta insurgency. After an amnesty deal for militants was brokered in 2009, those in the militant camps returned to their villages, taking their knowledge of refining with them. As a result of the failure by the government to prevent this at an early stage and the huge commercial rewards available, the trade grew and became more entrenched in the community. Now illegal refineries are the core part of the local economy of many Niger Delta communities, and refined products from them find their way at least as far as Lagos and into other licit distribution networks. Since then, thousands of demobilized militant fighters have put down their weapons and many are believed to have joined the frenzy of crude oil theft. By mid-2012, the Nigerian government estimated as many as 400,000 barrels were being stolen each day, costing the nation up to $1 billion per month in lost revenues. This escalation is unprecedented. The oil theft has grown into a cancer that undermines the role of government and competes for the loyalty of citizen (Attah, 2012).
1.1 Statement of the Problem
The depletion of both finite and non-finite resources is therefore, creating greater dangers to human life and survival than the threat of war. The environment of Niger Delta Region is naturally made to
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ensure maximum enjoyment by all its habitats. Unfortunately, with the depletion of both finite and non-finite resources in the region is therefore, creating greater dangers to human life and survival than the threat of war. The environment has been left to the mercy of artisanal refiners and its multinational corporations. With the increased activities of the artisanal, the ecosystem was seriously depleted and the peoples’ welfare and well-being were seriously put in jeopardy.
1.2 Research Questions
The major questions were as follows:
1. What are the health implications of the people due to the environmental degradation? 2. How did the Military Task Force compound the plight of the Region? 3. What are the solutions in tackling the problem of oil vandalisation? 4. Can the Modular Refinery bring solace to the plight of the Region?
1.3 Objectives of the Study
The general Objective of the paper isto exam the modular refinery as panacea to artisanal petroleum refineries’ vandalism in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria. But the specific objectives of the research are stated thus:
1. To analyze the effects of human health due to the environmental degradation in Niger Delta
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2. To ascertain the implications of militarization of the region against artisanal refineries 3. To proffer solutions to the vandalisation of oil installations by the operators of artisanal refineries in Niger Delta 4. To examine the prospects of the indigenous Modular Refineries in the Region
2.0 LITERATURE REVIEW
The situation with artisanal refineries in the Niger Delta has not changed much despite an extensive campaign by the Nigerian military. The Nigerian military destroys the equipment used for refining the crude, as well as the storage facilities used for the illegally acquired crude oil. However, after the soldiers destroyed the illegal refining sites, the refiners will then move into more remote locations, operating mostly at night, or adopting methods to evade or collude with the military (www.saction.org, 2017). The expansion of artisanal refineries followed scarcity of consumer petroleum fuels early in the year and the concomitant increase in pump price of petrol in May 2016. The government increased the price of petrol from N86.50 to N145 per litre as a measure to ensure the availability of imported products at a time when the value of the Naira was falling against the US dollar. Interviews with some artisanal refiners in Obohia-Ndoki, Abia State also corroborate the stories of those obtained by our respondents in other parts of the Niger Delta States. The gist is that artisanal refineries were often destroyed by the military only to resurface, despite the risks involved and increased operations of the JTF. We look forward that Peace building is the only requisite precursor for individual economic growth and collective prosperity in the Niger Delta than military might. For a
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long time conflict has been the bane of development in the Niger Delta. Oil Companies and Host Communities have been engaged rather unwittingly in a zero sum game where the gain of Oil Companies translate diametrically as the loss of Host Communities and vice versa. Peace building is about the attempt to overcome the structural, relational and cultural contradictions which lie at the root of conflict in order to underpin the processes of peacemaking (Borok, et al, 2013). The establishment of illegal refineries otherwise known as “bush” or “artisanal” refineries is a major factor that has encouraged the incessant rupturing of crude oil pipelines for scooping oil for the illegal refineries.
The modern world relies on a vast energy supply to fuel economic activities such as transportation, communication, industrial processes, food production, education, security and health delivery systems. Energy is the lifeblood of economies around the world and global economic growth depends on adequate, reliable and affordable supplies of energy. Historical facts have established that industrialization and growth rate of any country depend on energy available in that country, and the extent to which this energy is utilized.
In view of the significant role energy plays in national development any country that wants to be reckoned with in the comity of nations in terms of technological development must have robust energy base for sustainable development. The energy base should be able to meet the present and the future energy needs of the nation (Borok, et al, 2013). Energy resources are generally defined as anything that can be used as a source of energy. They are basically classified into two main groups, namely, conventional or non-renewable and renewable energy
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resources. Non-renewable energy resources are coal, oil and gas while renewable energies include wind, ocean wave and tides, solar, biomass, hydro, geothermal (heat of the earth). They are renewable because they are regularly replenished by nature.
The concept of mineral rights ownership and how such ownership differs are practically done in the USA than the rest of the world. It is from USA that Nigeria adopted her democratical principles of Governance but failed to apply such principles in Nigeria. By mineral rights ownership we refer to who owns the rights to extract minerals – that is, oil, gas, gold, coal and other metals and minerals – from lands located in that country. This ownership is very important, because the exploitation of human rights violations which related to oil exploration and production in the Niger Delta, and of the role and responsibilities of the major multinational oil companies in respect of those violations culminated into cognitive dissonance. The Niger Delta has for some years been the site of major confrontations between the people who owns the lands and the Nigerian government security forces, resulting in extra-judicial executions, arbitrary detentions, and draconian restrictions on the rights to freedom of expression, association, and assembly (Human Rights Watch, 1999).
The most crucial issues of the moment and even the most indices of the imbroglio in Niger Delta is the International Legal system which denies the host communities of ownership rights and excluding them in their right to active participation in the management of mineral resources found on their homeland. Resource control and community participation are examined with a view to ascertaining whether the Petroleum Industry Bill currently passed by the National Assembly but yet to be signed into law due to the constitutional feud between
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the Presidency and the National Assembly offer any hope to host communities regarding ownership, participation and management, particularly the proposed 10% equity stake for communities under the PIB in the interest of peace and stability that fosters exploration and production. If the proposed 10% percent equity participation is eventually included as a substantive provision in the PIB, it will be a great step towards achieving resource control rights and active participation by the Host Communities. Prior to colonial era, host communities were involved in decisions and were partakers in benefits of the trade of their kingdom, and resources were utilized for the benefits of the community in question. Albeit, when the colonialists came, they declared that the land they were to settle was a Terra Nullius, a no man’s land (Omorogbe,2002; Bunter,2005; CDLF, 2007 ), but after independence Nigeria’s political elite maintained the status quo of exploration, exploitation and expropriation of the people’s natural resources without regard to their ‘natural sovereignty’.
International law and practice recognizes the right of indigenous peoples over ownership, control, use and management of resources for the primary benefit of the first owner (the communities) on whose land the resources originate, as well as their right to self- determination and sustainable development. But these principles mean nothing to the Federal Government of Nigeria. The concept of Community participation originating from international environmental law which is recognized in various international law documents. According to (Songi, 2011) in Bristol- Alagbariya, Participation is the right of citizens (local residents, local leaders, government personnel or foreign personnel) to be heard in decisions that affect them; it is any process, including problem-solving
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mechanisms which use public input in decision-making. It is a framework for strengthening governance, especially grassroots democracy (Songi, 2011).The Principle 10 of the Rio Declaration states that “environmental issues are best handled with the participation of all concerned citizens at the relevant level” (UNCED: Rio Declaration on Environment and Development, 31 ILM 874 1992).
Michael Bunter in (Songi, 2011) proposes that to solve the problems which arise from the denial of Host Communities from the central government and in order to promote greater progress in sustainable development, there should be a sharing or pooling of authority over the petroleum licensing process to the extent that government should take into account the views of the host communities (Songi, 2011). UNHRC held that the expropriation and destruction of indigenous peoples’ lands for oil and gas exploitation threatened the way of life and culture of the People and consequently, it is an infringement of their right to enjoy their culture (Njoku, 2016 in Olaniyi, 2015).Gabriel (2015) observed that the large quantity of petroleum products suspected to be Automated Gas Oil and Crude Oil (a total of eight refineries and about 300 metric tons of products) reportedly destroyed during the Navy or JTF raids in the Niger Delta will permanently deface the surface on which it was poured. He argued also that if burnt, it will send a lot of carbon monoxiate into the atmosphere. The implication, according to him, is that vegetation, fish and other aquatic lives in that area are thus destroyed (Gabriel, 2015). The destruction of petroleum products and crude oil confiscated from illegal oil refineries on the surface ground also helps to worsen the effects of climate change in the country, particularly in coastal areas
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where floods have become a perennial problem. However, the JTF Commander, Major General Emmanuel Atuwe has urged the government to legalize and establish modular refineries in the area to provide gainful employment to the teeming youths (Yusuf 2015; Ejim, 2015).Besides, the establishment of modular refineries will make petroleum products readily available in coastal communities, thus discouraging the people from busting crude oil pipelines for scooping oil for the illegal refineries.
In addition, the Acting President, Prof. Yemi Osibanjo, said during his tour of oil communities in Niger Delta in March, 2017 that federal government would establish modular refineries in the Niger Delta to drive its development strategy for the region. According to him, youths involved in the illegal refining of crude oil would be employed in the modular refineries to be established by the government in the region.
The indigenous refineries are innovations by the indigenous people of Niger Delta but which has been tagged with a negative connotation “illegal” with its product tagged “illicit”. We must be reflective and proactive in taking decisions about innovations, creativity, ingenuity and improvement of their indigenous technological capability. It is worthy of mention that in the long days of colonial rule, the indigenous (African) gin was tagged “illicit” and therefore banned. In its place, foreign brewed gin dominated the indigenous market, thus stifling the ingenuity in the indigenous brewers. In general, technological capabilities in developing countries like Nigeria whether considered in macro terms or in terms of elements, would depend on such factors as: adequate number and quality of human
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resources with practical experience, skills, and aptitude; useful technological information on sources and conditions of technology transfer; institution for education and training for research and development, and for engineering design and consultancy; favourable natural environment and factor endowments, attitudes and customs. In the 1970s, the Asian Tigers, China and India did something truly remarkable that have turned them into economic super powers. They looked inwards and found solution to their peculiar challenges, ignoring advice from Western agents and the World Bank and did what they believed would work for their environment. They developed their own technology through indigenous factories and improved so much that the rest of the world now learn from them. Contemporarily, China and India have not only been able to meet most of their indigenous technological needs, but are also exporters of these technologies and resulting industrial product. The Government should therefore view the establishment of indigenous (Modular) refineries differently and see it as a launching pad in the development of technological capabilities, innovations, creativity and knowledge- based techniques in the oil and gas sectors. Nigerian government can add value to the existing local content, build on the existing knowledge, improve the standard of the refined products and its techniques of production through research and development and regulate their operations through government regulatory agencies. About 15 storage metal tanks loaded with 145,000 liters of stolen crude was set ablaze in Buguma, Rivers state by the navy operators on illegal refinery, and again according to the same naval source more than 50,000 liters of illegally refined diesel stored in 10 cooking tanks was also destroyed (Njoku, 2016 inOlaniyi, 2015). Then the critical question is ‘whether it is rational and appropriate for the Nigerian
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Joint Task Force or indeed the security agents operating in the Niger Delta to destroy such large quantity of petroleum products seized from the illegal refineries in view of its implications for the Niger Delta environment. This vandalism has certainly aggravated the problem of environmental pollution in the Niger delta which faces the challenge of environmental degradation as a result of the oil exploration and exploitation activities of international oil companies.
Peacebuilding Deficits: Unaddressed Grievances
The Niger Delta has for some years been the site of major confrontations between the land owners and the Nigerian government's security forces, resulting in extrajudicial executions, arbitrary detentions, and draconian restrictions on the rights to freedom of expression, association, and assembly. These violations of civil and political rights have been committed principally in response to protests about the activities of the multinational companies that produce Nigeria's oil and the use made of the oil revenue by the Nigerian government. The minorities of the Niger Delta region have been agitating since the 1950s. First it was against marginalization, neglect and the politics of exclusion by the ethnic majority by the ruling political parties and governments of the then Eastern and Western regions. This snowballed into the minority agitation for the creation of separate regions, which the Wilkins’s Commission of 1958, rejected but rather granted them a special developmental status in the form of a Niger Delta Development Board (Ikelegbe, 2005).Again, the northern hegemony taking advantage of military dictatorship began a regime of near total appropriation of the region’s oil resources through an intense centralization and concentration of power and resources in the federal government. The Petroleum Act
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1969, the most important petroleum ownership/control legislation in Nigeria (originally Decree 51), transferred the rights cited above to the Nigerian government. This right, which was enshrined in Section 4.4(3) of the 1999 Constitution which states thus:
“Notwithstanding the foregoing provisions of this section, the entire property in and control of all minerals, mineral oils and natural gas in, under or upon any land in Nigeria or in, under or upon the territorial waters and the Exclusive Economic Zone of Nigeria shall vest in the Government of the Federation and shall be managed in such manner as may be prescribed by the National Assembly”
Oil resources factor became the major target of the government revenue. The Government’s response to agitations against this obnoxious provision has been mixed with brutal force to suppress these agitations. The Government views demands for resource control as "separatist tendencies" that must not be tolerated. Traditionally, the issues of resource control by host communities is that it impinges on their claim to international law and ownership of natural resources in accordance with the international principle and ultimately constitutes a hindrance to petroleum resource development( Williams, 2012). By decrees, oil and gas became owned by the federal government and progressively, the regions entitlements by way of derivation based allocation declined from 50% to a mere 1.5% in 1984 and later 3% in 1999.The circumstance led to a mild renewal of agitation in the 1970s, and became a widespread community based protests in the 1980s. By the 1990s, the region was mobilized enough by a flowering of civil society, intense identity mobilization and ethnic nationalism. The incidence of militancy had been attributed to the neglect of the
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area by both government and the oil companies who cart away billions of petro-dollar profits off the feet of the people leaving them only with the visible tales of environmental destructions and loss of livelihoods. Hostilities between the “militants” and the Nigerian military personnel had been rife. These activities by some Niger Delta youths who claimed to be freedom fighters, in many occasions left the innocent, law abiding and peace loving members of their communities terrorized and harassed by either the militants themselves or the government security apparatuses working to protect the oil company empires ( Williams, 2012).
The people of the Niger Delta do not feel that the government of Nigeria has a contract with them. The federal government virtually ignored the Niger Delta during the 1990s, leaving development in the hands of the oil companies (Asuni, 2009). The oil industry exploited and polluted the area, wiping out the traditional livelihoods of fishing and farming and providing few jobs or benefits in return. Despite its mineral wealth, the Niger Delta is one of the poorest regions in Nigeria. There is no infrastructure in the region and it is the remoteness from the rest of the country (Asuni, 2009). Roads in the Delta cost four times to build than those on dry land. The region uses canoe or motor boat as the primary form of transport. The difficulty of moving goods and people means that essential supplies—including petroleum products—cost more in the Niger Delta than in other parts of Nigeria. Thus, a combination of geography, ethnic tension, economic underdevelopment, and the presence of an industry that yields many disadvantages but few direct benefits to the people of the region have created a situation ripe for conflict( Asuni, 2009).
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2.1 Theoretical Framework
According to theneo-classical growth theory by AmartyaSen, it states that what enhances economic growth is the techniques and technological capacity of production, which is the “technical know- how”. Its critical factor is the techniques for process and product development. Process development involves the introduction of new processes or techniques, typically embodied in new capital equipment used in production. Such development lowers the real cost of producing outputs. Product development on the other hand is a specialized activity done to improve the existing product or to introduce a new product in the market. It is also done to improve the earlier features or techniques or system. Product development can also be defined as the creation, innovation, utility enhancement or continuous improvement of earlier features (design, service, etc.) of an existing product or developing an entirely new kind of product to satisfy the requirement of its end-users.
The concept of modular Refinery is clarified as a refinery which is made up of smaller and mobile parts- (skid-mounted) -that is more easily fabricated and can be more quickly transported to site. They come in different sizes with varying capacities normally lower capacity than conventional refineries with more elaborate and complication set-up. The Nigerian government has said it plans to make illegal oil refining in the Niger Delta region a thing of the past, following the Federal Government’s plan to liberalise participation in its proposed establishment of modular refineries. This stresses that setting up of the modular refineries would open up the sector for inclusive participation by thousands of youths who would otherwise
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be involved in illegal refining and oil bunkering, and this would lead to job creation, availability of petroleum products at affordable rates and reduction in environmental pollution occasioned by illegal oil refining activities.
3.0 METHODOLOGY
This research paper is based on data obtained in an empirical study conducted in the Niger Delta in 2016. Three communities: Oloibiri, Obigbo and Obohia-Ndoki inBayelsa, Rivers and Abia states respectively were studied. The method used includes direct observation. This involves walk-through surveys to collect information. Data were also collected with interviews with 200 key informants. The key informants were heads of communities, community chiefs, the spokesmen, elders and other opinion leaders. These informants are privileged to know the communities very well. 200 Focused group discussions (FGD) were held with the elderly men, the women group and the youths at the three communities. The justification of this method was used to analyze the effects of environment devastation in sustainable development in Niger Delta as well as to seek the views of the different groups separately, as their needs and views may be different and opportunity was created for thorough their discussions.
The justification of the study was guided by: a) the need to include a community in each of the country’s leading oil producing states in order to accord the data the necessary spread and significance, b) the need to include communities that occupy significant positions within the context of Nigeria’s oil production history, and c) the need to include communities with strategic relevance to the major
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transnational oil companies, such as Shell Petroleum. On the whole, however, a major consideration was that the towns must be fairly representative of the upland and riverine human ecologies of oil and gas production in Nigeria.
4.0 DATA ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS
Government’s response to Oil Theft and illegal “bush refineries in the Niger Delta is worsening the environmental degradation in the region and putting many out of business. Most farmers in the region are now hungry and angry as it has become more and more difficult for them to feed their families due to drastic reduction in farm yields. The reason: their lands have lost their nutrients and fertility; have become barren and poisoned as a result of oil spillages, fire and smoke emanating from the bush refineries and destruction by burning by the military operations. Fishermen in the riverine communities also suffered similar fate. Fishing business has been severely hampered in the villages as the waters have become polluted by illegal oil activities, resulting in migration of the aquatic life in the river. Thomas Odjegba, a 67-year-old indigene of Oloibiri, a community in the rain forest region of Bayelsa State, had been a farmer all his life. He cultivated crops both for his family’s consumption and for sale in the local market. Part of the proceeds from the sales had paid for the education of his children. His family members have always managed to get most things they need, and they lived happily until 2010 when the father of six was forcefully retired from his farm work. Now, he can no longer feed his family as his farming business was paralyzed as a result of the impact of the destruction of the bush refineries.
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A KII made a case for the above statement as thus:
“I am university graduate and a breeder of cat fish in ponds dug along creeks in Oloibiri, Bayelsa state where Illegal oil activities are also prevalent. Am still lamenting on the huge losses running into hundreds of thousands of naira l incurred due to oil pollution of water serving my ponds. The lands in the region have been saturated with crude oil to the point that oil licks into my ponds both from the river water and from underground, killing all my fish.But now, I aminthebusinessofouroil.We use these to go and collect our na tural resources • our crude oil, he said, pointing to a boat lyin g on its side. In the middle of the night, to avoid being caught, we break into the oil companies' pipelines and help ourselves. We settle with the army people. If they see money in your hand they will take that”(KII/Young man/32yrs/5/5/2017 )
Niger Delta bubbles in 2012, when operatives of the Joint Task Force, discovered illegal bush refineries in the region. They destroyed the oil tanks by setting them ablaze, with crude oil still in the tanks. The environment suffered. The soil refused to give its yield. Things got worse for those peasant farmers and fishermen who depended on crops from their farms and fish caught from the local rivers for their livelihood. Their health also suffered. John who was one of the respondents argued that most farmers in the region are now hungry and angry as it has become more and more difficult for them to feed their families due to drastic reduction in farm yields. The reason is that their lands have lost their nutrients and fertility; have become
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barren and poisoned as a result of oil spillages, fire and smoke emanating from the bush refineries and during their destruction by the military operators. The environmentalist said burning the bush refineries have direct impact on the ecology, the terrestrial and aquatic lives and the individuals and peoples living around these places who depend directly on water and other natural resources, thereby creating toxic situations, and the people eat fish laden with metals, for which reason he said the health and life expectancy in the Niger Delta is the lowest in Nigeria.
Another community Leader in an FGD narrated that:
“He suggested that legalizing and regulating bush refinery by the government should be the best solution on this oil wastage. Second, the refineries should be dismantle rather than bomb them, which is job for military engineers and not gun-carrying soldiers. If you find refineries that are not working according to standard, you dismantle them. These things can be carted away in boats, they are not massive installations, and they are drums and pipes and sticks for fire. It is very rudimentary, very easy to dismantle and taken away. That should be the major thrust of dismantling the bush refineries. Bombing or burning should never be an option,” (FGD/Community Leader/54yrs/7/5/2017)
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5.0 CONCLUSION
This vandalism has certainly aggravated the problem of environmental pollution in the Niger delta which faces the challenge of environmental degradation as a result of the exploration and exploitation activities of international oil companies. The paper therefore concluded that legalizing and regulating bush refinery by the government should be the best solution on this oil wastage. Second, the refineries should be dismantle rather than bomb them, which is job for military engineers and not gun-carrying soldiers.
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