Walling Off the Future for Palestinians and Israelis
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Israel-Palestine Through the Lens of Game Theory
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Economics Department Working Paper Series Economics 2021 Land for peace? Israel-Palestine through the lens of game theory Amal Ahmad Department of Economics, University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/econ_workingpaper Part of the Economics Commons Recommended Citation Ahmad, Amal, "Land for peace? Israel-Palestine through the lens of game theory" (2021). Economics Department Working Paper Series. 301. https://doi.org/10.7275/21792057 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Economics at ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Economics Department Working Paper Series by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Land for peace? Israel-Palestine through the lens of game theory Amal Ahmad∗ February 2021 Abstract Why have Israel and the Palestinians failed to implement a \land for peace" solution, along the lines of the Oslo Accords? This paper studies the applica- tion of game theory to this question. I show that existing models of the conflict largely rely on unrealistic assumptions about what the main actors are trying to achieve. Specifically, they assume that Israel is strategically interested in withdrawing from the occupied territories pending resolvable security concerns but that it is obstructed from doing so by violent Palestinians with other objec- tives. I use historical analysis along with bargaining theory to shed doubt on this assumption, and to argue that the persistence of conflict has been aligned with, not contrary to, the interests of the militarily powerful party, Israel. -
Palestinian Economic Development: Israeli Actions in Light of the 1994 Paris Protocol and International Economic Law Vincent El Hayek
University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Minnesota Journal of International Law 2015 Palestinian Economic Development: Israeli Actions in Light of the 1994 Paris Protocol and International Economic Law Vincent El Hayek Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mjil Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Hayek, Vincent El, "Palestinian Economic Development: Israeli Actions in Light of the 1994 Paris Protocol and International Economic Law" (2015). Minnesota Journal of International Law. 286. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mjil/286 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Minnesota Journal of International Law collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Palestinian Economic Development: Israeli Actions in Light of the 1994 Paris Protocol and International Economic Law Vincent El Hayek In 1993, Israel and the Palestinian Liberation Organization signed the Oslo Accords,' starting a peace process that was meant to end with a Palestinian State. The Oslo Accords were only the start of numerous agreements, including the 1994 Gaza-Jericho Agreement, which became Annex IV to the Accords, commonly known as the Paris Protocol.2 The Paris Protocol laid out the framework for what was to be the economic relationship between Israel and a Palestinian state. Its writers recognized the importance that stability and growth in the Palestinian economy had for any hope of a lasting peace. 3 As such, they developed a strategy which hinged on four "pillars" for Palestinian economic development: 11] International aid; [2] close Israeli-Palestinian economic relations; [3] foreign and private investment; and [4] access to foreign markets for Palestinian exports.4 When the Paris Protocol was first signed, excitement was high. -
Sociographie De La Doxa Coloniale Israélienne
Université de Montréal Se représenter dominant et victime : sociographie de la doxa coloniale israélienne par Michaël Séguin Département de sociologie Faculté des arts et sciences Thèse présentée en vue de l’obtention du grade de Philosophiae Doctor (Ph.D.) en sociologie Août 2018 © Michaël Séguin, 2018 Université de Montréal Faculté des études supérieures et postdoctorales Cette thèse intitulée : Se représenter dominant et victime : sociographie de la doxa coloniale israélienne Présentée par : Michaël Séguin a été évaluée par un jury composé des personnes suivantes : Deena White, présidente-rapporteuse et représentante du doyen Paul Sabourin, directeur de recherche Yakov Rabkin, codirecteur de recherche Barbara Thériault, membre du jury Rachad Antonius, examinateur externe Résumé Dans un monde majoritairement postcolonial, Israël fait figure d’exception alors même que se perpétue sa domination d’un autre peuple, les Arabes palestiniens. Tandis qu’un nombre grandissant d’auteurs, y compris juifs, traitent de la question israélo-palestinienne comme d’un colonialisme de peuplement, et non plus comme d’un conflit ethnique entre groupes nationaux, se pose la question : comment une telle domination est-elle possible à l’ère des médias de masse ? Plus précisément, pourquoi cette domination est-elle si peu contestée de l’intérieur de la société israélienne alors même qu’elle contredit le discours public de l’État qui tente, par tous les moyens, de se faire accepter comme étant démocratique et éclairé ? Pour y répondre, cette thèse procède à une analyse de la connaissance de sens commun israélienne afin de détecter à la fois le mode de connaissance, issu des relations sociales, privilégié pour faire sens des rapports ethnonationaux, mais aussi la manière dont cette doxa vient légitimer la domination des Palestiniens. -
Profiles of Peace
Profiles of Peace Forty short biographies of Israeli and Palestinian peace builders who have struggled to end the occupation and build a just future for both Palestinians and Israelis. Haidar Abdel Shafi Palestinian with a long history of working to improve the health and social conditions of Palestinians and the creation of a Palestinian state. Among his many accomplishments, Dr. Abdel Shafi has been the director of the Red Crescent Society of Gaza, was Chairman of the first Palestinian Council in Gaza, and took part in the Madrid Peace Talks in 1991. Dr. Haidar Abdel Shafi is one of the most revered persons in Palestine, whose long life has been devoted to the health and social conditions of his people and to their aspirations for a national state. Born in Gaza in 1919, he has spent most of his life there, except for study in Lebanon and the United States. He has been the director of the Red Crescent Society in Gaza and has served as Commissioner General of the Palestinian Independent Commission for Citizens Rights. His passion for an independent state of Palestine is matched by his dedication to achieve unity among all segments of the Palestinian community. Although Gaza is overwhelmingly religiously observant, he has won and kept the respect and loyalty of the people even though he himself is secular. Though nonparti- san he has often been associated with the Palestinian left, especially with the Palestinian Peoples Party (formerly the Palestinian Communist Party). A mark of his popularity is his service as Chairman of the first Palestinian Council in Gaza (1962-64) and his place on the Executive Committee of “There is no problem of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) (1964-65). -
A Return to Defensible Borders
A Return to Defensible Borders an iker week after his historic White House summit with United States Presi- A dent George W. Bush in April, 2004, Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon stood before a packed Knesset plenum. A sense of triumph could be heard in his voice as he presented a list of American assurances that he had secured in a letter from the president. e letter was offered as a quid pro quo for Sharon’s promise to withdraw all Israeli troops and civilians from the Gaza Strip, known as the “disengagement plan.” Sharon recited the key components of the Bush letter: (i) U.S. support for the repatriation of Palestinian refugees to a future Palestinian state only, and not to Israel; (ii) an American commitment that Israel would retain large population centers in the West Bank and would therefore not be asked to return to the 1949 armistice lines, Israel’s de facto border until June 1967; (iii) a U.S. promise that there would be no other peace plan put forward except the pre- viously agreed-upon “roadmap,” which made Israeli concessions contingent upon a complete halt to Palestinian terror and incitement. is was a crucial moment for Sharon. Since he first announced his disengagement plan in December 2003 at a speech to the Herzliya Confer- ence, he had been sharply criticized by opponents both within his Likud party and among the more hard-line Knesset factions who accused him • A / • of giving up tangible assets in exchange for nothing, not even a commit- ment to peaceful coexistence, from the Palestinian side. -
B'tselem Report: Dispossession & Exploitation: Israel's Policy in the Jordan Valley & Northern Dead Sea, May
Dispossession & Exploitation Israel's policy in the Jordan Valley & northern Dead Sea May 2011 Researched and written by Eyal Hareuveni Edited by Yael Stein Data coordination by Atef Abu a-Rub, Wassim Ghantous, Tamar Gonen, Iyad Hadad, Kareem Jubran, Noam Raz Geographic data processing by Shai Efrati B'Tselem thanks Salwa Alinat, Kav LaOved’s former coordinator of Palestinian fieldworkers in the settlements, Daphna Banai, of Machsom Watch, Hagit Ofran, Peace Now’s Settlements Watch coordinator, Dror Etkes, and Alon Cohen-Lifshitz and Nir Shalev, of Bimkom. 2 Table of contents Introduction......................................................................................................................... 5 Chapter One: Statistics........................................................................................................ 8 Land area and borders of the Jordan Valley and northern Dead Sea area....................... 8 Palestinian population in the Jordan Valley .................................................................... 9 Settlements and the settler population........................................................................... 10 Land area of the settlements .......................................................................................... 13 Chapter Two: Taking control of land................................................................................ 15 Theft of private Palestinian land and transfer to settlements......................................... 15 Seizure of land for “military needs”............................................................................. -
Israel's National Security and West Bank Settlements
Israel’s National Security and West Bank Settlements Israel’s National Security and West Bank Settlements Academic supervision: Dr. Avner Inbar and Dr. Assaf Sharon Research and writing: Avishay Ben-Sasson Gordis Additional writing and editing: Yonatan Levi Additional research: Shai Agmon © All rights reserved to Molad - Center for the Translation: Michelle Bubis Renewal of Democracy Ltd. Contents Introduction and key findings 4 Chapter 1: From strategy to excuse: The history of the security argument 7 Chapter 2: The settlements as security burden 14 Chapter 3: National security without settlements 26 Summary: The battle over security 36 4 Introduction and key findings The single greatest challenge to Israel’s national security is the conflict with the Palestinians. While it would be mistaken to reduce the entire Israeli-Palestinian conflict to a single factor, the territorial question is arguably the determinative cause underlying the intractability of the conflict. The territorial question, in turn, is inextricably tied to Israel’s establishment of settlements – i.e., civilian communities - beyond the Green Line. Yet despite the conflict’s influence on Israel’s security, and even though the settlements will play a crucial role in determining the future of the conflict, public debate has sorely lacked serious discussion of the settlements’ impact on Israel’s national security. This paper attempts to fill the void by providing a comprehensive, fact-based analysis of the implications of the settlement enterprise on Israeli security. The analysis is backed by data and by input from Israel’s leading security professionals. The goal of this paper is not to end the debate but rather to spark it – in the hope that, even in the current muddy political climate, it will be possible to responsibly discuss a matter vital to the future of all Israelis. -
A Guide to Understanding the Struggle for Palestinian Human Rights
A Guide to Understanding the Struggle for Palestinian Human Rights © Copyright 2010, The Veritas Handbook. 1st Edition: July 2010. Online PDF, Cost: $0.00 Cover Photo: Ahmad Mesleh This document may be reproduced and redistributed, in part, or in full, for educational and non- profit purposes only and cannot be used for fundraising or any monetary purposes. We encourage you to distribute the material and print it, while keeping the environment in mind. Photos by Ahmad Mesleh, Jon Elmer, and Zoriah are copyrighted by the authors and used with permission. Please see www.jonelmer.ca, www.ahmadmesleh.wordpress.com and www.zoriah.com for detailed copyright information and more information on these photographers. Excerpts from Rashid Khalidi’s Palestinian Identity, Ben White’s Israeli Apartheid: A Beginner’s Guide and Norman Finkelstein’s This Time We Went Too Far are also taken with permission of the author and/or publishers and can only be used for the purposes of this handbook. Articles from The Electronic Intifada and PULSE Media have been used with written permission. We claim no rights to the images included or content that has been cited from other online resources. Contact: [email protected] Web: www.veritashandbook.blogspot.com T h e V E R I T A S H a n d b o o k 2 A Guide to Understanding the Struggle for Palestinian Human Rights To make this handbook possible, we would like to thank 1. The Hasbara Handbook and the Hasbara Fellowships 2. The Israel Project’s Global Language Dictionary Both of which served as great inspirations, convincing us of the necessity of this handbook in our plight to establish truth and justice. -
Review of Greg Burris, the Palestinian Idea: Film, Media, and the Radical Imagination, Philadelphia, Temple University Press, 2019)
CONTINENTAL THOUGHT & THEORY: A JOURNAL OF INTELLECTUAL FREEDOM Book Review- Rawia Inaim Volume 3 | Issue 2: Thinking Sin 333-341 | ISSN: 2463-333X Book Review Palestine & Media Studies A review of Greg Burris, The Palestinian Idea: Film, Media, and the Radical Imagination, Philadelphia, Temple University Press, 2019). Review by Rawia Inaim While passing through the Allenby border crossing on one of my trips to Palestine, the soldier who was checking our papers looked at my sister who was five years old at the time, and said, in Hebrew, “you are very pretty.” I did not know how to read the soldier’s words and their implications on the hierarchical differences present in that moment. However, a reading that sees this interaction as an instance of the agent’s rejection of her state’s unjust reality is a reading stuck in the Imaginary realm in the Lacanian sense. In other words, in that instance, the agent was still enforcing the occupation, and we were still being occupied, the only change that might have occurred is that the agent humanized herself.1 I was reminded of this interaction after reading Greg Burris’s The Palestinian Idea. In the preface to his book, Burris recounts an anecdote describing Jaffa/ Yafa beach, where he spotted in a short period of time “an apparently secular couple taking a dog for a walk, some Muslim children flying kites, and an Orthodox Jewish family enjoying a picnic. I heard both Hebrew and Arabic, as well as the sound of bells ringing from a nearby church” (Burris 2019, xi). -
“This Is the Kairos...”
Films & Books Find More Films, Books, and Other Resources at umhltf.org “This is the Kairos...” Resources for Israel-Palestine Education and Advocacy Occupation 101 Fast Times in Palestine, Pam Olson Thought-provoking documentary covers a wide Harrowing, funny, vivid, moving and inspiring range of topics – history from 1880s to now, personal story that opens a rare window onto obstacles to peace, role of the US, settlements, Palestinian life under Israeli occupation. Easy the Separation Wall, Gaza, and more. 90 mins. and engaging to read, a fascinating memoir. Find Watch online or purchase at: occupation101.tv at: pamolson.org or Amazon. The Stones Cry Out The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine, Ilan Pappe Powerful film speaks for Christian Palestinians Renowned Israeli historian offers impressive living with oppression and occupation for over archival evidence that, from its inception, Israel's 60 years, from the 1948 Nakba until today. 55 founding ideology was the forced removal of the mins. Find at: thestonescryoutmovie.com indigenous population. Indispensable for those interested in this region. Find at Amazon, etc. 5 Broken Cameras Critically-acclaimed, Oscar-nominated, and The Lemon Tree, Sandy Tolan deeply personal cinematic diary of life and This story of an extraordinary friendship non-violent resistance in a West Bank village spanning 35 years brings the Israeli-Palestinian surrounded by Israeli settlements. 94 mins. conflict down to its most human level, "This is the kairos, the moment of grace and opportunity, Find at Amazon, Watch -
Israel's Security in a Two-State Reality
Israel’s Security in a Two-State Reality Israel’s Security in a Two-State Reality Research and writing by Dr. Omer Einav Research direction by Dr. Avner Inbar and Prof. Assaf Sharon Translation by Michelle Bubis © 2020 Molad - the Center for the Renewal of Israeli Democracy Ltd. (CIC). All rights reserved. [email protected] February 2021 We thank the various experts who gave interviews for the study. We also thank Avishay Ben Sasson-Gordis and Shai Agmon for their insightful comments. References are hyperlinked to improve readability. A comprehensive list of sources appears at the end. This publication was produced with the financial support of the European Union. Its contents are the sole responsibility of Molad and do not necessarily reflect the views of the European Union. This project is co-funded by the European Union 4 Contents Introduction: Security Concerns as a Key Argument against an Israeli-Palestinian Peace Deal 5 1. The Illusion of the Status Quo 12 2. An Overview of the Proposed Security Arrangements 14 3. The Chief Concern: Can the Palestinians Be Trusted? 17 4. Possible Threats and Responses 24 5. The Myth of the Settlements’ Contribution to Security 32 6. Why a Peace Deal Will Improve National Security 35 7. Conclusion 37 References 39 5 Introduction: Security Concerns as a Key Argument Against an Israeli-Palestinian Peace Deal Since the Israeli-Palestinian conflict began more than 100 years ago, various solutions have been proposed to end it, some of which have also been attempted – yet all to no avail. The only coherent, detailed and applicable proposal is to partition the land into two states, for the two peoples who live on it: a Jewish state and a Palestinian state. -
President Trump Peace Strategy: Emerging Conflict Between Israel and Palestine
International Affairs and Global Strategy www.iiste.org ISSN 2224-574X (Paper) ISSN 2224-8951 (Online) Vol.82, 2020 President Trump Peace Strategy: Emerging Conflict Between Israel and Palestine Jibrin Ubale Yahaya, PhD Department of Political Science, National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN), Jabi Abuja Abstract When Donald Trump was elected as US President in November 2016, he initially signaled some real hope for the peaceful resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Some analysts argued that he may actually manage to deliver what he calls "the deal of the century" and bring peace to Israel and Palestine. These assumptions were based on the fact that President Trump is the type of person that could wake up one morning, say "enough", and pressure Israeli and Palestinian leaders to sign a peace deal on his terms. Early on in his presidency, Trump made the conflict a strategic priority and unconventionally chose to go to the Middle East (Saudi Arabia, Israel and Palestine) on his first trip abroad as President. During a press conference with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Bethlehem, he said that "if Israel and the Palestinians can make peace, it will begin a process of peace all throughout the Middle East." This was in line with Europe's standard inside-out approach (Israeli-Palestinian peace first, Israeli-Arab normalization later). But on December 2019, Trump made it clear that his much-anticipated peace deal will favour Israel when he recognized Jerusalem as Israel's capital and promised to move the US embassy there. This led Abbas to brand Trump's peace efforts as "the slap of the century" and say the US could no longer play any role in the Middle East peace process following the move.