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THE REVIEW OF THE REVIEW OF FAITH & THE REVIEW OF FAITH & INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS INTERNATIONAL FAITH & AFFAIRS VOLUME 14 | NUMBER 2 | SUMMER 2016 INTERNATIONAL Introduction FFAIRS American Leadership Amidst Complexity and Crisis John Gallagher 1 A Articles VOLUME 14 | NUMBER 2 | SUMMER 2016 Religion and Responsible American Engagement of the Middle East Chris Seiple 6 Getting Turkey Back on Track to Democracy, Human Rights, and Religious Freedom FAITH, FREEDOM, AND FOREIGN POLICY: Turan Kayaoglu 14 Religious Freedom in : Glimmers of Light on a Darkening Horizon RECOMMENDATIONS FOR THE NEXT PRESIDENT Lisa Curtis 23 Faith and Foreign Policy in India: Legal Ambiguity, Selective Xenophobia, JOHN GALLAGHER on American leadership and Anti-minority Violence Chad M. Bauman 31 amidst complexity and crisis Toward a Strategy for Engaging a Resurgent Russia on Democracy, CHRIS SEIPLE on the Middle East Human Rights, and Religious Liberty Christopher Marsh and Karrie J. Koesel 40 TURAN KAYAOGLU on Turkey Religion and Security in Central Asia: Recommendations for the Next U.S. Administration LISA CURTIS on Pakistan Martha Brill Olcott 49 Indonesia, Islam, and the New U.S. Administration CHAD M. BAUMAN on India Robert W. Hefner 59 Advancing Religious Freedom and Coexistence in Myanmar: CHRISTOPHER MARSH and KARRIE J. KOESEL Recommendations for the Next U.S. Administration on Russia Susan Hayward and Matthew J. Walton 67 Engaging Sinhalese Buddhist Majoritarianism and Countering MARTHA BRILL OLCOTT on Central Asia Religious Animus in Sri Lanka: Recommendations for the Incoming U.S. Administration ROBERT W. HEFNER on Indonesia Neil DeVotta 76 Engaging Vietnam and Laos on Religious Freedom SUSAN HAYWARD and MATTHEW J. WALTON on OUE1 UBR2 | SME 2016 VOLUME 14 | NUMBER 2 SUMMER Hien Vu, Stephen Bailey, and James Chen 86 Myanmar Violent Religious Extremism and U.S.–Africa Policy Robert A. Dowd 93 NEIL DEVOTTA on Sri Lanka Essays HIEN VU, STEPHEN BAILEY, and JAMES CHEN Women and Islamist Extremism: Gender Rights Under the Shadow of Jihad on Vietnam and Laos Farahnaz Ispahani 101 Advice for the Next American President: Commonwealth Collaboration, ROBERT A. DOWD on sub-Saharan Africa Cooperation, and Concern on Freedom of Religion or Belief Robert Joustra 105 plus Keep the Faith: How American Diplomacy Got Religion, and How to Keep It Judd Birdsall 110 Essays by Farahnaz Ispahani, Robert Joustra, and Judd Review Birdsall Religious Actors and International Law, by Ioana Cismas Becca McBride 116 P.O. Box 12205 | Arlington, VA 22219–2205 Tel. 703.527.3100 | Fax 800.535.9413 | [email protected] RFIA at Taylor & Francis Online: www.tandfonline.com/rfia

Editor Dennis R. Hoover Editorial Fellow Judd Birdsall Editorial Fellow Robert Joustra

Contributing Editors Akbar Ahmed Paul Marshall Qibla Ayaz Frederica Mathewes-Green Peter Berger Mark Noll Drew Christiansen Daniel Philpott Thomas F. Farr Elizabeth Prodromou Paul Freston Mark Silk Jeremy Gunn James W. Skillen Allen Hertzke Max L. Stackhouse Douglas Johnston Scott Thomas

About The Review of Faith & International Affairs Founded in 2003 by Chris Seiple, The Review of Faith & International Affairs is the quarterly journal of the Institute for Global Engagement’s Center on Faith & International Affairs (CFIA). The journal’s mission is to provide rigorous analysis and balanced commentary on the roles of religion in public life worldwide. It brings together today’s most distinguished scholars and practitioners, making their research and commentaries available not just to specialists but to a wider audience of globally concerned readers.

Published for the Institute for Global Engagement by Routledge Journals, an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an Informa business. ISSN: 1557-0274 (paper), 1931-7743 (electronic).

Indexed by Thomson Reuters’ Arts & Humanities Citation Index, Scopus, Religious and Theological Abstracts, Guide to Social Science and Religion in Periodical Literature, Christian Periodical Index, PAIS, ProQuest Political Science Journals, ProQuest Religion Journals, and ProQuest Research Library.

Copyright © 2016 Institute for Global Engagement.

Cover picture © iStock.com/davidevison. The Review in review…

The Review of Faith & International Affairs is an extraordinary journal for scholars and practitioners who deal with the role of religion in international politics. Douglas Johnston International Center for Religion and Diplomacy

In quite a short time The Review of Faith & International Affairs has become an important point of reference for anyone interested in the relation of religion and global developments. I recommend it warmly. Peter L. Berger Institute on Culture, Religion and World Affairs, Boston University

The Review has established a track record as a serious forum for writing on faith in relation to world affairs. David Smock Religion and Peacemaking Initiative, US Institute of Peace

As an illuminating, educating, and edifying resource, The Review deserves wide support. Mark Noll University of Notre Dame

This journal is providing an important platform for the dialogue of civilizations and in doing so is giving us an alternative paradigm to the pervasive idea of the clash of civilizations. It has my strong support as a relevant and important journal. Akbar S. Ahmed School of International Service, American University

Every issue of The Review is packed with solid, thoughtful articles and reviews. Highly recommended. Ronald J. Sider Palmer Theological Seminary

As the only journal in America dedicated to examining the role of religion in international affairs, The Review is performing a critically important role in shedding light on the most pressing and complex issues of our time. Mark Silk Leonard Greenberg Center for the Study of Religion in Public Life CONTENTS

The Review of Faith & International Affairs Volume 14, Number 2, Summer 2016

FAITH, FREEDOM, AND FOREIGN POLICY: RECOMMENDATIONS FOR THE NEXT PRESIDENT Introduction American Leadership Amidst Complexity and Crisis John Gallagher 1 Articles Religion and Responsible American Engagement of the Middle East Chris Seiple 6 Getting Turkey Back on Track to Democracy, Human Rights, and Religious Freedom Turan Kayaoglu 14 Religious Freedom in Pakistan: Glimmers of Light on a Darkening Horizon Lisa Curtis 23 Faith and Foreign Policy in India: Legal Ambiguity, Selective Xenophobia, and Anti-minority Violence Chad M. Bauman 31 Toward a Strategy for Engaging a Resurgent Russia on Democracy, Human Rights, and Religious Liberty Christopher Marsh and Karrie J. Koesel 40 Religion and Security in Central Asia: Recommendations for the Next U.S. Administration Martha Brill Olcott 49 Indonesia, Islam, and the New U.S. Administration Robert W. Hefner 59 Advancing Religious Freedom and Coexistence in Myanmar: Recommendations for the Next U.S. Administration Susan Hayward and Matthew J. Walton 67 Engaging Sinhalese Buddhist Majoritarianism and Countering Religious Animus in Sri Lanka: Recommendations for the Incoming U.S. Administration Neil DeVotta 76 Engaging Vietnam and Laos on Religious Freedom Hien Vu, Stephen Bailey, and James Chen 86 Violent Religious Extremism and U.S.-Africa Policy Robert A. Dowd 93

Essays Women and Islamist Extremism: Gender Rights Under the Shadow of Jihad Farahnaz Ispahani 101 Advice for the Next American President: Commonwealth Collaboration, Cooperation, and Concern on Freedom of Religion or Belief Robert Joustra 105 Keep the Faith: How American Diplomacy Got Religion, and How to Keep It Judd Birdsall 110 Review Religious Actors and International Law, by Ioana Cismas Becca McBride 116 SUBSCRIPTIONS: The Review of Faith & International ADVERTISING: Affairs is published quarterly in March, June, September, and For advertising rates and schedules USA/Canada: The December by Routledge Journals, an imprint of Taylor & Advertising Manager, Taylor & Francis Inc., 325 Chestnut Francis, an Informa business. Street, 8th floor, Philadelphia, PA 19106, USA. Tel: +1 (800) 354 1420; Fax: +1 (215) 625 2940. 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By John Gallagher

Ultimately, global leadership requires us to From a security standpoint, during just the see the world as it is, with all its danger and past decade, the US has conducted combat uncertainty, but [it] also requires us to see the operations coupled with a “surge” of tens of world as it should be … where the truths thousands of US troops in both Iraq and written into our founding documents can Afghanistan, invested tens of billions of dollars to steer the currents of history in the direction of build partner capacity of several host-nation justice. (Barack Obama, 2014, West Point) militaries, announced a rebalance to the Asia- Pacific, and simultaneously reacted to the many Our nation’s cause has always been … a challenges and opportunities of the “Arab peace that favors human liberty … and we Spring”—most notably the now global crisis will extend the peace by encouraging free emanating from Iraq and Syria. Combined with and open societies on every continent … renewed competition from a revanchist Russia in When it comes to the common rights and Ukraine and elsewhere, increasing tensions with needs of men and women, there is no clash China in the South China Sea, and rampant of civilizations. (George W. Bush, 2002, cyber warfare, the US has little or no margin for West Point) error. During this same period, the US has he US remains the nation the world undergone a historic fiscal correction reflected in turns to for leadership—to help make the 2008 financial crisis, the 2011 Budget sense of crises, to strengthen alliances, and to serve as an architect for the way Tahead in times of uncertainty. America seeks to John Gallagher is President and CEO of the Institute for Global bolster international order by assuring allies and Engagement (IGE). Prior to IGE, he served for over two decades in the deterring enemies through the application of its US military where, among other highlights, he served on the National instruments of national power from diplomacy, Security Council of both the Bush and Obama Administrations, military operations, and economic policy to advised several top US military commanders from Afghanistan to the Pentagon, and taught political science at West Point. He is a co- humanitarian aid and development. However, ’ editor and contributing author to Debating the War of Ideas America s level of engagement and expenditure in (Palgrave MacMillan, 2009), a life member of the Council on Foreign the world spanning the last two Administrations Relations, and was recently selected as a 2016 Presidential has proven unsustainable. Leadership Scholar.

© 2016 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution- NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License (http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way. the review of faith & international affairs | 1 introduction

Control Act, and enactment of Sequestration in mistakes. When the maximalist March 2013. This downward pressure on the overreaches, the retrencher comes in to “means” of the ends-ways-and-means of strategy pick up the pieces. Then when has made it harder for the US to proactively retrenchment fails to rebuild American engage and diffuse crises before they occur, and to power, meet new challenges, or compete lead burden-sharing coalitions that do not recede effectively, the maximalist reappears, ready as crises endure. Intended outcomes have been far with ambitious formulas for doing so. more limited and much less durable than America's robust efforts would suggest. Yet, He rates Truman, Kennedy, and Reagan as amidst widespread global uncertainty and change, maximalists, whereas Eisenhower, Nixon, and a strategic and moral imperative to lead remains. Carter are retrenchers. Bush 41 is, of course, a Predictably, every National Security Strategy maximalist; Obama, a retrencher. While such (NSS) from George W. Bush’s first in 2002 to characterizations cannot fully capture the Barack Obama’s last in 2015 asserts the complexity of presidential leadership, they do importance of US leadership in the world: provide an interesting backdrop to this election year—when candidates’“correctives” and . “These complex times have made clear the “ambitious formulas” are mostly rhetoric, with power and centrality of America’s real plans and policy undecided and untested. indispensable leadership …”(2015 NSS1) Beyond this cyclical dimension of US . “International order [is] advanced by U.S. leadership in the world, America has lost some leadership that promotes peace, security, clarity and therefore confidence in making sense and opportunity …”(2010 NSS2) of crises and setting a course for the way ahead. . “America cannot know peace, security, and One very understandable reason for this, as prosperity by retreating from the world. noted, is the sheer number of crises globally. America must lead by deed as well as by Partial, predatory governance is the norm in example.” (2006 NSS3) many regions, where citizens excluded from these . “The United States possesses partial social contracts become increasingly unprecedented—and unequaled—strength marginalized and persecuted, ultimately leading and influence in the world [which] comes to instability. Another reason is the sheer with unparalleled responsibilities …” complexity of crises today. Not only do they tend (2002 NSS4) to be non-linear—where inputs do not yield intended outputs along anything resembling a The similarity in these excerpts seems to straight, causal line—but one might even suggest there is continuity between consider them to be kaleidoscopic in nature, where Administrations regarding the US role in the well-intended inputs often yield effects so world, which might therefore provide a sense of unexpected that they are counterproductive (see predictability for both allies and adversaries, Simpson 2012). regardless of who wins the White House. For example, despite massive financial, In reality, as Stephen Sestanovich argues in human, and political investment over 15 years, the Maximalist: America in the World from Truman to US has achieved few lasting gains against the now- Obama, American engagement with the world globalized threat from violent Islamist extremists. tends to fluctuate between two types of Analysts and policy-makers from both sides of the Presidential leadership, maximalism and political aisle projected such groups would recede retrenchment. Sestanovich states (2014, 9): over time as their “bankrupt” ideology was rejected globally. Yet, the number of terror groups, Strategies of maximalism and retrenchment geography and resources they control, resonance bear an obvious cyclical relationship to of their worldview, foreign supporters, and virtual each other. Again and again, one has followers have all increased. International provided a corrective to the other’s agreements and counterterrorism efforts

2 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) john gallagher integrating nations and multilateral institutions Global Engagement, publisher of this journal. In (including the UN and NATO) have had an his book Ambassadors of Hope, Ambassador Seiple insufficient impact on the growth of active groups (2004, 1) wrote, “we have entered a new global and the associated death toll. In short, long- era … one in which international conflicts and standing efforts to “disrupt and dismantle” terror problems have ongoing repercussions at home networks have tended to overlook the importance and around the world.” And in 2002, only of engaging and adroitly enabling the constructive months after the attacks of 9/11, a group of 60 religious actors and ideas uniquely suited to prominent US scholars and ethicists (including delegitimize and ultimately defeat them. my own advisor at The University of Chicago, the This special issue of The Review of Faith & late Jean Bethke Elshtain) published an open International Affairs seeks to add to the letter titled What We’re Fighting For, which candidates’ and ultimately the next President’s affirmed “Five fundamental truths that pertain to perspectives on some of the most complex global all people without distinction”: contexts that demand holistic, strategic approaches.5 The articles that follow demonstrate . All human beings are born free and equal in —and wrestle with—the interdependence of dignity and rights. good governance, reconciliation, and stability . The basic subject of society is the human anchored on religious freedom, rule of law, and person, and the legitimate role of equal citizenship in society. More broadly, this government is to protect and help to foster volume addresses the question relevant to all the conditions for human flourishing. governments that seek to lead in a way that is . Human beings naturally desire to seek the legitimate and leaves a worthy legacy: How does a truth about life’s purpose and ultimate government provide security, justice, and human ends. flourishing while allowing—even enabling—all . Freedom of conscience and religious of its citizens to fully embody their religious and freedom are inviolable rights of the human cultural identities, and in doing so to contribute person. to society’s best present and future? . Killing in the name of God is contrary to At a minimum, the answer requires faith in God and is the greatest betrayal of governments and civil society to establish the universality of religious faith. common cause across what might otherwise be (Signatories 2002) divisive boundaries. It requires engagement between people of different ethnic backgrounds, Even a cursory glance at the current global nationalities, genders, and, in particular, different environment reveals the prescience of these ideas faiths—recognizing the transformative potential from nearly 15 years ago. Poor governance that when the state recognizes its legitimacy extends isolates and persecutes some of its citizens, failing from the natural rights of individuals-as-citizens. to treat them as “equal in dignity and rights” has As Harvard’s Michael Sandel (1998, 66) states, consequences, and can create conditions conducive to anti-government—even anti- what makes a religious belief worthy of civilization—groups that kill in the name of God. respect is not its mode of acquisition— The information revolution and subsequent whether by choice, revelation, persuasion, diffusion of power away from states has given or habituation—but its place in a good life, such groups unprecedented capacity for or from a political point of view, its information-sharing, mobility within and across tendency to promote the habits of and borders, transnational sources of funding, and the dispositions that make good citizens. ability to weave local, regional, and global events into their ideological narratives nearly instantly. In 2000, with keen awareness of emerging Such instability is not easily contained. global challenges, Ambassador Robert Seiple and Whether through the current refugee crisis in Margaret Ann Seiple founded the Institute for the Middle East, the “migrant crisis” beyond the

the review of faith & international affairs | 3 introduction region, or terrorist attacks in Paris, San beyond surveillance or drones. The experts Bernardino, and Brussels, the impact is referred repeatedly to the importance of increasingly global in scope. Regional powers as countering the “idea” of ISIS, through well as great powers outside the region are drawn reconciliation, in a sectarian and cultural context. toward the crisis on different sides, stoking Ford argued: existing rivalries and bringing them all closer to missteps or provocations that can lead to [T]o contain the Islamic State, there must conventional conflict. In the millions displaced, be efforts at national reconciliation … This hundreds of thousands killed and held captive for is important because we don’t want the their beliefs and/or gender, and even more living Islamic State to be put down militarily and in fear and want as the result of extremist then revive, as happened between 2011 violence, we are indeed seeing “ongoing and 2013. I really don’t want to see an repercussions at home and abroad.” These issues Islamic State, version 2.0. demand enlightened leadership and America's engagement, as fundamental questions of human Despite the more holistic approach espoused identity and worth are at stake. by these security and policy experts, I am not aware Recent bi-partisan legislation (House of anyone from the hard-power sector who was Resolution 75, passed 393–0) denouncing present for the Marrakesh Declaration, for violence against Christians, Yezidis, and other example, if only to observe and learn from the religious minorities in Iraq and Syria as proceedings. Similarly, the countless security and “genocide” is a start. Additionally, I was policy dialogues taking place in agencies and think privileged to attend the Marrakesh Declaration in tanks all over Washington (and beyond) typically Morocco in January, which brought together 250 do not include the kind of religious leaders and religious leaders from Muslim communities cultural experts invited to Marrakesh. This lack of around the world as well as 70 other experts and integration across sectors threatens to delay or even leaders to advance a “framework for the prevent durable progress on an urgent issue that is protection of minority rights” in Muslim- gradually destabilizing the globe. majority territories. This, too, is a good start. Of course, problems related to governance, However, addressing such complex problems— citizenship, and security abound beyond the particularly those with a prominent religious Middle East and North Africa. In this special dimension—demands integration across issue, whereas Chris Seiple addresses key issues of government and civil society, domestic and US engagement in the Middle East, Farahnaz international stakeholders, hard and soft power, Ispahani highlights women’s rights and as well as between religious affairs, secular extremism, and Turan Kayaoglu addresses political processes, and even technology Turkish governance and rights issues, our other platforms. Too often, these efforts remain expert contributors offer a diverse look at top segregated. priorities around the world, including Pakistan, The January 2016 House Armed Services Sri Lanka, India, Indonesia, sub-Saharan Africa, Committee testimony of Michael Morell (former Central Asia, Southeast Asia (Vietnam, acting director of the CIA), Michael Vickers Myanmar, and Laos), and Russia. Inevitably, the (former Defense Undersecretary for Intelligence), next US President will be presented with myriad and Robert Ford (former US Ambassador to challenges and opportunities in all of these Syria) is an example of the segregation that can nations and corresponding regions. America’s persist between the policy sector and religious ability to lead will depend in no small part on our actors and institutions, despite shared interests. ability to understand and engage the critical The hearing was titled “Combating ISIS,” and factors of identity and religion in the process. although the witnesses represented the US On this point, there is progress. In July 2013, intelligence and diplomatic communities, much the National Security Council issued the U.S. of the dialogue was about solutions that go far National Strategy for Religious Leader and Faith

4 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) john gallagher

Community Engagement. The strategy outlines how the US prioritizes its interests, partners with the importance of religious leader engagement in traditional and non-traditional allies, and American efforts abroad to counter extremism, postures its diplomatic, defense, and provide humanitarian assistance, and protect the development capabilities around the world. human rights of all marginalized and persecuted Scarce resources and overlapping sources of groups. Further, in February 2014, the White instability worldwide make informed, holistic US House held a Summit on Countering Violent leadership arguably more important than ever. Extremism that has since spawned a regional While the level of US engagement globally may program housed at the State Department, fluctuate cyclically between Administrations, the executing similar summits in key regions around next President has both an opportunity and the world. In addition, as Judd Birdsall notes in obligation to build on the hard lessons of the past this issue, the State Department has established 15 years. both the Office of Religion and Global Affairs As the 2006 NSS notes, (which, in the past year alone, has grown from only two to nearly 30 people) and the position of The United States supports those who seek Special Advisor for Religious Minorities in the to exercise universal rights around the Office of International Religious Freedom. world … recogniz[ing] that different Moreover, the debate lingering in the US cultures and traditions give life to these interagency for the past several years over whether values in distinct ways. America’sinfluence “religion matters” has given way to more comes not from perfection, but from our productive discussions of how to best engage the striving to overcome our imperfections … religious dimension of policy, security, [which] is what makes the American story development, and diplomacy—to do good not inspiring. harm, to know the appropriate limits of such engagement, and to even know when a problem While uncertainty and turbulence in the global with a religious dimension should not be viewed environment is a cause for concern, American primarily through a religious lens. leadership amidst complexity and crisis—at the Overall, sustainable US leadership requires nexus of faith and international affairs—can be a the next President to undertake a careful review of source of hope. v

Notes 1. Available at https://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/docs/2015_national_security_strategy.pdf. 2. Available at https://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/rss_viewer/national_security_strategy.pdf. 3. Available at http://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/nsc/nss/2006/. 4. Available at http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/63562.pdf. 5. This journal previously published a special “Recommendations for the Next President” during the 2008 election cycle—see http:// www.tandfonline.com/toc/rfia20/6/3. References Sandel, Michael. 1998. Democracy’s Discontent: America in Search of a Public Philosophy. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press. Seiple, Robert A. 2004. Ambassadors of Hope. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Sestanovich, Stephen. 2014. Maximalist: America in the World from Truman to Obama. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Signatories. 2002. What We’re Fighting For. New York: Institute for American Values. http://www.americanvalues.org/search/item.php? id=858. Simpson, Emile. 2012. War from the Ground Up: Twenty-First Century Combat as Politics. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2016.1184442

the review of faith & international affairs | 5 RELIGION AND RESPONSIBLE AMERICAN ENGAGEMENT OF THE MIDDLE EAST

By Chris Seiple

aradoxically, the 2016 US presidential . Invest personally in the Syrian Peace election has thus far featured frequent Process; and, affirmations of the importance of foreign . Encourage the establishment of a new policy, yet also an inability of most regional security structure, which would Pcandidates and pundits to talk about foreign policy include a “Marshall Center” for teaching meaningfully. Especially with respect to the governance and citizenship (rooted in Middle East, the discourse has consisted largely of religious freedom’s requirement to live with rather simple statements about how the next and respect our deepest differences) to president might use (or not use) the American governmental and grassroots leaders alike, military in reaction to ISIS. But more drone strikes including faith communities and to kill terrorists, or more US troops to stop ISIS, businesses. are not strategies, they are tactics—tactics that are counterproductive if they are not part of a broader vision and strategy, globally and regionally. Given that these goals are quite big, and With this understanding, and advised by (perhaps) long-term, the president, in traditional and non-traditional experts, the next consultation with friends and allies, should in the fi president should focus on the “mega-crisis” in near term also take the strategically signi cant but Iraq–Syria1 through a process that, at every small step of creating a safe haven on the Nineveh opportunity, explicitly and implicitly affirms and Plain. Such a step would allow for a slower pace builds the capacity for people to live with their for the above actions, while helping to: protect fl fl deepest political and theological differences. Put those who have ed ISIS; stem the refugee ow to differently, never has a nuanced approach to Turkey and Europe; delegitimize ISIS; integrating religious freedom been more needed demonstrate the mutual respect and mutual in American foreign policy. reliance required of good governance and In particular, the president should seek a citizenship; and, routinize working relationships “buffer zone area” that balances and buttresses the confluence of competing interests. The president Chris Seiple is President Emeritus and Chairman of the Board at the should: Institute for Global Engagement (IGE), and serves as Administrator of The Cradle Fund, IGE’s program to help rescue, restore, and return Middle Eastern Christians and other religious and ethnic groups to a . Convene an ongoing summit that re- home where they can live and practice their faith free from fear. considers the international boundaries of, Seiple is a member of the Religion, Identity and Countering Violent at a minimum, Iraq–Syria; Extremism working group at The Atlantic Council.

© 2016 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution- NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License (http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way. 6 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) chris seiple that could contribute to a new regional security innocent American hostages. Nor did he link the structure. negotiations to Iran’s development of ballistic Finally, the above should be rooted in a missiles. By choosing this singular approach, he Sunni-led defeat—militarily and theologically— clearly signaled to the region’s Sunnis that he was of ISIS, followed by a Sunni-led and Sunni- seeking to elevate Shia Iran into a regional balance funded (with international support) “Marshall of power with Sunni Saudi Arabia (presumably to Plan” for the region. make less work for US leadership) (Badran 2016; Goldberg 2016). The Current Situation in the Middle With the completion of the nuclear deal, East sanctions on Iran were lifted: enabling Iran to In 2008, I wrote a similar piece for these begin integrating into the global economy pages, titled, “Seizing the Middle East Moment.” (helping millions of innocent Iranians who do I argued then that the next president should take not support their government), yet also making a more integrated strategy to the region, rooted available billions of frozen Iranian assets to in robust religious freedom and public support Iran’s terrorism (which President Obama diplomacy per the interrelated foreign policy freely admitted) (Walsh 2015). Throughout the issues presented by Iran, Israel, and Iraq (Seiple nuclear deal negotiations, Iran continued to build 2008). Eight things have changed in the eight its infrastructure of influence in Iraq and Syria, years since then. ensuring it had a pipeline to Hezbollah in First, President Obama came to office with a Southern Lebanon, while testing ballistic missiles well-intentioned desire to see US foreign policy intended to intimidate Israel (The Independent less dominated by the Middle East, and less 2016). responsible for the region (coupled with a desire What I warned of in 2008, now exists: “Of to give additional attention to Asia). Having run course, if the situation gets worse, and an against the record of President George W. Bush, ascendant, perhaps nuclear Iran dominates a the president who started wars, President Obama weak Iraq, it would put Iran right on everyone’s was going to be the president who ended wars doorstep creating more tension and trouble (Goldberg 2016). than current regional security structures can Second,itturnsoutthattheonlything handle” (Seiple 2008, 54). The result, when worse than going to war without a strategy is combined with Syria, is the emergence of an leaving a war without a strategy (Seiple 2003a; Iran-Baghdad-Assad-Hezbollah-Russia axis that 2003b).2 In 2011, President Obama withdrew views itself as fighting Sunni terrorists. all US troops from an Iraq that he described as Meanwhile, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan, and “sovereign, stable, and self-reliant.” But then he Israel are drawing strategically closer also turned a blind eye to the persecution and (Sharkansky 2015). torture of Sunnis by Prime Minister Maliki’s Fourth, when the “Arab Spring” came, the Shia-dominated government. By 2014, Obama administration managed to mostly get it aggrieved Sunnis were ready to fight back and backwards in each context. When the Syria began joining what President Obama would call revolution began in 2011, the president failed to the “junior varsity,” the Islamic State (Charen demonstrate any kind of support for those who 20153). took to the streets (Goldberg 2014); echoing his Third, President Obama singularly pursued a 2009 non-response to the Green Revolution in nuclear deal with Iran with multifold effect. In a Tehran (The Washington Post 2010). region where everything is interrelated, President And, no matter one’s opinion about whether Obama insisted on singularly addressing the Obama should have issued a “red line” regarding nuclear issue, refusing to link it to any other issue. the 2013 use of chemical weapons by President For example, Obama did not make as a Assad in Syria, that President Obama did not precondition for talks the cessation of state- keep his public word, deeply damaged the sponsored terrorism by Iran, or the release of integrity of American foreign policy. Related, it is

the review of faith & international affairs | 7 religion and responsible american engagement of the middle east now conventional wisdom that not only has to guarantee a port for Soviet ships in Latakia, Russia stepped into the American-made vacuum, while positioning Assad as an advance redoubt of but that the US is choosing to defer to Russia the Russian homeland against terrorists. The (Cohen 2016). move also strengthens President Putin at home as When there seemed to be the threat of he demonstrates that Russia is indeed a great genocide in Libya before the death of Gaddafi, power—and, by comparison, that America is not the US led a coalition “from behind,” which de so great—while also positioning himself, per the facto ensured that there was no practical follow- czars of old, as the defender of Christians (e.g. up (Lizza 2011). Today Libya is lawless and home most of the Christians left in Syria are under to some 5,000 ISIS fighters (Banchiri 2016). And Assad’s protection, as the other choice was ISIS). in Egypt, the Americans managed to alienate The combined result creates more negotiation both the regime and the people in the streets chips for Putin in the international poker game during the July 3, 2013 coup (Kirkpatrick, Baker, for the future of Syria and Iraq, as well as Ukraine and Gordon 2013). (Feldman 2015; Reynolds 2016). Fifth, with the exception of Tunisia, the China is also now a factor. It does not yet counter-revolution is firmly entrenched signal military involvement or even political throughout the Middle East and North Africa. involvement. But its economic power is There is no place for non-violent Islamists in the undeniable. It will not seek “sides” anytime soon public square, returning the region to the status —but it will have to engage, perhaps sooner than quo ante and the vicious cycle of Arab it would like regarding counter-terrorism (CT) authoritarian repression followed by terrorist efforts. Most interesting will be whether or not attacks. ISIS and Sisi, it is said, are the same thing China decides it needs a form of soft power to spelled backwards: they are from different ends of engage the region (e.g. helping with refugees, the political spectrum but they need and feed off internally displaced people, etc.). of each other, validating their own existence, and NATO ally Turkey remains the literal thus their own increased violence against one linchpin to all of the above issues. It has been another.4 tremendous in receiving over two million Sixth, while it is true that the issue of an refugees. But it remains unclear what role Turkey Islam-based terrorism has generally been a Sunni will play, given its consistent inconsistency in Arab problem—that is, al Qaeda, ISIS, et al., are trying to have it both ways on various issues. It Sunni originated and funded efforts—it is also was for Assad before it was against him. It let true that Sunni Arabs are much less likely to trust foreign fighters into Syria (to fight with ISIS) the Americans today than they were eight years before it said it stopped their transit. It allowed ago. In “Sunni eyes”—that is, from the the Kurdish party to participate in domestic perspective of Sunnis living in Syria and Iraq, as elections before not helping Kurds in Syria (e.g. well as the Gulf states and Saudi Arabia—it Kobane). It says it is against ISIS, but has allowed appears that the Obama administration has done ISIS to sell its oil (Tastekin 2014). It was for the everything possible to encourage Iran, from the free press before it was against it (Meral 2016). nuclear deal to taking a back-seat to Russia–Iran Eighth, at least in my own eight visits to the regarding the peace negotiations in Syria. And region from October 2014 to March 2016, the thus it is natural for “Sunnis” to consider ISIS as a Israel–Palestine conflict is no longer the primary buffer against Iranian influence (Schmidt and narrative through which Sunni Arab Muslims Cooper 2016). understand themselves. Rather, the twin crises of Seventh, there are new players. Foremost is Iran and ISIS are what now dominate discussion, Russia, which has taken advantage of the vacuum with the latter viewed by some as a buffer against of international leadership, unilaterally deploying the former. Meanwhile, everyone knows Israel’s (and then removing some of) its forces to redlines. There is no doubt that Israel will take strengthen the Assad regime. The result has been action if its redlines are crossed.

8 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) chris seiple

Elements of a Grand Strategy for the own freedom, and make their own way.” Middle East (Rice 2005) On May 16, 2016, the Iraq–Syria area marked the 100th anniversary of the Sykes-Picot While these instincts are exactly right, they have agreement: a secret agreement between the French not been backed up by the practice of American and the British about how to divide up the Levant foreign policy. President George W. Bush, of (with imperial Russian assent, although the course, had invaded Iraq just two years previously Bolsheviks would later make the treaty public.) for two reasons. Bush sought to remove the threat Today the treaty is short-hand for colonial (great) of WMD, which were not there, despite powers drawing boundaries without the consent consensus among the world’s intelligence of the peoples who lived there. communities. He also sought to impose a It is also a reminder that since the end of democratic government that would not be World War I and the Ottoman Empire, there threatened by extremism, precisely because it have been too few examples of effective would develop a strong public square where deep governance in the Muslim-majority countries of differences could be lived with because they were the Middle East. This lack of discussed (and not repressed). governance—from providing Where President George THERE HAVE BEEN TOO FEW public services to treating W. Bush was certain, minorities with equal respect EXAMPLES OF EFFECTIVE however, President Obama —has contributed directly to GOVERNANCE IN THE was uncertain, echoing the the rise of a terrorism that is MUSLIM-MAJORITY Turkish approach of motivated by its own consistent inconsistency. By COUNTRIES OF THE MIDDLE manipulated understanding the start of 2016, the US was of Islam, while EAST fighting with Iranian affiliates simultaneously using the against ISIS in Iraq, while injustice of the authoritarian-apostate regimes to supporting a Saudi war against Iranian proxies in its advantage. Yemen. The administration had repeatedly called No one cared in the West. As long as the for the overthrow of Syrian President Assad, but region was stable—thereby allowing the oil to seemed to let Russia intervene militarily and flow out of it—Western powers didn’t care who diplomatically as it shored up the Assad regime. governed, or how. It was only natural that some Meanwhile, both Israel and Saudi Arabia, people in these countries turned to violence America’s traditional top two regional allies, are against the “near enemy” (Arab deeply alienated from the US by the nuclear deal authoritarianism), as well as the “far enemy” with Iran. (those Western countries that supported these Good governance and good citizenship— Arab dictators, particularly the United States).5 rooted in the mutual respect and mutual reliance U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said of a robust religious freedom—is not easily done as much in 2005: in the Middle East, in part because there is no tradition or memory of it. Meanwhile, the US has For 60 years, the United States pursued yet to find a “Goldilocks” manner and method of stability at the expense of democracy in the responsible engagement somewhere between Middle East—and we achieved neither. Presidents Bush and Obama. Now, we are taking a different course. We What then should the next American are supporting the democratic aspirations president do? of all people. As President Bush said in his First, the president needs to create and Second Inaugural Address: “America will integrate a group of non-traditional advisors at not impose our style of government on the the National Security Council. They can help unwilling. Our goal instead is to help blend singular approaches while providing, as a others find their own voice, attain their result, a better perspective on what success looks

the review of faith & international affairs | 9 religion and responsible american engagement of the middle east like in the Middle East by the end of the century. The development of such a buffer zone could Theologians, religious freedom/conflict be simultaneously pursued across three distinct resolution experts, entrepreneurs, faith leaders, but mutually-reinforcing efforts. The president and trauma specialists must speak into a strategy should deeply commit to, and/or initiate: (1) that must be much bigger than realpolitik. Syrian peace talks; (2) an ongoing summit Second, the next president would be wise to regarding the international boundaries; and, (3) a have a grand vision of strategic but small, adjustable regional security structure whose members were steps, focused on the mega-crisis of Iraq–Syria. vested in this vision. Understanding that everything in the Middle East As the next administration considers—in is interrelated—and that everything takes consultation with allies in and out of the region— aggressive patience to implement—the president how best to balance the competing interests should work toward the development of a buffer across these three efforts, the president should zone that balances and buttresses the competing seek and encourage new working patterns and interests in the region. As I argued in 2006: relationships among governments, civil society, faith communities, and business. Buffer regions are places on a map that These relationships—rooted in mutual allow for the amelioration of the respect and mutual reliance, thus embodying a surrounding, and competing, influences of practical religious freedom—might take specific major and/or great powers … [They also form if organized around a small but present] the possibility that the soft power strategic step: the establishment of a safe haven on of a civil society—formed and informed by the Nineveh Plain. Declaring and defending such the literal worldview around them—might a haven would accomplish a number of contribute to stability, and therefore objectives. security. (Seiple 2006) A safe haven would be a sign of practical hope for those persecuted by ISIS, as well as a concrete A “buffer zone” in the Iraq–Syria region could do demonstration of the moral responsibility that many things, simultaneously. Foremost, a follows from declaring the actions of ISIS as collection of smaller states and/or protectorates genocide. Nineveh villages could be protected by could manage and mitigate Iranian influence west local units of the same ethnicity and/or faith of toward Lebanon. Sunni Arabs would feel much the villagers, backed by an international rapid better (as would Israel) about an ascendant Iran reaction force. that did not have a direct pipeline to Hezbollah A safe haven would also “theo-graphically”— through Iraq and Syria. Moreover, such a zone theology + geography—delegitimize ISIS. Taking would balance Arab and Kurd (with the land that ISIS has declared a part of its possibility of an independent Kurdistan), as well “caliphate,” and then using that land to protect as Kurd and religious minorities (with the those against whom ISIS had perpetrated possibility of a safe haven under international genocide, would constitute a direct threat to the protection for religious minorities on the identity and theological purpose of ISIS. Nineveh Plain), and Kurd and Turk, as there are In addition, the establishment of a safe haven deep tensions between and among all of them. would help stem the flood of refugees to Turkey Sufficient separation could also provide time for and Europe, while signaling global ISIS healing the wounds of the body and spirit as, over “wannabes” that they should stay home because time, a practical religious freedom took root, ISIS was losing. Moreover, once established, a hand-in-hand with plans for an economic safe haven would offer the opportunity to develop integration that addressed corruption and reform and practice good governance and citizenship— while intentionally harnessing the self-interest of especially through a demonstrated capacity for these groups in particular places, de facto forcing different groups to live together, or side-by-side, them to work together, per their common need despite deep differences—in a small way that (e.g. a factory that created jobs). might be replicated later.

10 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) chris seiple

Finally, the declaration and defense of a small should also catalyze a “Marshall Plan” for Iraq– safe haven would also exercise patience, as the larger Syria, led by those equipped in the region’s processes of negotiating Syrian peace, redrawing “Marshall Center.” The original 1947 Marshall international boundaries, and building a regional Plan for Europe was American-funded and was security structure proceeded (Seiple 2015). specifically designed to buttress against In developing and implementing such a safe communism: fostering political stability by haven—through the negotiations and working enabling economic stability (e.g. with regulation relationship of the relevant parties—a regional reduction as well as introducing best business security structure might be practically discussed. practices). More than anything else, the fact that a This structure would, at a minimum, ensure plan existed created hope for those burdened by regular communication between and among the the literal and emotional destruction of the region’s players, without America having to take World War II. sides. As former Central Command Chief, Perhaps as a function of the new regional General Jim Mattis, USMC (ret), has written: security architecture, a Sunni led and “We need a new security architecture for the funded effort might take place, with Middle East built on sound policy, one that international participation. After all, “jobs permits us to take our own side in this fight” and justice” are often the same thing in a region (Mattis 2015). that must compete with the comparatively Next, as integral to the new security structure, well-paid attraction of “jihad” inthenameofa the 45th president of the United States should justice perceived to stand against rampant promote and provide resources to programs in corruption. which government and non-government leaders The next president should therefore from the region are educated and trained— encourage a Sunni-led defeat of ISIS, with together—per the Track 1.5 nature of our times international support. The King of Jordan is a (Seiple 2008). A working example is the Marshall natural leader for such a coalition. Jordan’s King Center in Garmisch, Germany. Its mission is to: can claim significant Islamic legitimacy as he is a 43rd generation descendent of Mohammed. create a more stable security environment Meanwhile, Jordan, through the efforts of Prince by advancing democratic institutions and Ghazi, has long led the theological struggle relationships; promoting active, peaceful, against terrorism (e.g. The Common Word whole-of-government approaches to initiative). No defeat of ISIS will be sustainable if address transnational and regional security it is not anchored in the holy scriptures of Islam. challenges; and creating and enhancing Only good theology beats bad theology.7 enduring partnerships worldwide … Without a soft power/theological approach, [through] tailored, professional education the only thing worse than military defeat at the and research, dialogue, and the persistent, hands of ISIS would the zombie-son-of-ISIS that thorough, and thoughtful examination of will fill the vacuum created by a military-only issues that confront our client nations “victory” against ISIS. today and in the years ahead.6 As a result, the next president should also lead in the creation of new public–private Such a center—as the crown jewel of the regional partnerships that take a long-term approach to security structure—would also address peace- stopping the spread of Shia- and Sunni- building, trauma/moral injury care, and gender terrorism. Different phenomena, the former is integration, as cohorts developed their own state-sponsored (i.e. Iranian leaders will stop culture and network of mutual respect and funding terrorism if it is in their self-interest), mutual reliance across ethnic, faith, and while the latter is society-enabled (i.e. there is vocational lines. sympathy among aggrieved Sunnis in the region Finally, such goals, always in consultation —against their governments and/or Iran—to with key actors inside and outside the region, strike against those who humiliate Sunnis). For

the review of faith & international affairs | 11 religion and responsible american engagement of the middle east example, the new regional security structure Muslim communities in the US pursuant a might include a “governance & citizenship” smarter engagement of Muslim-majority center as a public–private partnership. This countries, especially the Sunni Arab world in the center would catalyze soft power initiatives, Middle East. rooted in local examples of co-existence (e.g. Kurdistan) that worked long-term against the terrorist threat, simultaneously from the top- Conclusion down and the bottom-up. The Middle East is amidst an historic transition Finally, the Americans would have to set the that is far from over. If it is to be a positive one, example regarding the relationship between hard that transition must include recognizing and and soft power; about which, to date, it has not defeating the evil that is ISIS. That said, it will done a very good job. For example, in the US, at require great geo-political and theological nuance, least, the relationship between the hard power of as well as the will to take the long-term approach. “Counter-Terrorism ” and the soft power of Now is the time for a pragmatic leadership that “CVE” (Countering Violent Extremism) is often addresses root causes through a long-term strategy backwards. The Americans have tended to treat for the century that builds good governance and CVE as a lesser-included set of CT, instead of good citizenship—and ultimately a sustainable seeing CT as a lesser-included set of CVE. environment of religious freedom for all. Meanwhile, the term itself—“CVE”—is Otherwise there is but one thing that we really nevertheless defined implicitly against Muslims, know about the Middle East today: it will only get and it has thus been harder to engage (Sunni) worse, before it gets worse. v

Notes 1. I first heard Espen Barth Eide use this term, “mega-crisis,” at the Global Agenda Councils meeting of the World Economic Forum (where he is a managing director) in Abu Dhabi in October 2015 (Eide 2015). Espen Barth Eide is a Norwegian political scientist who previously served as Norway’s Minister of Defense, and Minister of Foreign Affairs. 2. I certainly understand the critique of the George W. Bush administration in Iraq. Indeed, I was among the first to offer that critique (e.g., see Seiple 2003a, 2003b). Nevertheless, when an administration has been in power seven years, it is also true that it deserves its own critique. 3. This opinion confirmed by my own discussions with people who served in Baghdad, 2011–2014. 4. Things are changing, however, as Saudi Arabia seeks to build a Sunni Alliance against Shia Iran. For example, after designating the Muslim Brotherhood a terrorist organization in March 2014, Saudi Arabia began engaging Brotherhood leaders of all stripes by July 2015. See Al-Arian (2015). 5. “Near” & “far” enemies are terms that Usama bin Laden used to frame his holy war after the Saudi government invited the U.S. to stay in Saudi Arabia at the end of the first Gulf War. 6. Please find the George C. Marshall Center vision and mission at: http://www.marshallcenter.org/mcpublicweb/en/nav-main-wwd- mission-vision-en.html. 7. For example, there is room to build on the recent Marrakesh Declaration—which calls for mutual respect between majority Muslims and minority faiths, and equal citizenship for all, based on the Charter of Medina—as faith communities discern, and make recommendations regarding, how good governance can create a context where the best of faith defeats the worst of religion. This declaration, January 27, 2016, on the 1400th anniversary of the Charter of Medina, asserted that this Charter is consistent with and calls for the protection of all religious minorities, including Christians, in Muslim majority lands, as equal citizens under the rule of law. Also see Abdul Rauf (2015) and Aroua (2013). References Al-Arian, Ali. 2015. “Is Saudi Arabia Warming Up to the Muslim Brotherhood?” Al Jazeera, July 29. http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2015/ 07/saudi-arabia-warming-muslim-brotherhood-150727121500912.html. Aroua, Abbas. 2013. The Quest for Peace in the Islamic Tradition. Oslo: Kolofon. Badran, Tony. 2016. “America Makes a U-Turn in the Middle East.” Tablet Magazine, February 4. http://www.tabletmag.com/jewish- news-and-politics/197368/u-turn-in-the-middle-east. Banchiri, Bamzi. 2016. “ISIS Presence in Libya May Have Increased Up to 5000 Fighters.” Christian Science Monitor, February 5. http:// www.csmonitor.com/World/Global-News/2016/0205/ISIS-presence-in-Libya-may-have-increased-up-to-5-000-fighters.

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Charen, Mona. 2015. “ISIS Is Barack Obama’s Creation.” The National Review, November 20. http://www.nationalreview.com/article/ 427388/obama-drove-sunnis-isiss-arms-mona-charen. Cohen, Roger. 2016. “America’s Syrian Shame.” The New York Times, February 8. Eide, Espen Barth. 2015. Address, Global Agenda Councils, Proceedings of World Economic Forum, Abu Dahbi. Feldman, Noah. 2015. “Putin’s Play in Syria.” Bloomberg View, September 23. Goldberg, Jeffrey. 2014. “Hillary Clinton: ‘Failure’ to Help Syrian Rebels Led to the Rise of ISIS.” The Atlantic, August 10. http://www. theatlantic.com/international/archive/2014/08/hillary-clinton-failure-to-help-syrian-rebels-led-to-the-rise-of-isis/375832/. Goldberg, Jeffrey. 2016. “The Obama Doctrine.” The Atlantic, March 17. http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2016/04/the- obama-doctrine/471525/. Kirkpatrick, David D., Peter Baker, and Michael R. Gordon. 2013. “How American Hopes for a Deal in Egypt Were Undercut.” New York Times, August 17. http://www.nytimes.com/2013/08/18/world/middleeast/pressure-by-us-failed-to-sway-egypts-leaders.html? pagewanted=all&_r=0. Lizza, Ryan. 2011. “The Consequentialist.” New Yorker, May 2. http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2011/05/02/the-consequentialist. Mattis, James. 2015. A New American Grand Strategy. The Hoover Institution, February 26. http://www.hoover.org/research/new- american-grand-strategy. Meral, Ziya. 2016. “A Note of Despair on Turkey.” Weblog post, LinkedIn.com, March 4. Rauf, Feisal Abdul. 2015. Defining Islamic Statehood: Measuring and Indexing Contemporary Muslim States. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Reynolds, Michael A. 2016. “Vladimir Putin: Godfather of Kurdistan.” National Interest, March 1. Rice, Condoleezza. 2005. Speech, American University of Cairo. June 20. http://arabist.net/blog/2005/6/20/condoleezza-rices-remarks- from-her-cairo-speech-at-auc.html. Schmidt, Michael S., and Helen Cooper. 2016. “Challenge for Defense Secretary: Get Arabs to Do More to Combat ISIS.” New York Times, February 9. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/02/10/world/middleeast/challenge-for-defense-secretary-get-arab-allies-to-do-more-to- combat-isis.html. Seiple, Chris. 2003a. “Waging Peace.” Government Executive, May 20. http://www.govexec.com/defense/defense-beat/2003/05/waging- peace/14128/. Seiple, Chris. 2003b. Religion and the New Global Counterinsurgency. Institute for Global Engagement website, September 2. https:// globalengage.org/news-media/from-the-president/religion-and-the-new-global-counterinsurgency. Seiple, Chris. 2006. “Revisiting the Geo-Political Thinking of Halford John MacKinder: The U.S.-Uzbekistan Relationship, 1991–2005.” Diss., The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University. https://globalengage.org/attachments/771_seiple_dissertation. pdf. Seiple, Chris. 2008. “Seizing the Middle East Moment.” The Review of Faith & International Affairs 6 (3): 53–56. http://www.tandfonline. com/doi/abs/10.1080/15570274.2008.9523355. Seiple, Chris. 2015. “The Case for a Safe Haven for Refugees in the Middle East.” World Economic Forum blog, October 22. https://www. weforum.org/agenda/2015/10/the-case-for-a-safe-haven-for-refugees-in-the-middle-east/. Sharkansky, Ira. 2015a. “Is an ‘Alliance’ Brewing Among Egypt, Israel, and Saudi Arabia?” The San Diego Jewish World, July 19. http:// www.sdjewishworld.com/2015/07/19/is-alliance-brewing-among-egypt-israel-saudi-arabia/. Tastekin, Fehim. 2014. “Turkish Villages Smuggle IS Oil through Makeshift Pipelines.” Al Monitor, September. http://www.al-monitor. com/pulse/originals/2014/09/turkey-syria-iraq-illegal-oil-pipeline.html#. The Independent 2016. “Iran Fires Two Missiles Marked ‘Israel Must Be Wiped Out.’” The Independent, March 9. http://www. theindependent.com/news/world/iran-fires-missiles-marked-with-israel-must-be-wiped-out/article_6fc4743b-2762-5675-95b7- b6941102e85f.html. The Washington Post 2010. “What If the Obama Administration Fully Sided with Iran’s Green Movement.” The Washington Post, Editorial, June 12. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/06/11/AR2010061106014.html. Walsh, Teresa. 2015. “White House ‘Nearly Certain’ Iran Will Still Fund Terrorism.” U.S. News and World Report, August 5. http://www. usnews.com/news/articles/2015/08/05/obama-administration-nearly-certain-iran-will-still-fund-terrorism.

http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2016.1184451

the review of faith & international affairs | 13 GETTING TURKEY BACK ON TRACK TO DEMOCRACY, HUMAN RIGHTS, AND RELIGIOUS FREEDOM

By Turan Kayaoglu

n recent years, Turkey has made headlines Arabia. The downgrade was indicative of the for all the wrong reasons: ignoring the ISIS legitimate frustration in Washington for Turkey’s threat, taking military actions and imposing unfulfilled promises of increased religious a civilian curfew in several Kurdish towns, freedom. Following a minor diplomatic crisis Iand punishing academics and journalists for their between the two countries after USCIRF’s opinions. A recent New York Times editorial sums recommendation, in 2013 USCIRF removed the it up: “Mr. Erdoğan has fallen far from the days CPC recommendation for Turkey. After two when he could be regarded as a respected leader of years of vastly differing appraisals of the degree of a Muslim-majority democracy and a trusted religious freedom within Turkey, in 2014 Turkey partner in the region.” In the span of five short was placed back on the watch list (renamed “Tier years, Turkey has reverted from a model for 2”) where it remains today. democracy for the Muslim world, to an The next US president should focus on three authoritarian regime, looking more and more major items: repair the strained strategic each day like other Middle East countries. partnership with Turkey in the Middle East, Erdoğan’s fall from grace has forced the Obama particularly with regard to defeating ISIS; Administration to choose between criticizing the publicly and privately encourage Turkish leaders authoritarian turn in Turkish politics and to protect and promote religious freedom and working with Ankara to combat ISIS. other human rights in Turkey; and remind the Turkey has been a frustrating US ally on the subject of religious freedom. The US Commission on International Religious Freedom Turan Kayaoglu is an Associate Professor of International Relations (USCIRF) began reporting on Turkey in 2006, and the Associate Dean of Faculty and Student Affairs at the School of Interdisciplinary Arts and Sciences, University of Washington and in 2008 put the country on its watch list. In Tacoma. He is the Editor-in-Chief of Muslim World Journal of Human 2012, in an unprecedented and controversial Rights and the author of Legal Imperialism: Sovereignty and step, the USCIRF recommended that the State Extraterritoriality in Japan, the Ottoman Empire, and China Department designate Turkey a Country of (Cambridge University Press, 2010) and The Organization of Islamic Particular Concern (CPC), a category reserved for Cooperation: The Politics, Problems, and Potential (Routledge, severe persecutors such as Iran, China, and Saudi 2015).

© 2016 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License (http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way. 14 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) turan kayaoglu

Turkish leaders of the global value of the Turkish US should be insisting that Turkey take strong model—a majority Muslim nation with measures to end ISIS activities within its borders. democratic politics, civil-secular state, and The next president should caution Turkey moderate Islam. about Russia’s role in the ongoing crisis in Syria. Concern over Russia’s role in the conflict in Syria Repair the Strained Strategic and Turkey’s relationship with Russia increased Partnership following Turkey’s downing of a Russian fighter The tumultuous events of the Arab Spring and jet near the Turkish–Syrian border in November the subsequent upheavals in the Middle East and 2015. This incident and the ensuing row pushed North Africa (MENA) have shown that Turkey is Turkey closer to the Western alliance and hushed both an indispensable and unreliable partner. the advocates of Turkish membership in the Turkey and the US differ greatly in their Shanghai Cooperation Organization (Turkey has approach to Syria: Ankara has prioritized Assad’s been a dialogue partner since 2012). While ouster and the Kurds’ containment while Turkey realized the importance of its NATO Washington has remained distant to anti-Assad membership, this may also embolden the Turkish opposition groups and prioritized the defeat and leadership to engage in risky actions—actions elimination of ISIS after 2014. While the political that could embroil the US and other NATO differences have sown mistrust between the allies, countries in a larger conflict. the threat posed by ISIS nevertheless led US The Syrian quagmire and the goal of policy-makers to prioritize Turkey’s cooperation defeating ISIS should not tempt the next in the fight against ISIS over concern about the president to focus exclusively on short-term US status of democracy and human rights in Turkey. interests with Turkey. While ensuring access to The war in Syria will likely continue to be a the country’s Incirlik airbase remains a key major policy issue for the next president vis-à-vis strategic consideration, there are other issues in Turkey. In a war that resulted in over a quarter the US –Turkey bilateral relationship that merit million deaths and over four million refugees, consideration. In particular, US authorities Turkey’s willingness to shelter refugees has been should publicly and privately speak against the laudable. But the country has also been an authoritarian turn in Turkish politics, stressing accomplice in the Syrian civil war: Ankara’s early that the rule of law, respect for human rights, and and uncompromising anti-Assad position freedom of the press are non-negotiable emboldened the Syrian Islamist opposition to take expectations for Turkey. Clear statements from arms against the regime. Since then, Turkey’s the US might carry weight, as the US has been murky dealings with Syria’s Islamic opposition instrumental during key periods in Turkish and the shifting of loyalties of various groups have history and its march toward democracy. For allowed some critics to claim the existence of a example, Washington facilitated the Turkish Turkish–ISIS alliance (Guiton 2014; Zaman experience with multiparty democracy after 2015). Even friends of Turkey have a hard time WWII. Although the US often took a soft understanding why the Turkish government long approach to military interventions in Turkish ignored the ISIS regime, despite ISIS’ recruitment politics, it also made its preferences known and activities in Turkey, use of Turkey as a transit encouraged the military to turn over power to country, and black market dealings in Turkey. civilian authorities. Turkey and the US will continue to diverge It is also tempting to ignore President on some key issues in Syria—namely, Assad’s Erdoğan’s monopolization of power. However, participation in a transition government and absence of protests in the streets should not be whether Syrian Kurds are granted a seat at the mistaken for social consensus. Turkey’s social and peace negotiations (Kardas 2016). Agreeing to political fabric is deeply frayed. Using its success disagree is a way forward, but the US should not at the polls and majority at the parliament, the allow Turkey to pursue policies that undermine The Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve efforts to defeat ISIS. Also non-negotiable for the Kalkınma Partisi; AKP) has dismantled the

the review of faith & international affairs | 15 getting turkey back on track foundation of social consensus among main process as well as empower Turkish youth who segments of the society and yet has been unable to have been disillusioned with both the AKP and build a new one, leaving the country susceptible EU leaders. These younger Turks can bring a new to domestic political crisis. American authorities dynamism to Turkish civil society, as well as should constantly remind Turkish authorities enliven the moribund secular and liberal that long-term stability comes with the messiness opposition to the AKP. of democracy as opposed to the neat but fragile In addition to promoting reforms in Turkish public order of authoritarianism. At this critical society and laws, the Turkey–EU partnership also juncture in Turkish history, Washington must impacts the Turkish response to rulings by the side with the future of Turkish democracy. European Court of Human Rights. While the The shortest path to long-term stability in court has not always been a reliable partner for Turkey goes through Brussels. Since the end of religious freedom in Turkey (it supported the WWII, the US has worked to tie Turkey to the headscarf ban in the universities and the closure Western military and political system with the of the Islamist Welfare Party), it has been a Marshall Plan (1948–1951) and Turkey’s NATO progressive force concerning the freedom of membership (1952). Leaders in Washington also religious minorities (Kayaoglu 2014). The court recognize EU membership as the best anchor for has been active in getting Turkey to return some Turkey in the Western alliance. confiscated minority religious properties, to revise When the conservative AKP government religious textbooks, and to recognize the rights of came to power in 2002, some observers asked Alevis. A revival of EU–Turkey relations could whether Turkey was turning its back on the West well make Turkey more attentive to the court’s —reversing a path the country had adopted since demands. Tanzimat (1839) and an orientation that has been central to Turkish identity, politics, and Work to Stop the Erosion of Human foreign policy since the establishment of the Rights in Turkey Turkish Republic (1923). Surprisingly, the AKP’s Turkey’s record on human rights and religious pro-EU reforms in its first term opened the doors freedom has suffered major setbacks in recent for accession negotiations with the union. Yet, a years. After its progressive first term (Arat 2007) decade later, the process has been all but stalled and stagnant second term, AKP ushered in a and Turkey has drifted away from its former ruinous downward trend for rights and freedoms priority of EU membership. The EU’s urgent during its third term. If the start of the fourth internal problems and the rise of Islamophobia term is any indication, human rights in Turkey across the EU have perpetuated European fears has a bleak future. The AKP experience shows about admitting 70 million Muslims into that Islamist parties’ electoral success may lead to Europe. Yet the Turkish government also shares tactical and selective gains for democracy and the blame: Erdoğan’s dismissive, condescending, human rights; however, without institutional and reactionary rhetoric on issues such as mechanisms and the internalization of democracy women’s rights, human rights, and minority and human rights by party elites, any gains on rights and the government’s oppressive policies these are easily reversible (Hamid 2014). surrounding freedom of speech have frustrated Following the Gezi Parkı protests—large- and alienated the EU’s pro-Turkey liberals, scale anti-government unrest in May and June leaving Christian Democrat and right-wing 2013—and December 2013 corruption parties and Cyprus’ Cypriot Government to investigations, the AKP has systematically influence EU deliberations over Turkey. curtailed freedom of speech. Prosecutors regularly The next administration should work to charge people for offenses such as insulting repair Ankara’s ties with Brussels and renew the President Erdoğan or his family members. The commitment of both sides to Turkey’sEU AKP government has increasingly targeted social membership. A credible promise of EU media and the Internet, denying access to membership might ignite the domestic reform websites critical of the government and has even

16 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) turan kayaoglu imposed temporary restrictions to popular social arrested for alleged links to the The Kurdistan media sites. YouTube and Twitter have suffered Workers’ Party’s (Partiya Karkerên Kurdistanê; the wrath of the government in retaliation for PKK’s) urban wing, Group of Communities in these sites allowing users to post leaked phone Kurdistan (Koma Civakên Kurdistan). conversations suggesting corruption on the part Prosecutors have used anti-terrorism laws to of AKP government members and Erdoğan’s suppress non-violent pro-Kurdish and leftist inner circle. In 2015, Reporters Without Borders political activities. Activist members, party ranked Turkey 149 out of 180 countries in its officials, and politicians from the pro-Kurdish World Press Freedom Index. Journalists have Peace and Democracy Party have all been been fired under government pressure and some imprisoned. In the June 2015 parliamentary journalists have been jailed for publishing reports elections, the main pro-Kurdish party, the and photos showing government shipments of Peoples’ Democratic Party (Halkların arms to groups in Syria. “Through its mounting Demokratik Partisi), surpassed the electoral campaign of arrests, financial pressure, online threshold by receiving 13 percent of nationwide censorship, outright seizure, and violent votes, an outcome that has begun a new era for intimidation” the Kurdish politics in Turkey. government has assaulted on Following the success of media freedom and muzzled THE KURDISH ISSUE IS the Kurds at the polls, the the press (Bipartisan Policy CENTRAL TO THE government targeted Center 2016, 4). GEOPOLITICS OF THE MIDDLE southeastern cities, which ’ The government s control EAST became PKK strongholds over the media has spread the when the government turned conspiratorial and anti- a blind eye toward the PKK’s American attitudes pervasive in Turkish Islamist efforts to strengthen its presence in the region for circles to broader segments of Turkish society. the now-jettisoned Democratic Opening. Then, Pro-government newspapers routinely defame in June 2015, the government gave the security and attack American diplomats. This has been agencies the green light to initiate the worst exacerbated by the AKP government’s perpetual period of urban warfare in recent Turkish history. need to find internal and external scapegoats. The end to this anti-Kurd urban warfare is not yet Turkish society has effectively been denied the in sight, and the extent of the devastation is not opportunity to hear alternative ideas about the yet clear, but the resulting trauma to Kurds, who US. The US should ask the Turkish government have long been oppressed by secular Kemalists, to respect freedom of the press—both out of nationalists, and now by the Islamists, will likely respect for the principle of freedom of speech but bolster separatist movements among Kurds. also to ensure that the Turkish public receives a The Kurdish issue is central to the geopolitics more balanced view about the US. of the Middle East, and the US must not Turkey’s principal human rights problem postpone clarifying what it envisions for Kurds in remains the Kurdish situation. While the Iraq, Syria, Iran, and Turkey. While emphasizing government advanced Kurdish rights on several that PKK terrorism is unacceptable, the US fronts in its first two terms, the government should maintain that Turkey must increase ignored further Kurdish demands during its third Kurds’ freedoms and guarantee both their term (Cavanaugh and Edel 2015). The Kurdish individual rights as well as their collective rights. minority wants constitutional recognition, the Finally, the next American president should Kurdish language to be taught in predominantly also prioritize the religious freedom of Turkey’s Kurdish regions, the Kurdish language accepted minorities. In recent years, the Turkish as an official language, and the removal of the 10 government took an unprecedented step in percent nationwide electoral threshold required returning $1 billion worth of formerly for political parties to be seated in parliament. In confiscated properties to minority religious 2012, thousands of Kurdish activists were groups. Yet religious minorities still lack full legal

the review of faith & international affairs | 17 getting turkey back on track status in Turkey (Kılınç 2014). Even Greek, worsened the animosity toward Alevis in Turkey. Armenian, and Jewish minorities whose rights In Turkey the Assad regime is widely regarded as have been protected by the Lausanne Treaty an expression of Alevi Islam. Because the Turkish (1924) face difficulties, such as restrictions on state has not officially recognized the Alevis as a their ability to train clergy. The Greek Orthodox religious community, their places of worship, Halki Seminary has been closed since 1971, called cemevis, cannot be categorized as a religious despite routine public promises by AKP leaders sanctuary and they are thus denied the public that it will be re-opened. These officially benefits provided to places of worship. In a 2014 designated religious communities continue to ruling, Cumhuriyetçi Eğitim Ve Kültür Merkezi face government intervention in their internal Vakfı v. Turkey, the European Court of Human affairs. For instance, the government bars the Rights (ECHR) held unanimously that the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate from using the government’s refusal to recognize cemevis is term “ecumenical” and interferes with the discriminatory and asked the government to selection of the Armenian Patriarchate leadership. change its policy. While Jews fare better in Turkey than in most There is only so much American authorities other Muslim-majority nations, they continue to can do to stop the erosion of human rights in suffer from anti-Semitism. Turkey. One effective way is public and private State control over religion has resulted in criticism. In his January 2016 visit to Turkey, Muslim communities suffering as well. Vice President Joe Biden met with human rights Historically, pious Turks have been excluded activists and journalists and showed solidarity from the state bureaucracy and state educational with them and criticized government actions institutions—as well as parts of corporate world. when he told reporters, While AKP policies provided more freedom to the pious, it tampered with the freedoms of When the media are intimidated or secular Turks. Various reports indicate difficulties imprisoned for critical reporting, when in getting alcohol in small towns, increasing Internet freedom is curtailed and social challenges in accessing abortion services, and media sites … are shut down and more more students being registered in religious than 1000 academics are accused of treason schools against their will (Lepeska 2014; Doğan simply by signing a petition, that’s not the 2015). kind of example that needs to be set. (Idiz The Alevis, followers of a variant of Shia 2015) Islam, constitute an estimated 15–25 percent of the Turkish population. Alevi communities have The next administration should continue to also suffered various forms of discrimination and criticize and condemn Turkey’s leaders for their persecution at the hands of state authorities and human right violations. Sunni Muslims. While Alevis vary in their relationship to Islam, a substantial majority Promote a Revival of the Turkish consider themselves as a distinct religious Model community and seek the state’s recognition. To Until a couple of years ago, many prominent date the Turkish state has refused this demand. leaders and scholars praised Turkey as an example To address the Alevis’ grievances, in 2008 the to the Muslim world. There was some AKP government initiated an official dialogue disagreement among these observers about what process with the Alevis (Erol 2015). The aspects of the Turkish model should be the focus: following year this process was abandoned, in Turkey’s aspiring democracy, its secularism, or its part because of widespread Sunni prejudice moderate Islam (Kaufman 2011; Ramadan against the Alevis. Turkey’s involvement in the 2011). Turkey has drifted from this model. Syrian conflict, the AKP’s strong anti-Assad Recent developments have all but eroded what stance, and the government’s support of the Turkey had to offer the Muslim world. However, (Sunni) Islamic opposition in Syria have democracy, secularism, and politically moderate

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Islam still offer the best way forward. US leaders the Kurds. Even moderates within the party were should emphasize these values and encourage marginalized. The party became a community of Turkish leaders to incorporate them in a new loyalists, steered by an Islamist core and led by constitution. President Erdoğan. Turkish secularism, Kemalist laïcité, has a Paradoxically, just as Turkey has lost its troubled history. Like its French cousin, it was “model” status, President Erdoğan has emerged as exclusionary, reflecting the early Republican the most powerful Muslim leader in the world, elites’ conflicting views about Islam: Islam was symbolizing and voicing Muslim anger toward seen as a hindrance for modernization, yet global injustices against Muslims. The AKP and indispensable for nation-building (Kuru 2009; parts of the Turkish state have been polishing Başkan 2014). Shedding the Ottoman Erdoğan and Turkey’s credentials for broader multicultural, multi-religious system, the elites Islamic leadership. To this end, Diyanet, the state imposed legal, educational, and religious agency in charge of religious affairs, has been an restrictions on non-Muslim minorities and important tool. Active on the global scene, Alevis. Unlike Sunni Muslims, these Diyanet has been involved in building “over 100 communities were denied full legal and public mosques and schools in 25 countries” in Muslim recognition. The elites also controlled, majority and minority countries, such as the constructed, and mobilized a Sunni identity as Philippines and Haiti, costing over $200m the official state ideology. On the one hand, the (“Mosqued Objectives” 2016). The USA is Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) getting attention from Diyanet whose $100m controlled and managed the Sunni religious Diyanet Center of America in Lanham, Maryland, identity. On the other hand, the state actively was inaugurated by President Erdoğan in April oppressed alternative, even Sunni, expressions of 2016 (Subramanian 2016). In addition to religious identity, such as traditional Sufi Diyanet, the Turkish International Cooperation brotherhoods (tariqats) and modern Islamist and Development Agency has launched various movements, whose spiritual messages, projects, some of which are religious in nature. organizational structures, or political aspirations While these activities help Turkey to increase its were deemed dangerous by the state. soft power, they also boost President’s Erdoğan’s Yet alternative Sunni expressions have claims of global Islamic leadership—an assertion emerged, survived, and even flourished in the intended for both domestic and international society, creating cracks in the rigid secular audiences (“Mosqued Objectives” 2016). foundation. The military, the self-appointed Through the activities of Diyanet and guardians of the Kemalist republic and its secular connections to American Muslims, European character, have intermittently intervened to Muslims, and Turkish immigrants, the AKP has bolster secularism by excluding Islamists or co- increased its soft power with respect to Western opting and deploying them against other Muslims. By capitalizing on Erdoğan’s popularity enemies. While exclusionary in the public sphere, on the Muslim street, training European-born Turkish secularism also allowed a variety of Turks in Turkish universities, giving scholarships perspectives on Islam to flourish in society. After to Muslims for study in Turkey, bankrolling 13 years of AKP rule, what remains of the mosque construction and staffing, Turkey has Turkish model of secularism is a subject of some become a global Islamic financier under the AKP. debate. More than any generation since the The new Turkish Islamist elite, thought leaders adoption of Kemalist laïcité, this generation has such as Ibrahim Kalın and Yasin Aktay, bolster witnessed the use of Islam in politics. Erdoğan’s aspirations and appeal for global When the AKP came to power in 2002, it led Muslim leadership. While this leadership—often a broad-based coalition. As the party consolidated seen in the form of speaking on behalf of Muslim its power and gained confidence as a result of minorities, speaking against Islamophobia, early successes, it shed this broad coalition—first opening mosques for Muslim minorities, and liberals, then the Gülen movement, and later still criticizing Israel—is still in its infancy, signs

the review of faith & international affairs | 19 getting turkey back on track suggest that the AKP government will continue Muslim-majority state. Yet, there were significant to aggressively pursue this direction. flaws in this model: Turkey restricted the Turkey’s leaders will likely use the Islamic visibility of religion in the public sphere, it Summit of the Organization of Islamic excluded non-Sunnis, and it treated ethnic and Cooperation to polish their Islamic credentials religious minorities with suspicion. Turkey’s and articulate their aspirations for Turkish secularism was based on an exclusionary form of leadership of the umma, the global Muslim secularism, laïcité, as opposed to the more community (Kayaoglu 2015). In its bid for inclusionary form of secularism established by global Islamic leadership, Turkey’s religious First Amendment jurisprudence in the US. diplomacy abandoned a neutral position in the Increasingly Turkey is losing its secular vision debate between Iran and Saudi Arabia; Turkey altogether; it is looking more and more like a has now joined the Saudi camp. It is not clear religious, autocratic, Middle Eastern state. how this new alliance with Saudi Arabia will Turkey has certainly drifted away from its former influence Turkey’srelationswiththeMuslim praiseworthy position, but the attributes that Brotherhood in the region. This is a particularly once made Turkey such an exemplar need not be interesting point given the lost forever. Muslim Brotherhood’s In order to re-embrace opposition to—and Saudi THE ATTRIBUTES THAT ONCE democracy and human rights, Arabia’s support for— MADE TURKEY SUCH AN and thereby allow diverse Egyptian President Sisi. EXEMPLAR NEED NOT BE LOST religious (and non-religious) ’ As Turkey s new elites FOREVER voices to share the public embrace a new vision for square,Turkeymustdrafta Turkey—leader of the new constitution. The 1982 political Islamist cause—the AKP and the Constitution, written under military rule, has Gülen movement, once strong allies, have been amended several times. However, the big drifted apart from each other. In December issues, such as the Kurdish issue or the nature of 2013, a series of corruption investigations secularism, have not been settled through these targeted Erdoğan’sinnercircle,andErdoğan amendments. Moreover, changes have been ad then accused members of the Gülen movement hoc, making the current constitution of being behind the investigations. The AKP inconsistent and contradictory. The AKP came leadership responded by firing scores of state to power with a strong mandate to write the bureaucrats affiliated with the Gülen country’s first civilian constitution in its modern movement and jailing others, closing Gülen- history. The AKP failed to rewrite the affiliated schools and charities, and confiscating constitution despite, or perhaps because of, its thepropertyofbusinesspeoplewhofinancially ongoing electoral success. Following the 2011 support the Gülen movement. elections, the Turkish parliament established a This conflict has implications both for drafting committee. However, the committee Turkish domestic politics and for US relations failed the reach a compromise and was with Turkey and “moderate” Islam. With its disbanded in 2013. The AKP government focus on interfaith dialogue and education, the initiated formation of a new constitutional Gülen movement offers a sustained and committee after the November 2015 elections. significant voice for moderate Islam. Fethullah However, the opposition parties only see Gülen, who lives in exile in the US, has taken a President Erdoğan’s ambition to create a strong strong stand for democracy, human rights, and executive presidency behind the constitutional Turkey’s EU membership. His views are in committee’s work. The committee has already accord with the US effort to empower peaceful, witnessed withdrawal of the main opposition democratic Islamic voices. party. For a long time, Turkey represented the With the ongoing offensive against the model of a secular, moderate, Western-oriented Kurdish insurgency and the spillover effects of the

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Syrian civil war, Turkish politics is extensively with weak checks and balances and a diminished securitized and deeply polarized. Hence, the respect for the rule of law and human rights. chance of a genuine break through for a consensus References to Turkey as a model for other constitution is slim. Nevertheless, the next US Muslim-majority states have been largely president should pressure the Turkish government discarded, but the Turkish model can be revived to re-establish the constitution committee and by building on the strength of its civil society and encourage Ankara to ensure the new constitution its strong connections to Europe and the US. includes the protection of human rights (especially The US has a special responsibility and a freedom of religion, conscience, and belief for all), potentially influential role to play in promoting the rule of law, and the strengthening of checks a democratic, prosperous, secular, and modern and balances. The new constitution could be a Turkey.EvenintheheydayoftheColdWar, significant opportunity for Turkey to put its the US had a long-term view when it came to democracy back on track. Turkey. Unfortunately, under Obama, the US has not been particularly critical of Turkish Conclusion government actions to dismantle checks-and- The new millennium has not been kind to the balances, disregard the rule of law, roll back peoples of the MENA. The American occupation freedoms of speech and religion, and stiflethe of Iraq and the Arab Spring destabilized the media. Even with regard to the Kurdish issue, region. These developments precipitated a tragic the Turkey of today looks increasingly like the reversal in Turkey: in the span of five years, Turkey of the 1990s, as opposed to the Turkey fell from being the poster child of an optimism in 2000s. The US should encourage emerging democratic, developed, secular, Turkey’s leaders to re-embrace the EU, human moderate Muslim-majority country to a typical rights, and Islamic values supportive of MENA autocracy rallying around a strong leader pluralistic liberal democracy. v

References Arat, Zehra F. K. 2007. Human Rights in Turkey. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Başkan, Birol. 2014. From Religious Empires to Secular States: State Secularization in Turkey, Iran, and Russia. London: Routledge. Bipartisan Policy Center. 2016. “Mechanisms of Control: How Turkey is Criminalizing Dissent and Muzzling the Press.” http:// bipartisanpolicy.org/library/turkey-criminalizing-dissent-muzzling-press/. Cavanaugh, Kathleen, and Edel Hughes. 2015. “A Democratic Opening? The AKP and the Kurdish Left.” Muslim World Journal of Human Rights 12 (1): 53–74. Doğan, Zülfikar. 2015. “The Islamization of Turkey.” Al-Monitor, June 4. http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2015/06/turkey- concerns-grow-of-islamized-economy-and-social-life.html#. Erol, Melih Uğraş. 2015. “Questioning Non-discrimination, Equality, and Human Rights in Contemporary Turkey from the Perspective of the Alevi Religious Community.” Muslim World Journal of Human Rights 12 (1): 75–97. Guiton, Barney. 2014. “ISIS Sees Turkey as Its Ally: Former Islamic State Member Reveals Turkish Army Cooperation.” Newsweek, November 7. http://www.newsweek.com/isis-and-turkey-cooperate-destroy-kurds-former-isis-member-reveals-turkish-282920?rx= us. Hamid, Shadi. 2014. Temptations of Power: Islamists and New Illiberal Democracy in the Middle East. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Idiz, Semih. 2015. “How Biden Annoyed Ankara During his Recent Visit to Turkey.” Al-Monitor, January 26. http://www.al-monitor.com/ pulse/originals/2016/01/turkey-biden-visit-highlights-divisions.html#ixzz40YWsJsjM. Kardas, Saban. 2016. “Between a Hard Place and the United States: Turkey’s Syria Policy Ahead of the Geneva Talks.” German Marshall Fund of the United States, February 3. http://www.gmfus.org/publications/between-hard-place-and-united-states. Kaufman, Stephen. 2011. “Clinton Says Turkey Can Be Model for Emerging Democracies.” International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State, July 16. http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/english/article/2011/07/20110716132122nehpets0.2954783. html#axzz44yf8OPKI.

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Kayaoglu, Turan. 2014. “Trying Islam: Muslims before the European Court of Human Rights.” Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 34 (4): 345–364. Kayaoglu, Turan. 2015. The Organization of Islamic Cooperation: Politics, Problems, and Potential. London: Routledge. Kayaoglu, Turan. Forthcoming. “Human Rights in Turkey: Two Steps Forward, One Step Back.” In Handbook on Human Rights in the Middle East and North Africa, edited by Anthony Chase. London: Routledge. Kılınç, Ramazan. 2014. “International Pressure, Domestic Politics, and the Dynamics of Religious Freedom: Evidence from Turkey.” Comparative Politics 46 (2): 127–145. Kuru, Ahmet T. 2009. Secularism and State Policies Toward Religion: The United States, France, and Turkey. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lepeska, David. 2014. “Turkey’s Long Game: How 12 Years of AKP Rule has Eroded the Secular State.” The National, November 20. http:// www.thenational.ae/arts-lifestyle/the-review/turkeys-long-game-how-12-years-of-akp-rule-has-eroded-the-secular-state. “Mosqued Objectives: Turkey’s Religious Diplomacy.” 2016. Economist, January 23. http://www.economist.com/news/europe/21688926- turkey-sponsoring-islam-abroad-extend-its-prestige-and-power-mosqued-objectives. Ramadan, Tariq. 2011. “Democratic Turkey Is the Template for Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood.” New Perspectives Quarterly 28 (2): 42–45. Subramanian, Samanth. 2016. “How $100m Muslim Center is Building Bridges in the US amid Islamophobic Climate.” April 1. http:// www.thenational.ae/world/americas/how-100m-muslim-centre-is-building-bridges-in-the-us-amid-islamophobic-climate. Zaman, Amberin. 2015. “Captured Fighter Details Islamic State’s Turkey Connection.” Al-Monitor, June 17. http://www.al-monitor.com/ pulse/originals/2015/06/turkey-syria-iraq-isis-new-turkish-unit-lures-kurds.html#.

http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2016.1184447

22 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN PAKISTAN: GLIMMERS OF LIGHT ON A DARKENING HORIZON

By Lisa Curtis

he growing pattern of religious in the Indian Subcontinent in 1947, the purpose of intolerance and persecution of partition was to create a separate state for Muslims. religious minorities in Pakistan is However, the largest migration in human history threatening the very fabric of Pakistani soon turned into a massive communal bloodbath as Tsociety and undermining democracy, not to hundreds of thousands were killed in riots that mention putting the lives of millions of members broke out between Muslims on one side and of religious minorities in danger. The Hindus and Sikhs on the other. The scars of proliferation of Sunni Islamist militant groups in partition still feed Indo-Pakistani rivalry and the country over the last 25 years, along with inform their divergent concepts of nation-hood: exclusionary laws and a flawed education Pakistan as a homeland for Muslims and India as a curriculum that emphasizes Muslim identity multi-religious secular democracy. rather than respect for religious diversity, have all Rolling back the tide of extremism in contributed to the problem. In this environment, Pakistan will be an enormous task and could take extremist ideologies have flourished and become a generation. But there are some recent hopeful entrenched in society, leaving religious signs that the Pakistani government under Prime minorities, such as Shia Muslims, Ahmadis, Minister Nawaz Sharif is committed to making Christians, Sikhs, and Hindus, facing numerous changes that will help uproot support for injustices and the persistent threat of violence. extremism and enhance protection for religious Muslims make up around 95 percent of the country’s total population of 190 million, with around 20–25 percent being Shia Muslim. Lisa Curtis is a Senior Research Fellow on South Asia at the Asian Christians and Ahmadis each, respectively, Studies Center of the Heritage Foundation, focusing on U.S. national security interests and geopolitics in the region. Curtis has appeared account for around 2 percent of the total on major broadcast networks to comment on developments in South population, while Sikhs, Hindus, Parsis, Asia and testifies regularly before Congress. Before joining Heritage, Buddhists, and others make up the remaining Curtis spent 16 years working for the U.S. government on South – 1 2 percent. Asian issues, including as a staffer for the Senate Foreign Relations The issues of religious freedom and communal Committee, senior advisor in the State Department, senior analyst at violence in South Asia are complex and deeply the CIA, and as a diplomat at the U.S. embassies in Islamabad and rooted in history. As the British ended colonial rule New Delhi.

© 2016 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License (http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way. the review of faith & international affairs | 23 religious freedom in pakistan minorities. Moving forward, Pakistan must successive governments of Pakistan have amend discriminatory legislation, strengthen the treated minority communities is a national civilian court’s hand in dealing with cases of disgrace and exposes the intolerance at the religious intolerance, and reform school curricula heart of the establishment. (The Express to focus on the values of religious tolerance and Tribune 2014) pluralism. The US must make protection of Pakistan’s religious minorities a higher priority in The evolution from Jinnah’s vision of a its dialogue with Pakistan, and press Islamabad to religiously tolerant society to one in which improve ties with New Delhi, since militant religious minorities are fleeing out of desperation groups that thrive on regional tension are also and fear for their lives can be attributed to several responsible for spreading extremist ideologies factors. Soon after the creation of Pakistan, throughout Pakistani society. Until Islamabad debate about the role of religion in the country’s takes a comprehensive approach to shutting constitutional and legal systems was increasingly down all Islamist militant groups that operate influenced by the idea that Islamic principles from Pakistani territory, religious minorities will should inform the conduct of the state. remain under threat. Moreover, the strategic environment in South Asia over the last 30 years and the Pakistani Straying from the Founder’s Vision response to regional challenges has also Pakistan’s founding father, Muhammed Ali influenced Islamist trends in society and Jinnah, had tried to set a course for the country that heightened religious-inspired violence. Ineffective would avoid divisions over religion. Even though civilian institutions and the failure of both civilian Pakistan was established as a homeland for and military leaders to uphold the rule of law Muslims, Jinnah supported the idea of Islam serving against religious extremists also are to blame. as a unifying force and believed Pakistanis had a But it was the rule of military dictator responsibility to uphold the principles of religious General Zia ul-Haq in the 1980s that did the freedom and to protect the rights of religious most damage to the state of religious freedom in minorities. Jinnah declared in a speech on August Pakistan. As part of his campaign to further 11, 1947, that “You may belong to any religion or Islamize Pakistani society and governing caste or creed – that has nothing to do with the institutions, Zia strengthened blasphemy business of the state … We are starting with this legislation by making it a capital offense, fundamental principle that we are all citizens and incorporated anti-Ahmadi provisions into the equal citizens of one state (Ispahani 2015).” Pakistani penal code, expanded the madrassa After four military dictatorships and several (Islamic school) network to support the periods of ineffective civilian rule over its 69-year Afghanistan jihad against the Soviets, and history, Pakistan has failed to uphold Jinnah’s incorporated militant interpretations of Islam vision of a country where people are free to into the Pakistani public school curriculum. worship as they choose. Indeed, support for The first major obstacle to establishing a state Islamist extremist ideologies has been rising in based on principles of religious freedom was the recent years along with attacks on religious introduction of the Objectives Resolution in the minorities. An editorial published in one of Constituent Assembly of Pakistan just six months Pakistan’s major newspapers, The Express following Jinnah’s death on September 11, 1948. Tribune, in August 2014, described the plight of The Objectives Resolution was a list of guiding Pakistan’s religious minorities this way: principles for creating a constitution for the new Pakistani state that essentially opened the door for Many choose flight as the alternative to the development of legislation based on Islamic being butchered in their own homes. There injunctions (Ispahani 2015). is a silent but steady stream of minority The Objectives Resolution stated that citizens seeking asylum from persecution in “sovereignty over the entire universe belongs to Pakistan … The manner in which Allah Almighty alone and the authority which he

24 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) lisa curtis has delegated to the State of Pakistan.” It went on the misuse of the blasphemy law and the inability to support the “principles of democracy, freedom, of the Pakistani political leadership to amend equality, tolerance, and social justice as enunciated these harsh laws due to threats from extremist by Islam.” The resolution gave a small nod to forces. protecting religious minorities by stating that The blasphemy legislation was originally “provision shall be made for the minorities to introduced during British colonial rule but at that profess and practice their religions and develop time was applicable to all religions and rarely their cultures (The Constitution of Pakistan used. In the 1980s, Zia ul-Haq tightened the 1973).” However, over time, the clauses legislation as one more way to Islamize the emphasizing a role for Islam in governing state country. Under Pakistani law, blasphemous acts affairs were used to develop legislation included making derogatory remarks against the discriminatory toward religious minorities. Muslim prophet Muhammed and defiling the Furthermore, in 1985, under Zia ul-Haq, the Qur’an. Objectives Resolution was incorporated into the Today blasphemy allegations are often body of the Pakistani Constitution, giving it more fabricated and are commonly used to intimidate legal weight and making it easier for laws that religious minorities or settle personal vendettas, contradict the principles of religious freedom to be including against other Muslims. Blasphemy promulgated in the name of Islam (Hasan 2010). charges do not require proof of intent or The Ahmadis, who consider themselves evidence, and there are no penalties for false Muslim but do not recognize the finality of the allegations. Since the laws do not provide details Muslim prophet Muhammed, have suffered on what constitutes a violation, accusers have significant discrimination throughout Pakistan’s broad leeway to define what they deem an history. Six years after Pakistan’s independence, offense. Religious minorities have been Islamists started a mass movement to declare disproportionately accused of committing Ahmadis as non-Muslim and called for the blasphemy relative to their small population removal of Pakistani Foreign Minister Chaudhry numbers (U.S. State Department International Zafrullah Khan, an Ahmadi. Twenty years later, Religious Freedom Report 2014). There are in 1974, President Zulfikar Ali Bhutto passed a currently around 38 people serving time in resolution declaring Ahmadis as non-Muslims. Pakistani jails for charges of blasphemy (U.S. Pakistani laws prohibit Ahmadis from calling Commission on International Religious Freedom themselves Muslim or their places of worship 2015). mosques, from performing the Muslim call to Pakistanis who have sought changes to the prayer, or using the traditional Islamic greeting in blasphemy laws or who have defended those public. The sale of Ahmadi religious literature wrongly accused have often been killed, also is banned. demonstrating the rise in religious intolerance Zia ul-Haq further eroded protection of and support for extremist ideologies. In early Pakistan’s religious minorities through the 2011, Pakistan’s Governor of the Punjab Salman introduction of a parallel legal system that created Taseer and Minority Affairs Minister Shahbaz Sharia benches in all high courts to declare any Bhatti were assassinated by religious extremists law disrespectful of Islam as unconstitutional because of their efforts to roll back the (Curtis and Mullick 2009). The parallel legal controversial blasphemy laws. Human rights system also includes a Federal Shariat Court and lawyer Rashid Rehman was assassinated in June Sharia bench inside the Supreme Court often 2014 for defending an English professor, Junaid competing against secular courts in civil and Hafeez, who was accused of blasphemy. criminal cases. Because of incidents like those cited above and a failure by the Pakistan government to take Misuse of Blasphemy Laws meaningful steps to protect religious minorities, One of the most prominent examples of the the U.S. Commission for International Religious growing culture of intolerance and extremism is Freedom has called on the State Department to

the review of faith & international affairs | 25 religious freedom in pakistan designate Pakistan as a “country of particularly the last year, the Pakistan government has started concern” under the International Religious cracking down on LJ and targeting its leadership. Freedom Act for the last 14 years. In July 2015, one week after his arrest, LJ founder and supreme leader Malik Ishaq and over a dozen Escalating Violence of his followers were killed in a police encounter The proliferation of Sunni Islamist militant (BBC 2015). groups that seek to recruit and inspire members Large-scale attacks on other religious by condemning religious minorities has minorities have also occurred in recent years, contributed to increased violence against non- most notably the suicide bombing at a park in Sunni Muslim groups and individuals. The Lahore this past Easter. A breakaway faction of Pakistani authorities have failed on several the Pakistani Taliban, Jamaat-ul-Ahrar, claimed occasions to uphold the rule of law against those responsibility for the attack, saying the group committing violence in the name of religion. directly targeted Christians and that the bombing Militant intimidation of lawyers, judges, and was a message to the Pakistani government that journalists often prevents the holding of fair “we will carry out such attacks again until sharia is trials and limits the number of prosecutions in imposed in the country” (Hussain and cases such as mob attacks against religious Cunningham 2016). While the attack was minorities. targeted at Christians, most victims were Muslim, Violence against the Shia community, in and about half of the 72 killed were children. The particular, in the last few years has reached Pakistani authorities immediately launched a alarming proportions. In May 2015, gunmen series of raids throughout the Punjab province, attacked a bus in , killing 45 Ismaili Shia. netting hundreds of suspects, and vowed to In January 2015, at least 61 people were killed conduct a paramilitary crackdown similar to that after a bombing at a Shia mosque in Shikarpur, carried out in Karachi over the last two years. while two years prior in January and February Just one year prior, in March 2015, Jamaat- 2013, sectarian attacks including bombings in ul-Ahrar claimed responsibility for bombings of Quetta killed nearly 200 Shia. The two Christian churches, which killed 15. The predominantly Shia ethnic Hazara community in terrorist group also took credit for the September Balochistan has faced particularly brutal attacks in 2013 suicide bombing of a church in Peshawar, recent years that have prompted tens of which killed nearly 100, saying it was in thousands to migrate from the province. In retaliation for US drone strikes in Pakistan’s tribal addition to attacks on Shia mosques, there have border areas. also been an increased number of targeted attacks There was also a mob attack in March 2013 against Shia professionals including doctors, against a Christian community in the Punjab in lawyers, and college professors. which dozens of homes were burned down Sectarian violence between Sunnis and Shia following allegations of blasphemy against a has been prevalent in Pakistan since the 1980s, Christian man (Dawn.com 2013). A year later, a and has been exacerbated by Saudi–Iranian mob set fire to a Hindu community center in competition for ideological influence in Pakistan. southern Pakistan after allegations that a Hindu Zia ul-Haq’s Islamist policies helped fuel the had desecrated the Qur’an. This was followed by phenomenon, and indeed, it was Zia ul-Haq’s attacks on four other Hindu temples (U.S. passage in 1980 of wealth and farming tax laws Commission on International Religious Freedom that conflicted with Shia law that led to the birth 2015). of the Movement for Enforcement of Shia Law. In December 2014, a member of the Ahmadi In recent years, most of the attacks against community in Gujranwalla was shot and killed Pakistani Shia have been carried out by the five days after an extremist cleric called Ahmadis Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LJ), a Sunni militant “the enemy” in a rant on a popular Pakistani organization that succeeded the Sipah-e-Sahaba, television show. In May 2010, militants armed and seeks to declare Shia as non-Muslims. Over with hand grenades, suicide vests, and assault

26 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) lisa curtis rifles attacked two Ahmadi mosques, killing Other positive steps over the last couple of nearly 100 worshippers. years include the Supreme Court’s June 2014 judgment directing the federal government to Reversing the Trend establish a task force and special police force to There have been some positive developments protect religious minorities and to develop a over the last year, which may signal the strategy for promoting religious tolerance (U.S. government is slowly seeking to reverse extremist State Department International Religious Freedom trends in society. The most notable event was the Report 2014). In response, the government government’s follow-through with the execution created a National Commission for Minorities of Mumtaz Qadri, who had assassinated Punjab under the Ministry of Religious Affairs, but there Governor Salman Taseer on January 4, 2011, are concerns that the commission has little access while serving as his bodyguard. Taseer was an to Pakistan’s top leadership (Swett and Glendon outspoken critic of Pakistan’s blasphemy laws and 2015). had defended a Christian farm worker, Asia Bibi, Anti-terror courts in 2015 sentenced to death who has been jailed under blasphemy charges an individual for the 2010 attacks on an Ahmadi since 2009. mosque and remanded four individuals for the Many Pakistanis considered Qadri a hero and mob attack that killed a Christian couple in the international community was shocked when November 2014 over blasphemy allegations the assassin was showered with rose petals during (U.S. Commission on International Religious his first court appearance the day after the Freedom Annual Report 2015). Additionally, the assassination. Qadri appealed his conviction but Punjab provincial government has reviewed the Supreme Court upheld his death penalty on several hundred blasphemy cases pending in the grounds that objections to the blasphemy law did courts to determine compliance with evidentiary not constitute blasphemy and that Qadri had no standards and to ensure no case is unfairly authority to kill the governor. The Supreme prosecuted. Court said if it were to accept the arguments of According to Farahnaz Ispahani, former Qadri’s defense team, “then a door shall become Pakistani parliamentarian and author of Purifying open for religious vigilantism which may deal a the Land of the Pure: Pakistan’s Religious mortal blow to the rule of law in this country Minorities, there are other signs of positive where divergent religious interpretations abound change, including the recent willingness of and tolerance stands depleted to an alarming level Pakistan’s political leaders to publicly celebrate (Shah 2016).” non-Muslim festivals and the initiation of a Despite street protests in all of Pakistan’s process to reform the educational curriculum in major cities against the execution of Qadri, the the and Punjab provinces (Notezai 2016). government resisted intervention against the Indeed, the Sharif government agreed in mid- Supreme Court’s decision, and the death March to make the Hindu festivals of Holi and sentence was carried out on February 29. Diwali and Christian celebration of Easter public Following through with the execution signaled holidays for the first time in Pakistan’s history. that murder, including that justified on religious There are also reports that the Pakistani grounds, will not be tolerated. government and military have quietly sent notices The Supreme Court also agreed in 2015 to to mosques, requesting them to tone down their review the case of Asia Bibi. Bibi, a mother of five sermons (Craig 2016). and a farmworker, was arrested in 2009 after her The civilian and military leadership’s tougher Muslim coworkers alleged that she had stance toward the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan committed blasphemy during an argument about (TTP) over the last two years also is helping close sharing a water bowl. In November 2010, she was space for extremists to operate and to spread their sentenced to death by a Pakistani trial court—a deadly ideologies. Pakistani military operations decision that was upheld by the Lahore High against the TTP in North Waziristan have led to Court in October 2014. a nearly 50 percent reduction in terrorist attacks

the review of faith & international affairs | 27 religious freedom in pakistan throughout the country in 2015, compared to extremist ideology and will be seen as merely 2014 (Pak Institute of Peace Studies 2015). The window dressing by the international military operations against the TTP began in community. June 2014, following a major terrorist attack on Karachi airport, and further intensified after Policy Recommendations gunmen stormed a military school in Peshawar in Prioritizing protection of religious freedom is December of that year, killing 130, mostly not only important as a human rights issue, but children. also as a strategic and security issue, since it The National Action Plan (NAP) to combat must be part of a broader narrative that seeks to terrorism that was passed by the Pakistani counter the message of Islamist extremism, parliament in January 2015 has further which is threatening the stability of the contributed to the decrease in terrorist attacks as Pakistani state. well as laid initial groundwork for delegitimizing The Pakistan government needs to extremist ideologies. The action plan includes implement legal reforms and foster an steps like lifting the moratorium on the death environment conducive for people to freely penalty for terrorists, express their religious beliefs. establishing special military The civilian courts also need RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IS NOT courts to try terrorists, to be strengthened so that curbing the spread of ONLY IMPORTANT AS A militants are unable to sway extremist literature and HUMAN RIGHTS ISSUE, BUT court opinions and judgments propaganda on social media, ALSO AS A STRATEGIC AND in favor of religious freezing the assets of terrorist extremists. Finally, the SECURITY ISSUE organizations, and forming Pakistan government must special committees, prioritize the issue of comprised of army and political leaders, in the educating its youth and reforming educational provinces to implement the NAP. curricula so that it teaches values of religious There are some extremist leaders, however, tolerance and pluralism and civic education. that are still treated with kid gloves by the While efforts in this regard appear to be Pakistani authorities. One is Maulana Abdul underway, the government must be resolute and Aziz, the leader of the Red Mosque, where swift with this process, given the demographic Islamist vigilantes in 2007 defied the government trends coming down the pike. With 55 percent of for several months before the Pakistan military the population currently under the age of 25, was forced to flush them out in an operation that Pakistan must not waste any more time in killed nearly 75. Aziz continues to openly support educating its youth on the virtues of religious extremism and defy government directives to tolerance and pluralism. moderate his Friday sermons. For its part, the US must make the Instead of arresting Aziz, the Pakistani protection of Pakistan’s religious minorities a authorities resorted to shutting down cellphone higher priority in its dialogue with the country. service in Islamabad during Friday prayers to Before Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s block Aziz’s efforts to preach to his followers visit to Washington, DC in October 2015, (Nordland 2015). The tepid treatment of Aziz several US-based Pakistan experts wrote a letter has led many Pakistanis to question the to the US President expressing concern about government’s overall commitment to persistent attacks against religious communities. implementing the NAP and to conclude that A similar letter in January 2015 had called on some extremist leaders will simply remain above US Secretary of State John Kerry to make the law (Hussain 2016). Unless Pakistani civilian religious freedom a plank of the US–Pakistan and military leaders are willing to enforce the Strategic Dialogue. NAP comprehensively through legal means, it As part of this dialogue, the US should will have little impact in stemming the spread of encourage Pakistan to fully implement those steps

28 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) lisa curtis called for by the Pakistani Supreme Court in deeper civil society engagement between the two 2014, including creating a special police force to countries that can help mobilize grassroots protect religious minorities and elevating the support for preserving religious freedom. work of the National Commission for Minorities. What may be the most important step to The US should structure its aid programs to tamping down religious intolerance in Pakistan is support these activities through technical the pursuit of friendlier ties with India. Extremist assistance, training, and exchanges. ideologies have gained traction in Pakistan in part Washington must also continue to monitor because the government has failed to uphold the individual cases of violations of religious freedom, rule of law against certain terrorist groups and and speak up publicly to defend those facing leaders that target India (and which have links to religious persecution. In this vein, Washington the Pakistani security establishment). These must sustain its public advocacy for the release of extremist forces, which were created to train their Asia Bibi. While the Pakistani Supreme Court has fire on Pakistan’s neighbors, are now threatening taken a step in the right direction with its decision the stability of Pakistan itself. to review Bibi’s appeal, the US must sustain A willingness to rethink Pakistani-Indian pressure for her immediate release from jail. relations to break the cycle of suspicion and Washington must also explore opportunities enmity would go a long way to restoring balance for enhancing civil society engagement between in Pakistani society. Sustained Pakistani-Indian Americans and Pakistanis. This would help dialogue would help diminish support for groups elevate the voices of moderation and democracy that thrive on promoting regional tension and in Pakistan and facilitate freer discourse on issues conflict and which also are responsible for the of religious freedom and pluralism. There are spread of extremist ideology throughout society. many Pakistani citizens who are working Until Islamabad takes a comprehensive approach diligently, and indeed, risking their lives, to to shutting down all Islamist militant groups that reverse extremist trends and ensure the rights and operate from its territory, religious minorities will freedoms of all Pakistanis. US–Pakistan remain under threat and Pakistan’s future as a government-to-government interactions alone cohesive and stable nation will hang in the will not suffice in turning the tide of extremism in balance. Pakistan. There is a need for more frequent and References BBC. 2015. “Malik Ishaq: Pakistan Sunni Militant Chief Killed by Police.” Accessed July 29. http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia- 33699133. The Constitution of Pakistan. 1973. “The Objectives Resolution (Article 2A).” http://www.pakistani.org/pakistan/constitution/annex.html. Craig, T. 2016. “Pakistan’s Prime Minister is Defying the Clerics – Very Carefully.” The Washington Post. Accessed March 9. https://www. washingtonpost.com/world/pakistans-prime-minister-is-defying-the-clerics–very-carefully/2016/03/08/a6ecea88-e450-11e5-a6f3- 21ccdbc5f74e_story.html. Curtis, L., and H. Mullick. 2009. “Reviving Pakistan’s Pluralist Traditions to Fight Extremism.” Heritage Backgrounder 2268. Accessed May 4. http://www.heritage.org/research/reports/2009/05/reviving-pakistans-pluralist-traditions-to-fight-extremism#_ftn13. Dawn.com. 2013. “Dozens of Houses Torched as Mob Attacks Lahore Christian Locality.” Accessed March 9. http://www.dawn.com/news/ 791408/mob-attacks-christian-neighbourhood-in-lahore. The Express Tribune. 2014. “Minorities Under Siege.” The Express Tribune. Accessed August 7. www.tribune.com.pk/story/745655/ minorities-under-siege/. Hasan, A. D. 2010. “Pakistan: Objective Reality.” The Dawn. Accessed August 6. https://www.hrw.org/news/2010/08/06/pakistan- objective-reality. Hussain, Z. 2016. “Above the Law.” The Dawn. Accessed February 10. http://www.dawn.com/news/1238496/above-the-law. Hussain, S., and E. Cunningham. 2016. “Taliban Splinter Group Claims Attack on Christians at Pakistan Park; 60 Dead.” The Washington Post. Accessed March 27. https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/explosion-kills-at-least-15-at-park-in-pakistans-lahore-reports- say/2016/03/27/00e49d32-f42e-11e5-958d-d038dac6e718_story.html.

the review of faith & international affairs | 29 religious freedom in pakistan

Ispahani, F. 2015. Purifying the Land of the Pure: Pakistan’s Religious Minorities. Noida: HarperCollins Publishers India. Nordland, R. 2015. “Pakistan Military Deals a Blow to Jihadists but Not to Ideology.” The New York Times. Accessed December 16. http:// www.nytimes.com/2015/12/17/world/asia/pakistan-abdul-aziz-radical-islam.html. Notezai, M. A. 2016. “Interview: Farahnaz Ispahani.” The Diplomat. Accessed March 10. http://thediplomat.com/2016/03/interview- farahnaz-ispahani/. Pak Institute of Peace Studies. 2015. Pakistan Security Report. Pak Institute of Peace Studies. http://pakpips.com/downloads/293.pdf. Shah, S. 2016. “Pakistan Executes Assassin of Punjab Governor.” The Wall Street Journal. Accessed February 29. http://www.wsj.com/ articles/pakistan-executes-assassin-of-punjab-governor-1456728679. Swett, K. L., and M. A. Glendon. 2015. “Pakistan Must Protect Religious Freedom.” The National Interest. Accessed June 3. http://www. uscirf.gov/news-room/op-eds/the-national-interest-pakistan-must-protect-religious-freedom. U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom. 2015. Annual Report, “Pakistan Chapter,” 109–113. http://www.uscirf.gov/sites/ default/files/USCIRF%20Annual%20Report%202015%20%282%29.pdf. U.S. State Department. 2014. International Religious Freedom Report, “Pakistan Chapter”. http://www.state.gov/documents/ organization/238716.pdf.

http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2016.1184439

30 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) FAITH AND FOREIGN POLICY IN INDIA: LEGAL AMBIGUITY, SELECTIVE XENOPHOBIA, AND ANTI-MINORITY VIOLENCE

By Chad M. Bauman

s a secular democracy, India’s Hindus) provide implicit disincentives to lower- constitution enshrines relatively robust caste Hindus considering conversion. Finally, a safeguards for religious equality and weak and easily corrupted criminal justice system freedom. Article 25 provides all citizens exacerbates many of these legal issues, and is Athe right to “freely profess, practice, and frequently used by anti-minority actors who propagate” religion, and avoids assigning to exploit the legal ambiguity with regard to Hinduism any special role or explicit privilege (in religious freedoms in India to harry religious contradistinction to the situation with Buddhism minorities with spurious charges or unlawful in Sri Lanka, for example). Moreover, the Indian imprisonment, thereby undermining the government itself has not generally engaged in protections that Indian law does afford religious any systematic or flagrant way in the direct minorities. persecution or oppression of its religious In addition to these legal issues, religious minorities. minorities in India are occasionally threatened, However, India’s religious minorities do face intimidated, harassed, sexually assaulted, and certain challenges. Among them are several legal attacked by their neighbors, in both small-scale, and judicial issues. Judicial rulings in isolated incidents and in the context of large-scale independent India have weakened the safeguards riots. While the perpetrators of these incidents are of the constitution in several ways, such as when, not state actors, generally speaking, they do in in the 1970s, the Supreme Court declared that many cases enjoy the explicit or implicit support the constitutional right of “propagation” did not of local or even national law enforcement and include (or protect) the right to intentionally political officials. For example, local, regional, convert another. Similarly, half a dozen Indian state, and even central governments have been states have now passed “Freedom of Religion” laws (called “anti-conversion” laws by their Chad M. Bauman is Professor of Religion and Chair of the critics) that have been problematically and Department of Philosophy, Religion, and Classics at Butler prejudicially implemented, as has a national anti- University (Indianapolis, IN). He specializes in the interaction of defamation law. Additionally, national laws Hindus and Christians in India, both historically and in the securing reserved seats in Indian legislatures, civil contemporary period. His most recent book is Pentecostals, service, and educational institutions for lower- Proselytization, and anti-Christian Violence in Contemporary India caste Hindus (but not for lower-caste non- (Oxford University Press, 2008).

© 2016 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License (http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way. the review of faith & international affairs | 31 faith and foreign policy in india accused, at various times, of intentionally in India’s census statistics, and is more or less left responding slowly, or even inhibiting a alone. police response to instances of anti-minority Prejudice against both Muslims and violence. Christians has a significant historical dimension. The more secular of India’s two dominant Muslim warriors made forays into what is today political parties, the Indian National Congress (or India almost from the beginning of Islamic “Congress”) party, has occasionally been linked to history, first as raiders, and then, after 1200, as anti-minority activities, most notably in the anti- conquerors. From that point until the Sikh bloodletting that took place after the party’s establishment of the British Raj in 1858, a powerful prime minister, Indira Gandhi, was succession of Muslim dynasties ruled large swaths assassinated by her Sikh bodyguards in 1984. of territory in what is today India and Pakistan. Nevertheless, accusations of involvement in anti- There is great debate among Indians and scholars minority activities are far more regularly leveled, of India about whether this period constitutes one and justifiably so, at the broad association of of the truly productive and “sparkling phases”1 nationalist social, religious, and cultural (Larson 1995, 109) of Indian and world history organizations called the Sangh Parivar (or or, rather, one of plunder, religious persecution, “Sangh”), and at the political party associated and violence. with it, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP, “Indian Because of these factors, the question of People’s Party”). It is for this reason that the BJP’s whether the first Mughal Emperor, Babar (1483– resounding national electoral victory in late 2014 1530), destroyed a Hindu temple to build a appears to have emboldened anti-minority social mosque (the Babri Masjid), whether that temple and state actors, and has caused India’s religious had been dedicated to the Hindu God, Ram, and minorities a great deal of concern. whether the location marks the actual spot of In what follows, I provide the minimum Ram’s birth spot, are sensitive and symbolically amount of historical and contextual information potent questions that have plagued Hindu- necessary to understand contemporary dynamics Muslim relations for at least 160 years (and have at a basic level. After that, I describe the led to some of the worst Hindu-Muslim violence, contemporary situation in more detail. In the in 1992). So also are the more general questions final section, I provide some recommendations to about to what extent India’s Muslim rulers US foreign policy specialists on how to intervene engaged in coercive conversions, and what (and/or not intervene) productively in support of percentage of India’s contemporary Muslims religious freedom and religious minorities in could trace their ancestry to Hindus (and should, India. therefore, in the minds of some nationalistic Hindus, be returned to their “ancestral” religion). Historical Context What is absolutely certain is that the foreign While this article focuses on India’s minority origins and imperial history of Islam in India has Muslims and Christians, they are not, by any made it a suspect and much disparaged religion means, India’s only religious minorities. They are among those who consider India a nation of and not even the only religious minorities to for “Hindus.” experience violence or other forms of oppression. In similar ways, despite having a presence As already shown, India’s Sikhs have at times there no later than the 4th century, Christianity in been harassed, legally deprived, and attacked in India is popularly associated with the period of independent India. Since 1984, however, they European colonization that began, slowly, a have become somewhat more integrated into the millennium later with Vasco da Gama’s arrival in Hindu mainstream, and powerful enough to India in 1498, grew quickly, and in favor of the avoid blatant forms of systematic oppression. British East India Company in the subsequent Similarly, India’s Parsi (Zoroastrian) minority centuries, and morphed into the British Raj from constitutes a quietist, small, and shrinking (read: 1858 until India’s independence in 1947. While unthreatening) community that barely registers India’s European rulers are not generally accused

32 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) chad m. bauman of physically coercing the colonized to convert to wrote, “If we Hindus grow strong in time Christianity, they are justifiably blamed for Moslem friends … will have to play the part of mixing trade, politics, and religion, and for using German Jews” (Brasted and Khan 2007, 448). their superior political and economic power to The origins of the Sangh Parivar lie here. In favor Christianity and Christian moral norms. As 1925, inspired by Savarkar’s Hindutva, Keshav with the Islamic situation, there is a great deal of Baliram Hedgewar founded the Rashtriya contemporary debate about the European, and Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS; “National Volunteer particularly the British legacy in India. Moreover, Organization”). Hedgewar and M. S. Golwalkar, because of the long centuries of Christian who led the RSS from 1940 to his death in 1973, dominance in India, Christianity has become perpetuated Savarkar’s ideology, and grew the associated there with foreign rule and RSS into a strong organization of activists eager to intervention, with the excesses of empire, with implement it. In Golwalkar’s Bunch of Thoughts, western wealth and power, and with the first published in 1966, Muslims and Christians exploitation of that power for religious gain. are identified along with communists as “internal Because of that association, concerns about threats” Golwalkar ([1966] 2000, 177) to the the processes of colonization and Christianization nation. Golwalkar accuses them of not often mixed and fed one another, with destructive participating in the independence struggle, and of result. In the Indian Rebellion of 1857–1858, for adhering to Semitic religions that are weak and example, Indian and European Christians unattractive but inherently intolerant and otherwise unassociated with colonial rule were expansionistic (a common theme of critics of attacked along with colonial officials, suggesting Christianity and Islam in India) (Varadarajan that Indians generally did not distinguish 2002, 17; Kuruvachira 2006, 142, 151). between British civilizing and Christianizing Despite being banned several times, the RSS missions (Wagner 2010, 39). Fifty years later, continued to grow in strength throughout the after a succession of significant mass conversions 20th and early 21st centuries, spawning dozens of to Christianity, the concern was still palpable, as regional and national social, cultural, religious, in U. N. Mukherjee’s series of 1909 articles in and political organizations that together comprise The Bengalee titled “Hindus—A Dying Race,” in the Sangh Parivar (or “family of the Sangh,” i.e., which he used demographic data to argue that the RSS). The most prominent of these Hinduism would disappear in 420 years organizations are the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (Mukherji 1909; Jaffrelot 1996, 24). Not (VHP; “World Hindu Council”) and the surprisingly, then, as the independence aforementioned political party, the BJP, which, movement built steam in the first decades of the while independent in some respects, remains very 20th century it became, in some strains, much in thrall to the RSS, and to its ideological chauvinistically Hindu and xenophobic (though underpinnings. For example, in the wake of the only selectively so, as implied by this article’s title, anti-Muslim riots in Gujarat, in 2002, the BJP because other aspects of foreign culture and Union Home Minister, L. K. Advani renamed an technology have been, and remain, airport after Savarkar, and current BJP Prime enthusiastically embraced). Minister, Narendra Modi, a former member of Nowhere is that xenophobia more clearly the RSS, has called Golwalkar “Pujniya Shri demonstrated than in the writings of Guruji” (a “Guru worthy of worship”) (Modi V. D. Savarkar’s 1923 tract, Hindutva: Who is a 2014). Hindu? which posited that the essential and The partition of British India, at unifying identity of Indians was and should be independence, into Muslim-dominated Pakistan their Hindu-ness, or Hindutva. A true Indian, for (East and West) and Hindu-dominated India, for Savarkar, was one who could call India both which many of British India’s Muslims had fatherland and holy land (which Muslims and lobbied, along with the horrific interreligious Christians of course could not). Borrowing a page violence that resulted from it, remains for the from Germany’s waxing nationalism, Savarkar Sangh proof both of the incompatibility of

the review of faith & international affairs | 33 faith and foreign policy in india

Muslims and Hindus and of the Muslim desire to broader Hindu unity the Sangh hopes to forge. weaken and destroy India. If Christians are not The harassment and oppression of Islam and negatively associated with this particular history, Christianity in India, therefore, can be seen as a the case of Pakistan serves as a warning for what response to this perceived political threat, and an could happen if Christianity grew too strong in attempt to unify all Hindus, of all castes, under a India. The 1956 Report of the Madhya Pradesh Hindu banner. It can also be seen as a nativist state-sponsored Christian Missionary Activities reaction to the political and cultural challenge of Inquiry Committee, which continues to be globalization, westernization, and other forms of influential, worried that Christians were foreign intervention (e.g., terrorism, foreign expanding their numbers and influence in central support for Christian evangelism, and the India as part of a western-led, neo-colonial plot to building of mosques) of which India’s Christians dismember and destroy the nation, and establish and Muslims are perceived to be the primary an independent Christian state (Goel 1998). The purveyors and beneficiaries, and for which, fact that contemporary separatist movements in therefore, they come to be a kind of local proxy India’s northeastern states are strong in areas (Bauman and Leech 2011; Bauman 2013). dominated by Christianity, and in some cases have Christian leadership, lends credibility to the Contemporary Dynamics concern. India’s Christians and Muslims continue to In the end, Christians and Muslims are suffer under certain legal and social forms of understood and portrayed by those who espouse discrimination. Evangelistic Christians find the Hindutva ideology as adherents of foreign particularly problematic the Supreme Court’s religions incompatible with Hindu dharma exclusion of intentional conversion from the (religion and culture), religions that are definition of “propaganda” in their interpretation inherently intolerant and craftily expansionist, of the constitution (as discussed in the with foreign loyalties, and bent on destroying Introduction) and, for similar reasons, the and/or claiming Hindu India for their respective Freedom of Religion laws that are active in half a religions by introducing foreign mores and dozen states, and which are periodically (but so norms, and gathering political power through far unsuccessfully) proposed at the national level. numerical growth. In the case of Christians, that These laws forbid conversions by force, fraud, growth is believed—counterfactually, in my view and allurement, and in some cases also require (Bauman 2015, Chapter 4)—to come about that prospective converts and those converting primarily as a result of conversions induced them register their intent with law and order through various forms of material allurement enforcement authorities ahead of time. The made possible through significant foreign prohibition against conversions by force, fraud, Christian support for evangelism in India. In the and allurement would not generally be case of Islam, the claim—also largely objectionable to religious rights activists, except counterfactual, but politically expedient—is that for the fact that the terms are so vague that Muslims inevitably reject modern forms of birth infractions can be claimed in almost any case of control, engage in polygamous unions more than conversion. Christian offers of charity, or Hindus, and have far higher than average fertility promises of eternal life, or of greater respect and rates. more dignified treatment for members of the The growth of Islam and Christianity in India lower castes, for example, can be construed as does of course represent a threat to the Sangh’s forms of allurement. That these laws are used homogenizing ideology and agenda by primarily to harass Indian Christians, and serve representing heterogeneity, by advocating for no other useful purpose, is evident in the fact that more secular and inclusive visions of the nation, Hindus are almost never charged under them, and by converting from and making alliances even in cases where it becomes clear that converts with lower-caste Hindu communities, have been explicitly offered financial undermining, and decreasing the size of the remuneration.

34 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) chad m. bauman

Making matters worse is that easily corrupted controversial political issue, particularly in the law enforcement officers often act in collusion case of Muslims, whose personal law lacks certain with local anti-Christian activists to spuriously protections for married women and divorcees that book Christian evangelists under these laws. A are enshrined in the Hindu personal law code. common feature of violent attacks on Christians These religion-specific personal laws were is that the victims are afterwards dragged to a originally envisaged by India’s founders as police station and booked under a Freedom of temporary measure, but they have become Religion law. At other times, the victims are entrenched. charged under Section 295a of the Indian Penal In addition to these legal challenges and Code which threatens imprisonment for those forms of discrimination, India’s Christians and “outraging the religious feelings of any class of Muslims have their religious rights curtailed citizens of India, by words, either spoken or through intimidation and actual physical attack. written, or by signs or by visible representations While Sangh leaders, and particularly BJP or otherwise” (which many forms of evangelism politicians, generally do not involve themselves can be construed to do). Section 295a is that rare directly in anti-minority violence, they are and curious kind of law that frequently suspected and problematically encourages accused of facilitating or EASILY CORRUPTED LAW citizens to be outraged in inciting the violence. And order to be certain the law is ENFORCEMENT OFFICERS rank-and-file members of invoked. OFTEN ACT IN COLLUSION Sangh organizations are India’s reservation system WITH LOCAL ANTI-CHRISTIAN prominent and prevalent represents another form of among the mobs that engage ACTIVISTS legal discrimination that in it. effects Muslims and The violence experienced Christians equally. The reservation system by Muslims is considerably worse, and more reserves seats in local and national legislatures, deadly than that experienced by Christians. In the educational institutions, and civil service posts for decades since independence, thousands of members of India’s low-caste and tribal Muslims have died in incidents of mob violence. communities. However, the low-caste More than 7000 died in the 1980s alone. reservations are available only to “Hindus” (a Smaller-scale riots in which at least a few Muslims category that has been legally clarified to include are killed are an annual affair, while every recent Buddhists, Jains, and Sikhs). A low-caste Hindu decade has witnessed at least one larger-scale who converts to Islam or Christianity, then, incident. forfeits his or her right to the much-desired The most politically significant rioting in the reservations, which observers have rightly pointed 1990s occurred in 1992, after a Sangh-led mob in out constitutes a disincentive to conversion, and Ayodhya pre-empted legal and political in very practical terms often results in converts considerations of the aforementioned Babri obscuring their new religious affiliation, or Masjid’s contested status, and tore it down. refusing to register it officially. Around 1000 people, mostly Muslim, were If the reservation system discriminates against killed, many of them in police firings, in the riots India’s Christians and Muslims directly, India’s that subsequently spread across all of north India. system of religion-specific “personal laws” do so The most dramatic riots of the next decade took indirectly, by providing fodder for those who place in the state of Gujarat, in 2002, after a train claim that the secular state appeases religious car carrying Sangh activists returning from a minorities, kowtowing even to their most protest in Ayodhya was set ablaze (either by regressive tendencies. The laws governing issues accident or a deliberate act of arson), killing 58 like marriage, divorce, and adoption are not passengers. Between 600 and 2000 Muslims were uniform in India, but are rather specific to each killed in retaliatory riots by Hindus convinced religion. This irregularity periodically becomes a that Muslims were responsible for the fire.2

the review of faith & international affairs | 35 faith and foreign policy in india

Current Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi constitutional protections for proselytization. was the state’s Chief Minister at the time, The Supreme Court’s argument that the right to and accusations that he discouraged or even “propagate” one’s faith does not include the right actively obstructed an appropriate police response to intentionally convert another leaves those who led to his being denied a visa to visit the United might consider it their religious obligation to States until he was elected Prime Minister in convert others in legal limbo. If there are concerns 2014. about the illicit use of money or other forms of Christians have also occasionally endured allurement in the context of conversion, then large-scale, deadly riot violence in independent perhaps laws like the Freedom of Religious laws India. The largest, and best known anti-Christian now on the books in several states would be rioting occurred over several months in 2007 and appropriate, provided those laws possess a clarity 2008, in and around the Kandhamal region of the they do not currently possess regarding the state of Odisha. In these riots, at least several definitions of “allurement,” and an explicit dozen Christians and a few Hindus died (along exemption of what might be called “spiritual with a beloved if controversial Hindu swami and allurements” (e.g., promises of dignity or reward anti-Christian campaigner, Lakshmanananda in the next life). Similarly, Section 295a of the Saraswati), while around 3000 Christians were Indian penal code, which threatens punishment displaced, many of them permanently.3 While to those who outrage the religious feelings of the violence in Kandhamal received a good deal of others, ought to be stricken from the penal code media attention, both in India and altogether, or at the very least clarified to exempt internationally, in some ways more concerning mere criticism of others’ religious beliefs, for India’s Christians is the regularity with which however, harsh it may be. they experience physical attack, theft, arson, Additionally, both religious freedom and vandalism, and sometimes (but rarely) even interreligious harmony would be well-served, in murder at the hands of smaller-scale mobs my view, either by abandoning the system of sympathetic to the Sangh’s ideology (or using it as reservations, which, as described above, cover for other motivations). These more local, constitute a de facto allurement to Hinduism for isolated incidents, which have in recent years members of India’s lower castes, by making the taken place about 250–350 times a year, basis of reservations one’s economic situation disproportionately target more evangelistic rather than one’s caste, or at the very least by Christian individuals and communities (Bauman extending the reservations to lower-caste and Leech 2011; Bauman 2015). adherents of all religions (as is the case with tribal reservations). Scrapping the reservations Recommendations altogether would be unpopular among the many International criticism of the discrimination lower-caste and tribal communities that benefit and violence faced by India’s religious minorities from them. Nevertheless, the system of is, it seems obvious enough, perfectly appropriate, reservations, like the religion-specific system of and there are many secularist individuals and personal law, constitutes a perpetual source of organizations at work in India that would interreligious disharmony and conflict (and was, generally welcome thoughtful international in fact, one of the precipitating causes of the anti- interventions and support. As is perhaps obvious Christian riots in Kandhamal). from the foregoing discussion, those concerned Second, India should be encouraged, and about religious freedom in India would do well to given financial support, to improve its systems of advocate for reforms and improvements in three law and order. India’s police officers are broad areas: (1) the law in and of itself, (2) the notoriously underpaid and under-armed, which preservation and application of law and order, and contributes both to their corruptibility and to the (3) the judicial system. likelihood that they will simply leave their posts First, the legal reforms. Religious freedom in in the face of riot violence. India ’s Muslims and India would be well-served by clearer Christians often complain that police officers

36 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) chad m. bauman stand idly by—or, worse yet, join in—when they advocate for broader religious freedom in India are attacked, or when their possessions are stolen would do well to carefully consider the manner in or destroyed. Moreover, because of their which such concerns are raised with the Indian corruptibility, and because they are not held government. To that end, then, I make three accountable for abuses of authority and the law, recommendations about the style, rather than the India’s police officers frequently obstruct substance, of foreign intervention on behalf of minority attempts to file reports against their religious freedom in India. persecutors, or even collude with the perpetrators First, a healthy dose of humility will go a long to unlawfully detain or file spurious reports way. As described above, there are certainly forms against the victims. No equal freedoms, religious of Hinduism that incline in a nationalistic and or otherwise, can exist in such a situation. And no xenophobic direction, and for this reason reform of the laws, as recommended above, will Hinduism cannot be said to be a universally be effective while the police continue to tolerant religion. Nevertheless, India’s religious knowingly and with impunity misuse the law to traditions do have a long and ancient history of target minorities. producing and practicing tolerance for religious Finally, judicial improvements are necessary minorities, one that predates the origins of the to ensure that those who violently attack religious idea of tolerance in the West. Likewise, the norm, minorities on any pretense, including in putative in terms of majority–minority relations in India, retaliation for perceived wrongs, are brought to is one of harmony, mutual friendship, and even justice. It is tragically predictable that in the hybridity (Gottschalk 2000). context of any large-scale act of violence against Moreover, Indians are far more aware of India’s religious minorities, Sangh leaders and current events in the United States than vice versa. associates will claim that the violence was merely a They are aware, for example, of recent “natural” response to some perceived provocation controversies in the United States about alleged (e.g., conversion by material allurement, criticism police brutality and racism, and of hate crimes of Hinduism, and the elopement of a Muslim man directed at Muslims and non-Muslims mistaken with a Hindu woman). Very often the for Muslims (many of them Sikhs of South Asian provocations named are pure fiction, and in many origin). In fact, in proportion to the size of their other cases the actions that purportedly justify a respective populations, the frequency of what in violent response are not in any way illegal (e.g., the United States would be called “hate crimes” eating beef in states where doing so is illegal, the against India’s Christians is roughly the same as consensual elopement of single adults). But even the frequency of anti-Muslim hate crimes in the in cases where religious minorities have broken United States. US advocacy for reform in India laws and thereby offended their Hindu neighbors, will sound hollow and hypocritical to Indians, those who care about religious freedom in India therefore, if the US’s own issues with must insist on a legal (rather than extra-legal) interreligious harmony are not adequately reaction. Those who would take the law into their acknowledged and addressed. own hands must be held accountable and what is Second, those wishing to improve the lot of perceived by India’s minorities to be a widespread India’s religious minorities must be certain to culture of impunity for offenders must be express equal concern for all religious minorities. addressed. One of the particularly troubling There is a perception in India that American characteristics of violence against India’s Muslims politicians and media are concerned primarily and Christians is how infrequently the with protecting India’s Christian minorities. To perpetrators are even charged, let alone convicted, the extent that this perception endures, US and how regularly witnesses become corrupted, or advocacy for “religious freedom” will be perceived are intimidated into changing their stories in order not as a disinterested form of advocacy for the to exculpate criminals. rights of all, but rather as an underhanded form of That these reforms are necessary is perhaps Christian boosterism. Moreover, neglecting to clear enough. But foreigners wishing to effectively advocate on behalf of India’s Muslims, who suffer

the review of faith & international affairs | 37 faith and foreign policy in india far more than India’s Christians, perpetuates the financial or other incentives is more complex and belief among Indians that Americans, as a Hindu contested. Rhetorically conflating the use of hotel proprietor once put it to me, “hate physical force with the more complex issue of Muslims, too,” and thereby makes India’s allurement only serves the purposes of those who Muslim minorities even more vulnerable to oppose proselytization of any kind. But for those attack. wishing to preserve the right to proselytize, and In this regard, it is also important that the for those concerned about the deleterious effects United States and others concerned about of the ambiguously defined terms utilized in the religious freedom in India apply their standards “Freedom of Religious” laws (i.e., “force, fraud, evenly. Nothing sounds more inconsistent (and and allurement”), it is important to resist prejudicially Christocentric) to those resistant to terminological confusion so that physically US intervention on Indian matters of religious forcing someone to convert and enticing them to freedom than when, for example, Americans do so through promises of a better or eternal life criticize Sangh-sponsored attempts to “reconvert” do not come to be seen as equally problematic Muslims and Christians to Hinduism while forms of “forcible” conversion. They are not. advocating for full freedom with regard to Third, it is important to recognize that, at Christian proselytizing efforts. For example, least to some extent, the harassment and when United States Commission on suppression of Muslims and Christians in India is International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) a manifestation of anxiety about foreign intrusion implicitly criticizes the Sangh, as it did in its in Indian affairs (in the form of western- Annual Report 2015, for raising money to dominated globalization, the millions of dollars “reconvert” Christians to Hinduism, and for that arrive each year from western donors in noting that “it cost nearly 200,000 rupees (US support of Christian evangelistic efforts, the $3200) per Christian and 500,000 rupees (US substantial spending of Saudi Wahhabis on $8000) per Muslim” (United States Commission mosques and madrasas in India, etc.). Because of on International Religious Freedom 2015, 151) this, it is almost impossible for Americans to to do so, the Sangh could justifiably cry foul, intervene on behalf of religious freedom in India since the Sangh was (probably intentionally) without exacerbating concerns about foreign employing a proselytizing and fund-raising meddling in India affairs. Only extremely careful strategy that mimics that of well-publicized diplomacy, therefore, will have a positive effect Christian evangelistic campaigns. What’s good that outweighs the reactionary response it is likely for the goose is good for the gander, and the focus to provoke. ought to be on preserving the freedom to proselytize and convert to and from all religions, Conclusion and ensuring that any legal prohibitions against There is much potential for US diplomats, conversion (e.g., by physical force or by explicit policy workers, and law makers to collaborate offers of financial gain) are applied evenly across with their Indian counterparts for the all religions. preservation and expansion of religious freedom Relatedly, US officials should avoid in India, and on behalf of India’s marginalized, contributing to the unhelpful elision of the terms legally disprivileged, and sometimes even “allurement” and “force/forcible” in Indian law physically attacked religious minorities. India and and public discourse, as USCIRF did in the the United States share a common commitment instance discussed just above, where it described to the ideals of secular democracy, even though these Sangh-led attempts to lure Christians and those ideals may manifest themselves differently Muslims to Hinduism with financial incentives as in the two countries. Because of this, non-Indians attempts to “forcibly” reconvert them. While the are justified in calling India to be accountable to issue of conversion by physical force or coercion is secular democratic ideals by ensuring the broadest a relatively simple matter, and nearly universally possible forms of religious freedom, the equitable condemned, the issue of allurement through application to all religious communities of laws

38 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) chad m. bauman governing religion, equal protection for members Indians, with (1) Western colonialism and its of all religious communities by and from abuse at contemporary counterpart, globalization, (2) the hands of police and other security officers, military collaboration with Pakistan, India’s and equal access to a functioning and effective bitter and longstanding rival, and (3) highly justice system. visible Christian evangelistic efforts funded in Nevertheless, there are some barriers to great part by US donations. For this reason, the effective American intervention on these issues, timing, style, and tone of US advocacy must be among which the most significant is the fact that particularly carefully considered if it is to have a the United States is popularly and positive effect. v problematically associated, in the minds of many

Notes 1. Larson’s chapter 3 provides a useful and concise (if now perhaps slightly outdated) overview of this period of India’s history. 2. It is worth noting that many Hindus are killed, also, in the context of these large-scale riots. However, the number of Muslim dead generally outpaces that of the Hindus by three or more times. 3. On the Kandhamal riots (though it is now slightly outdated), see Bauman (2010).

ORCID Chad M. Bauman http://orcid.org/0000-0002-1670-7428

References Bauman, Chad. 2010. “Identity, Conversion and Violence: Dalits, Adivasis and the 2007–08 Riots in Orissa.” In Margins of Faith: Dalit and Tribal Christianity in India, edited by Rowena Robinson and Joseph Marianus Kujur, 263–290. Washington, DC: Sage. Bauman, Chad. 2013. “Hindu-Christian Conflict in India: Globalization, Conversion, and the Coterminal Castes and Tribes.” The Journal of Asian Studies 72 (3): 633–653. Bauman, Chad. 2015. Pentecostals, Proselytization, and Anti-Christian Violence in Contemporary India. New York: Oxford University Press. Bauman, Chad, and Tamara Leech. 2011. “Political Competition, Relative Deprivation, and Perceived Threat: A Research Note on anti- Christian Violence in India.” Ethnic and Racial Studies 35 (12): 2195–2216. doi:10.1080/01419870.2011.631558. Brasted, Howard, and Adeel Khan. 2007. “Pakistan, the BJP, and the Politics of Identity.” In Hindu Nationalism and Governance, edited by John McGuire and Ian Copland, 430–448. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Goel, Sita Ram. 1998. Vindicated by Time: The Niyogi Committee Report on Christian Missionary Activities. New Delhi: Voice of India. Golwalkar, M. S. [1966] 2000. Bunch of Thoughts. Bangalore: Sahitya Sindhu Prakashana. Gottschalk, Peter. 2000. Beyond Hindu and Muslim: Multiple Identity in Narratives from Village India. New York: Oxford University Press. Jaffrelot, Christopher. 1996. The Hindu Nationalist Movement in India. New York: Columbia University Press. Kuruvachira, J. 2006. Hindu Nationalists of Modern India: A Critical Study of the Intellectual Genealogy of Hindutva. New Delhi: Rawat Publications. Hindu Nationalists. Larson, Gerald James. 1995. India’s Agony over Religion. Albany: State University of New York Press. Modi, Narendra. 2014. “Narendra Modi on MS Golwalkar, translated by Aakar Patel – Part 1.” Teh Caravan, May 31. Accessed January 5, 2016. http://www.caravanmagazine.in/vantage/modi-golwalkar-part-1. Mukherji, U. N. 1909. Hindus–A Dying Race (Serialized). Calcutta: M. Bannerjee. United States Commission on International Religious Freedom. 2015. Annual Report 2015. Washington, DC: USCIRF. Varadarajan, Siddharth. 2002. “Chronicle of a Tragedy Foretold.” In Gujarat: The Making of a Tragedy, edited by Siddharth Varadarajan, 3–41. New Delhi: Penguin Books. Wagner, Kim. 2010. The Great Fear of 1857: Rumours, Conspiracies and the Making of the Indian Uprising. Oxford: Peter Lang. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2016.1184437

the review of faith & international affairs | 39 TOWARD A STRATEGY FOR ENGAGING A RESURGENT RUSSIA ON DEMOCRACY, HUMAN RIGHTS, AND RELIGIOUS LIBERTY

By Christopher Marsh and Karrie J. Koesel

he promotion of democracy, human not topple the current regime. These sentiments rights, and religious liberty is a worthy are indeed reflected from both ordinary citizens cause. This is especially the case when —less than two percent view relations with the a country has been identified as one of US as “friendly” or “good neighborly” (Levada T“Particular Concern.”1 However, when the 2015)—and from the highest level of power, regime you are engaging has invaded the which recently named NATO as an “adversary” territorial sovereignty of its neighbor (Ukraine, a (Russian Ministry of Defense 2015). US ally that is also the only Partnership for Peace member that has contributed to all NATO-led operations), and is also on the brink of war with another one of your alliance members (Turkey) Christopher Marsh is a Professor of national security and strategic over the shooting down of one of its aircraft, and studies at the US Army School of Advanced Military Studies. His further that the Pentagon advises quadrupling research focuses on Russia and Eurasia, defense and security military spending in the region to help deter this issues, and religion and war. His most recent book is Russian regime’s aggression, it seems that the promotion Foreign Policy: Interests, Vectors, and Sectors (2014), with Nikolas Gvosdev. He is also the editor of Special Operations Journal. of religious, civil, and political liberties is hardly a primary concern. Karrie J. Koesel is Associate Professor of Political Science at the The situation is further complicated when the University of Notre Dame where she specializes in the study of contemporary Chinese and Russian politics. She is the author of domestic politics of the country of concern, Religion and Authoritarianism: Cooperation, Conflict and the Russia, have taken an illiberal turn. Democracy, Consequences (Cambridge University Press, 2014). She is also an human rights, and religious freedom are generally Associate Scholar for the Religious Freedom Project at the Berkley seen as imposed ideas from the West not Center for Religion, Peace and World Affairs, Georgetown University, compatible with Russian political culture or as and a researcher for the Under Caesar’s Sword Project at the Center part of a “third column” intended to destabilize if for Civil and Human Rights, University of Notre Dame.

© 2016 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License (http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way. 40 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) christopher marsh and karrie j. koesel

Given these tensions, what actions (if any) some more ambitious. As with many, we hope can the US take to protect and promote that constructive engagement with Russia can democracy, human rights, and religious liberty in lead to a turn in our foreign policies that Russia? In the pages of this journal a few years encourage greater mutual understanding and earlier, Ziya Meral cautioned that the promotion respect for each other’s traditions. of religious freedom is a dangerous occupation: “Advocates tackle specific real life dramas of torture, intimidation, rape, and death.” He also Russia’s Failed Experiment with pointed out, however, that “growing religious Religious Freedom extremism and polarization in the world are Like democracy, religious freedom in Russia making religious persecution one of the most today is in decline, but this transition has not common forms of human rights abuses” (2012, been altogether linear. The brief window from 25). Although a specialist in Middle Eastern 1988—the millennial jubilee of the Russian affairs, Meral’s sentiments aptly describe some of Orthodox Church—to 1993, when the Russian the challenges in contemporary Russia. Over the Federation ratified by popular vote its post-Soviet past several years, Russia has witnessed hundreds Constitution, was a heady one. In just five short of victims of racism and ethno-religious violence years religious belief went from being officially (Verkhovsky 2014, 121–131; SOVA Center proscribed to constitutionally guaranteed. The 2015). Indeed, as SOVA analysts Vera number of professed atheists in society Alperovich and Natalia Yudina note, even these plummeted, and believers came out publicly or numbers are surely vast underestimates, as such began to experiment with religious belief for the crimes are often simply labeled as hooliganism, first time (Marsh 2011; Koesel 2014). with their true nature and motivation masked The following five years were more (2014, 8–9). problematic as Russia began to encounter what a Our argument here is that Russia must still be society with religious freedom actually looks like held accountable for its domestic failings in the —that is, the attendant unattractiveness (to areas of democracy, human rights, and religious some) of Hare Krishna devotees passing out freedom. And secondly, we believe that a change literature on the streets while Jehovah’s Witnesses in Russia’s foreign policy will only occur if the stood at metro stations handing out tracts and political system itself changes course, returning to Bibles. Not all Russians were welcoming of such a the path it embarked upon in the early 1990s diverse religious marketplace, including many when democratic elections were held at all levels, leaders of the Russian Orthodox Church who saw the media were not state-controlled, there was growing pluralism as an attack on Russia’s greater space for civil society organizations to traditional religions. Speaking already in 1996, grow and flourish, and religious freedom—as then-Metropolitan (now Patriarch) Kirill of guaranteed by the 1993 Constitution—was Smolensk and Kaliningrad addressed the promised, if not always actually upheld. missionary activities his country was However, we also recognize that these changes are experiencing: “We expected that our fellow impossible to impose from abroad. Thus the Christians would support and help our own million-ruble question, if you will, is how does missionary service. In reality, however, they have the international community in general, and the started fighting with our church, like boxers in a US in particular, promote such a change? ring with pumped-up muscles, delivering blows” We approach this question in two ways. First (Metropolitan Kirill of Smolensk 1999, 73; but by detailing the nature of religious freedom in also see Fagan 2013 on the exaggeration of contemporary Russia, how it has transformed foreign missionaries). Thus, by the mid-1990s, since the collapse of the Soviet Union, and many non-Orthodox Christians were depicted identifying the challenges facing religious not only as religious newcomers, but also as latent communities at risk. Next we lay out several threats to the Orthodox Church and Russian strategies of engagement, some cautious and culture.

the review of faith & international affairs | 41 strategy for engaging a resurgent russia

By 1997, a new federal law on freedom of It was not until Vladimir Putin’s rise and religion and conscience was passed, naming consolidation of power that the situation became Judaism, Islam, Buddhism, and Orthodox significantly worse for democracy, human rights, Christianity as the four traditional religions of and religious freedom. Putin’s brand of populism Russia. The new legal arrangement distinguished mixed with nationalism, Orthodox Christianity, between Russia’s traditional and non-traditional and anti-Western sentiments stoked the fires of religions and sects, affording special privileges to xenophobia and extremism, as some tried to cling the former, and varying degrees of rights for the to a narrative of Russia’s past that was neither latter. Recognizing in its preamble, “the special accurate nor tenable in the modern world, and contribution of Orthodoxy to the history of one which excluded—or demonized—the Russia and to the establishment and development “others” constantly at Russia’s doorstep, whether of Russia’s spirituality and culture,” the 1997 law Jews, Muslims, or “sects” (as many Protestant gave the Orthodox Church full legal privileges, denominations are pejoratively labeled). Putin’s and awarded it certain financial and material politics of anti-Westernism and traditional values benefits, in many ways tantamount to fell on fertile soil in a country reeling from a establishment. Other decade of difficult reforms. religions would be permitted While Russia continues to to operate in Russia, but the THE RUSSIAN ORTHODOX function under the 1993 four would receive particular CHURCH IS MORE THAN JUST Constitution, a legal benefits while the others FIRST AMONG EQUALS IN foundation that clearly defines would be subject to greater RUSSIA, BUT ACTUALLY Russia as a secular state and scrutiny and restrictions. The whose political institutions heady days of religious STANDS NEXT TO THE STATE and legal structures are to be freedom and unrestricted AS ITS OWN EQUAL devoid of ideological and religious pluralism were religious influences, the events coming to a rapid close. of the past two decades have shattered that The 1997 law fundamentally altered the illusion. Indeed, Putin himself even rejects the Russian model of religion–state relations from idea. When asked if he thought that bestowing one of separation to one that would over the privileges on the Russian Orthodox Church years rather quickly gravitate toward a model of violated Russia’s status as a secular state, the religious establishment for the Russian president responded: “This is not the case [Russia Orthodox Church (Garrard and Garrard 2008; is not a secular state]: The law states that Russia Fagan 2013; Marsh 2013; Richters 2013). Thus, has four traditional religions” (cited in Blitt 2008, the passage of the new law was perhaps the most 734). critical point in Russia’s return to the status quo Such an interpretation of the country’s laws ante, that is, to a situation in which the Russian has allowed Orthodox Christianity to expand into Orthodox Church is more than just first among many facets of Russian political, economic, and equals in Russia, but actually stands next to the social life, and take advantage of its close state as its own equal. Of course, full religious relationship to the Kremlin and the Duma. The liberty had never materialized even before the Orthodox Church has been on the receiving end passing of the 1997 law, but that fateful act of various state subsidies for the reconstruction of symbolized an abandonment of the ideal itself. If historic Orthodox churches destroyed during the religious liberties had been curtailed under a law Soviet era. While we do not dispute the and constitution that had guaranteed them, importance of historical preservation or that the what chance was there for full religious equality state should play a leading role in it, the Russian under a law that developed a hierarchy of government has actively funded the construction preferred religions and offered quasi- of new Orthodox churches. One of the more establishment to the Russian Orthodox Church? recent state-sponsored campaigns has been (Blitt 2008) designed to build churches “within walking

42 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) christopher marsh and karrie j. koesel distance” of where most Russians live (see, e.g. these examples demonstrate that the Church is “200 Hramov” 2012). Moreover, these churches rapidly developing into a de facto established church. are often given prime real estate by the state, such At the same time, the quasi-establishment of as parks and or playgrounds, while other religious the Russian Orthodox Church is only part of the groups fight long legal battles to reclaim lost story in understanding the complexity of religious property and construct religious buildings with freedom in Russia. Orthodoxy’s primacy often their own money, on land they have already comes at the expense of other religions, especially purchased. A second notable privilege of the those that are seen as competitors. Among those Church has been the introduction, in 2002, of an often deemed as the most dangerous include a 11-year core curriculum on “Fundamentals of number of Protestant denominations, such as Orthodox Culture” into the public schools Jehovah’s Witnesses, Seventh-Day Adventists, (Lisovskaya 2010; see also Lisovskaya and Karpov the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints 2010). This course primarily introduces students (LDS), Pentecostal and charismatic-leaning to Orthodox Christianity, and only a handful of churches. However, Catholics and other minority regions have launched initiatives to Protestant denominations, clergy, and lay- teach parallel courses for students of other faiths believers are also discriminated against, including (Koesel 2014). Lutherans, Baptists, and Methodists, to say The expanding role of the Russian Orthodox nothing of the plight of non-Christians, Church is visible in other arenas. In 2009 military including Jews, Buddhists, Baha’i, and Muslims. chaplains were introduced, but unlike in the West Here, it is also important to note that while many where they serve military officers and represent a of these groups are viewed as direct competitors of multitude of religious denominations, in Russia the Russian Orthodox Church, they represent a they are almost solely Orthodox clergy who are sent small minority. Non-Orthodox Christians, for by the Church to serve military units. The Church instance, make up less than five percent of the also assigns protector-saints to the Strategic Rocket Russian population (Census 2012). Nevertheless, Forces and individual tank battalions, religious religious minorities tend to find their religious symbols are visible in official and un-official liberties directly or indirectly curtailed. military/security capacities, Orthodox chapels have been built in train stations and even on the premises The Use of Lawfare to Curtail Human of Russian governmental agencies, including Rights Federal Security Service headquarters in Moscow The violation of human rights and religious (Koesel 2014). And of course, there is also the active freedom in Russia today is being conducted involvement of the Patriarch in the inaugural largely as a lawfare campaign. Lawfare can be ceremonies of all the post-Soviet presidents (which described as a deliberate strategy “to gain curiously resemble tsarist coronations). advantage from one side’s greater allegiance to While these activities may be dismissed as mere international law and its processes” (Kittrie 2011, ceremony or the return of cultural traditions and not 396), which in this case would be the evidence of the state establishment of Orthodox international NGO community. A similar Christianity, two other events clearly signal a dynamic is also common practice within the dangerously close collusion between secular and domestic arena of authoritarian regimes. sacred authority. One is the Russian Orthodox Autocratic rulers use seemingly benign Church’s access to draft legislation prepared for the regulations and laws to repress independent civil Duma so that Church leaders may provide society and maintain their grip on power commentary before legislation is debated. The other (Sarkissian 2015). Rather than liquidating an is the collaborative agreement between the NGO, which might cause domestic uprisings or Orthodox Church and Ministry of Health on international backlash, the autocratic state can “women’s reproductive health, the promotion of threaten the NGO with tax evasion or fine it for family values, and the prevention of abortion” violating building codes. In this way, the (Provoslavie.ru 2015). While far from exhaustive, authoritarian state uses legitimate laws to

the review of faith & international affairs | 43 strategy for engaging a resurgent russia systematically but indirectly violate civil society economic activity is open to regular inspection. groups, including their rights to freedom of Critics point out that it is nothing more than a association and freedom of religious belief. The way of blacklisting organizations that the Kremlin use of legal mechanisms to target and selectively does not like. Although religious organizations restrict religious groups is present within Russia. are explicitly excluded from the law, there is There are four pieces of legislation that make concern that in time those seen as foreign faiths religious communities particularly vulnerable. (Protestants) or those with ties abroad (Muslims) The first is a 2002 law on countering extremist will also be labeled as foreign agents with activity in Russia, that is, activity of social or nefarious political ambitions. religious organizations directed toward inciting Putin signed follow-up legislation in 2015 “social, racial, nationalistic, or religious known as the “undesirable organizations” bill. animosity,” among other things. The extremist Under this law, Russian authorities “areableto law is very broad and is typically invoked against target foreign groups which they deem to present groups when there is a claim to a particular ethnic ‘a threat to the foundation of the constitutional or social group or religion being either inferior or order of the Russian Federation, the defense superior to others. The danger of the anti- capability of the country, or the security of the extremist law is that religious groups may be state’” (Wall Street Journal 2015). Civil society inappropriately targeted. The SOVA Center’s organizations that do not disband once given 2009 report on freedom of conscience, for notice are now subject to high fines and significant instance, identifies the misuse of anti-extremist jail time. Critics argue that the terms are unclear legislation to attack Jehovah’s Witnesses, target and lead to a dangerous precedent (Hartog 2015). some Muslims for their alleged connections to This direct link to national security threats further terrorist groups, and repress Falun Gong to supports the idea that Russia is engaging in a preserve good relations with China (Sibireva and lawfare campaign, “using–or misusing–law as a Verkhovsky 2010). substitute for traditional military means to achieve The extremism law has also produced a public an operational objective” (Dunlap 2008, 148). list of banned “extremist” literature. This list, Thus far, those targeted by this campaign include which is periodically updated, currently identifies Human Rights Watch, Freedom House, and 3,278 extremist materials, including Hitler’s Mein Amnesty International—civil society organizations Kampf and the works of the late scholar of Islam that are highly critical of the declining freedoms in Said Nursi, but also works on Hinduism such as a Russia. Yet, the legislation allows for the possibility book on the Bhagavad-Gita, several publications that religious communities may also be considered by Jehovah’s Witnesses, and an open letter by the undesirable organizations, especially those seen as mothers of the victims of the Beslan school non-traditional religions. In this sense, legal massacre (Russian Ministry of Justice 2016). uncertainty functions as a potent kind of control Although sacred texts are supposedly exempted over religious minorities. from the law, throughout 2015 thousands of Finally, in regard to curtailing religious Bibles being shipped into Russia were held up in freedom and expression is the 2012 law on customs for months with no explanation given, offending “religious sensibilities.” This so-called presumably because they were shipped by blasphemy law was drafted in response to the Jehovah’sWitnesseswhohaveanumberofitems performance of the punk band Pussy Riot inside on the extremist list (Arnold 2015). Moscow’s Cathedral of Christ the Savior, an act The second legal mechanism is the so-called which Russian state-owned TV reported as funded foreign agents law, signed into force in 2012. The by “some Americans” (Bennetts 2014). This law requires non-profit organizations that receive legislation allows the government to punish foreign donations and engage in “political individuals and groups for offending the religious activity” to register as “foreign agents,” a term sensibilities and feeling of others. Under the law, with strong associations to Cold War-era Russian citizens would face fines and a year in jail espionage. Once registered, their financial and for “intentional” and “public” displays that cause

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“offense to religious sensibilities,” and up to three Krishna’s, Seventh-Day Adventists, and years in jail for desecrating religious sites. Again, Pentecostal and charismatic churches. Such the danger of such legislation is that there is no discrimination is further distinctive in that it is legal convention for interpreting what offends the coming from both state and societal actors. In religious sensibilities of others. Is the public some regions local government authorities may slaughter of a sheep during the Muslim holiday harass religious minorities, whereas in other parts Eid Al-Adha offensive? Does a Pentecostal tent of the country it is religious leaders leading the revival offend the religious sensibilities of others? charge. In still other regions religion–state and The legal ambiguity of the law played out in inter-religious relations are stable. Rostov-on-Don. Russian producers cancelled their Finally, the pervasiveness and diffuseness of production of “Jesus Christ Superstar” after these forms of intolerance make them difficult for Orthodox residents complained the musical was religious groups to prove and to counteract (Koesel “profanation” (BBC 2012). Taken together, these and Dunajeva 2015). Moreover, even when acts of legal mechanisms form a cohesive strategy of discrimination are explicit there are very few civil lawfare that curtail the rights of freedom of speech, society groups in Russia willing to intercede on the assembly, and belief in Russia today. Moreover, behalf of targeted religious actors (Lunkin 2015). they cultivate a sense of legal uncertainty for As Roman Lunkin argues, religious policy in Russia religious communities, especially those that are not can be seen as “intolerant but not necessarily one of the four traditional religions. repressive.” He characterizes this dynamic as

Quiet Forms of Repression a game of cat and mouse, when the victim One final challenge facing religious does not die in the end and maybe is not communities in Russia today is the quiet forms of eaten but is simply tossed and more repression. These are the day-to-day incidents of because it has played with it enough. But in marginalization and discrimination of many the course of the game the cat or the mouse religious groups. Quiet forms of repression follow learns and incarnates certain instincts. a similar logic to that of lawfare and establishment (Lunkin 2015) —they create a sense of uncertainty and disadvantage for religious minorities. It would seem that many religious groups Quiet forms of repression can come in many have become the “mouse” and must adapt and guises—they are the denied re-registration of a negotiate around these day-to-day challenges of Baptist church because of a typo on the the many “cats.” application; the misplaced zoning permit needed to break ground on a Baha’i center; the landlord A Strategy for Promoting Religious who terminates the office lease of a Pentecostal Freedom church because her Orthodox priest warns against We are in a political moment where US– enabling “sectarians”; the journalists who provide Russia relations are at a new low. The US appears inflammatory (and false) reports of Jehovah’s to have little leverage over Vladimir Putin, and Witnesses supplying arms to pro-Kiev fighters on attention is primarily focused on military the border (Tushenka.info 2014); and the media aggression and economic sanctions (Gvosdev and portrayals of LDS missionaries as little more than Marsh 2014). Yet, this is not the moment to “American spies” (Podsoblyayev 2015). simply shelve the cause of democracy, human What is distinctive about such forms of rights, and religious liberty in Russia. discrimination and intolerance is that they are Within the contemporary geopolitical pervasive in Russia, but not necessarily systematic context, we suggest there are a number of or coordinated. Nor are they evenly distributed practical strategies to promote positive change among religious minority targets. Indeed, some within the arenas of democracy, human rights, religious minorities tend to face more challenges and religious freedom. First, and most than others, including Jehovah’s Witnesses, Hare importantly, the US must pursue a multiple

the review of faith & international affairs | 45 strategy for engaging a resurgent russia actor, multiple channel, and long-term approach. politically and economically salient for Russian Within the US government there should be ruling elites. greater coordination around issues of democracy, Third, track-two engagement should also human rights, and religious freedom. In some focus on pragmatic engagement, but proceed with policy-making circles there has been a “siloing” caution. This is because the foreign agents law and effect, where democracy and human rights are powerful position of the Orthodox Church means seen as distinctive from religious freedom. We that the overtures of Western NGOs and religious would suggest that these freedoms are bundled organizations may do more harm than good. together and that policy-makers with an emphasis Practitioners should be careful to demonstrate on democracy promotion would benefitby solidarity for these marginalized members of having equal concern for religious liberty, and Russian society, but not stoke the fires of vice versa. Religious liberty does not and cannot conspiracy or be interpreted as attempts at regime operate in a vacuum, but is deeply dependent on change. Although we argue that practitioners are civil liberties, including freedoms of association, careful in how they engage Russian civil society, we assembly, and speech (Gill 2008). If these areas believetheyhavethepotentialtoplayavitalrole continue to be understood as separate (and building symbolic bridges and mutual unequal) priorities within policy-making circles, understanding, as the recent meeting of Pope their actual promotion falls into question. Francis and Patriarch Kirill in Cuba demonstrates. Second, given the combative nature of One of the outcomes of this historic meeting was a Putin’s Russia, any tough talk, moral joint declaration calling for the protection of those condemnation, and forceful action are likely to at risk in the Middle East and North Africa. In result in a backlash not only from Kremlin spite of the theological divisions between these two elites, but also from ordinary Russians. Thus, churches, they are forging common ground the US must rely upon a combination of around issues of mutual concern. US–Russian diplomatic and track-two channels of diplomatic channels should follow this lead. engagements. Within diplomatic circles, the US Despite our disagreements over the situation in should articulate the political, economic, and eastern Ukraine and Syria, we believe there is security interests at stake and find points of enough common ground for our two nations to collaboration. The reality is that Russian leaders cooperate for mutual advantage, not the least of have few incentives to address quiet forms of which is the fight against Islamic State of Iraq and discrimination facing religious minorities unless the Levant and counterterrorism. there is evidence how it is advantageous to their These strategies are practical, but they are also rule. Here, diplomats would be wise to draw on attainable. However, success will not happen ample scholarship that demonstrates the security overnight. Any strategy of engaging a resurgent costs of religious restrictions as well as the Russia must be understood as a long-term project. potential benefits of religious liberty. There is If history teaches us anything it is that the widespread evidence that restrictions on protection of liberty is a slow and gradual process. religious groups contribute to violent conflict, It is also something that must be fought for (Gill inter-religious instability, and terrorism (Grim 2008). Across administrations we must continue and Finke 2011; Seiple and Hoover 2013; Saiya to be creative in our support for Russian civil and Scime 2014; Saiya 2015). Moreover, society where and how we can, and strive to keep research demonstrates that religious freedom is open channels of communication and find positively linked to economic flourishing, good common growth, both with the Russian business practices, and investment opportunities government and non-state actors. To be sure, this (Alon and Chase 2005; Grim, Clark, and will not be easy, but it moves us closer to a Snyder 2014). Religious freedom, in other sustainable strategy of engagement with Russia for words, should be approached in a way that is today and the future. v

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Note 1. In 2009 the US Commission on International Religious Freedom placed Russia on its list of countries in which religious freedom is under threat, placing it alongside China, Iran, North Korea, and Saudi Arabia. Since 2007, the Pew Research Center ranked Government Restriction on Religion and Social Hostilities involving religion as “high” or “very high” (Pew Research Center 2015). See also the Moscow-based SOVA Center’s annual reports and analyses on Freedom on Conscience in Russia, available at: http://www. sova-center.ru/en/religion/publications/. References “200 Hramov” [200 Churches]. 2012. Russian Orthodox Church. http://200hramov.ru. Alon, Illan, and Gregory Chase. 2005. “Religious Freedom and Economic Prosperity.” Cato Journal 25 (2): 399–406. Alperovich, Vera, and Natalia Yudina. 2014. “The Ultra-right Shrugged: Xenophobia and Radical Nationalism in Russia, and Efforts to Counteract Them in 2013.” In Xenophobia, Freedom of Conscience and Anti-extremism in Russia in 2013, edited by Alexander Verkhovsky, 5–52. Moscow: SOVA Center for Information and Analysis. Arnold, Victoria. 2015. “Russia: Customs Block Literature with ‘No Reason, No Legal Right, No Court Ruling’.” Forum 18 News Service, December 14. http://forum18.org/archive.php?article_id=2133. BBC. 2012. “Jesus Christ Superstar Dropped in Russia Church Row.” BBC, September 29. http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe- 19769034. Bennetts, Marc. 2014. “Who’s ‘godless’ now? Russia says it’s U.S.” The Washington Times, January 28. Blitt, Robert. 2008. “How to Entrench a De Facto State Church in Russia: A Guide in Progress.” Brigham Young University Law Review 3: 707–778. Census. 2012. Religioznyy sostav naseleniya Rossii [Religious Composition of the Russian Population]. http://megabook.ru/article/ Религиозный%20состав%20населения%20России. Dunlap, Charles. 2008. “Lawfare Today: A Perspective.” Yale Journal of International Affairs 3 (1): 146–154. Fagan, Geraldine. 2013. Believing in Russia: Religious Policy after Communism. New York: Routledge. Garrard, John and Carol Garrard. 2008. Russian Orthodoxy Resurgent: Faith and Power in the New Russia. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Gill, Anthony. 2008. The Political Origins of Religious Liberty. New York: Cambridge University Press. Grim, Brian J., Greg Clark, and Robert Edward Snyder. 2014. “Is Religious Freedom Good for Business?: A Conceptual and Empirical Analysis.” Interdisciplinary Journal of Research on Religion 10: 1–19. Grim, Brian J., and Roger Finke. 2011. The Price of Freedom Denied: Religious Persecution and Conflict in the Twenty-first Century. New York: Cambridge University Press. Gvosdev, Nikolas, and Christopher Marsh. 2014. Russian Foreign Policies: Interests, Vectors, and Sectors. Washington, DC: Sage/CQ Press. Hartog, Eva. 2015. “Unwanted and Shunned: Russia Cracks Whip on Foreign NGOs.” The Moscow Times, December 29. http://www. themoscowtimes.com/opinion/article/russia-must-exploit … anted-and-shunned-russia-cracks-whip-on-foreign-ngos/553712.html. Kittrie, Orde F. 2011. “Lawfare and U.S. National Security.” Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law 43 (1–2): 395–419. Koesel, Karrie J. 2014. Religion and Authoritarianism: Cooperation, Conflict, and the Consequences. New York: Cambridge University Press. Koesel, Karrie J., and Jekatyerina Dunajeva. 2015. “Repression, Restrictions & Response in Contemporary Russia.” working paper presented at the Under Caesar’s Sword Conference, December 10–12, Rome, Italy. Levada Center. 2015. “International Relations.” Levada Center, October 16. http://www.levada.ru/eng/international-relations-0. Lisovskaya, Elena. 2010. “Orthodoxy, Islam, and the Desecularization of Russian State Schools.” The 2010 Annual Hugh and Beverly Wamble Lecture, February 11. J.M. Dawson Institute for Church-State Studies, Baylor University. Lisovskaya, Elena, and Vyacheslav Karpov. 2010. “Orthodoxy, Islam, and Desecularization of Russia’s State Schools.” Politics and Religion 3 (2): 276–302. Lunkin, Roman. 2015. “Government Harasses Jehovah’s Witnesses but Does not Abolish them.” SOVA Center for New and Analysis, June 10. http://www.sova-center.ru/religion/publications/2015/06/d32160/?print=1.

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Marsh, Kristofer. 2011. “Ateizm, vera, i modernizatsiya v Rossiiskom obshchestve [Athiesm, belief and modernization in Russian society].” In Religiya i Rossiiskoe Mnogoobrazie, edited by Sergei Filatov, 631–643. St. Petersburg: Letnii Sad. Marsh, Christopher. 2013. “From Atheism to Establishment?: The Evolution of Church-state Relations in Contemporary Russia.” In Religion and Regimes: Support, Separation, and Opposition, edited by Mehran Tamadonfar and Ted G. Jelen, 51–72. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books. Meral, Ziya. 2012. “International Religious Freedom Advocacy in the Field: Challenges, Effective Strategies, and the Road Ahead.” Review of Faith and International Affairs 10 (3): 25–32. (Metropolitan) Kirill of Smolensk and Kaliningrad. 1999. “Gospel and Culture.” In Proselytism and Orthodoxy in Russia: The New War for Souls, edited by John Witte and Michael Bourdeaux, 66–76. Maryknoll: Orbis. Pew Research Center. 2015. “Latest Trends in Religious Restriction and Hostilities.” February 26. Pew Research Center. http://www. pewforum.org/2015/02/26/religious-hostilities/. Podsoblyayev, A. V. 2015. “DOKUMENT: Otkrytoye pis’mo Religionznoy assotsiatsii Tserkvi lisusa Khrista svyatykh poslednikh dney v Rossii [DOCUMENT: Open letter to the religious association of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints].” Portal-credo.ru March 24. http://www.portal-credo.ru/site/?act=news&id=112712. Pravolsavie.ru. 2015. “Russia: Church and State Sign Agreement to Prevent Abortion.” July 2. Provoslavie.ru. http://www.pravoslavie.ru/ english/80400.htm. Richters, Katya. 2013. The Post-soviet Russian Orthodox Church. New York: Routledge. Russian Ministry of Defense. 2015. Russian National Security Strategy. Moscow: Russian Ministry of Defense. Russian Ministry of Justice. 2016. Federal’nyy spisok ekstremistskikh materialov [Federal list of extremist material]. Russian Ministry of Justice. Accessed February 6. http://minjust.ru/ru/extremist-materials?field_extremist_content_value=. Saiya, Nilay. 2015. “The Religious Freedom Peace.” The International Journal of Human Rights 19 (3): 369–382. Saiya, Nilay, and Anthony Scime. 2014. “Explaining Religious Terrorism: A Data-mined Analysis.” Conflict Management and Peace Science 2015 (32): 487–512. Sarkissian, Ani. 2015. The Varieties of Religious Repression: Why Governments Restrict Religion. New York: Oxford University Press. Seiple, Chris, and Dennis R. Hoover. 2013. “Religious Freedom and Global Security.” In The Future of Religious Freedom: Global Challenges, edited by Allen D. Hertzke, 315–330. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Sibireva, Olga, and Alexander Verkhovsky. 2010. Problemy realizatsii svobody sovesti v Rossii v 2009 godu [Challenges to freedom of conscience in Russia in 2009]. Moscow: SOVA Tsentr. http://religion.sova-center.ru/publications/E3EF1C0/E89CD46. SOVA Center for Information and Analysis. 2015. “Rasizm i ksenofobiya. Dekabr’ 2015. Predvaritel’nye itogi goda [Racism and Xenophobia. December 2015].” Sova Center for Information and Analysis, December 30. http://www.sova-center.ru/racism- xenophobia/publications/2015/12/d33572/. Tushenka.info. 2014. Svideteli Iyegovy’ prodavali oruzhiye karatelyam pod Slavyanskom i shpionili za opolcheniyem: voistinu Ukraina ‘chudesnaya’ strana [Jehovah’s witnesses sell weapons to punitive troops outside Slavianks and spy on military: Truly Ukraine is ‘Miraculous’ Country]. Tushenka.info, June 8. http://tushenka.info/news/incidents/3654-svideteli-iegovy-prodavali-oruzhie- karatelyam-pod-slavyanskom-i-shpionili-za-opolcheniem-voistinu-ukraina-chudesnaya-strana.html. Verkhovsky, Alexander, ed. 2014. Xenophobia, Freedom of Conscience and Anti-extremism in Russia in 2013. Moscow: SOVA Center for Information and Analysis. Wall Street Journal. 2015. “Putin Signs Russian Law to Shut ‘Undesirable’ Organizations.” Wall Street Journal, May 23.

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48 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) RELIGION AND SECURITY IN CENTRAL ASIA: RECOMMENDATIONS FOR THE NEXT U.S. ADMINISTRATION

By Martha Brill Olcott

he five countries in the Central Asian of oil and gas for the US or its principal strategic region have been of interest to US partners, nor does the US or any major American policy-makers since they were granted ally share a border with any of these states, while independence 25 years ago partly to both Russia and China do. Tprevent Russian revanchist policies, but also Most importantly, these countries share few because of these countries’ inherent promise. core political and ideological values with the US. Two of these countries, Kazakhstan and At best they have been slow to introduce Turkmenistan, were a potential source of oil and democratic institutions, while at worst they have gas reserves; Kyrgyzstan, even in its earliest days, demonstrated scorn for them. Although the seemed to be flirting with democracy, while constitutions of these countries make reference to Uzbekistan was the region’s historic center and its respecting the major principles that define most populous nation. Tajikistan was initially international conventions on human rights, all mired in a civil war, making US engagement five have been criticized with regularity by the US more difficult, but as a border state with Department of State, the US Commission on Afghanistan it too became of greater strategic International Religious Freedom, and by US non- importance after 9/11, as did the region as a governmental organizations that monitor human whole. Their location and natural resources will rights. continue to make these countries of interest to There have been improvements in some the next US president. So too will China’s dimensions of human rights in some of these growing economic presence, Russia’s growing countries. Every one of these countries has geopolitical assertiveness, and the Islamic State’s targeting of Central Asian populations in their Martha Brill Olcott is Visiting Professor at Michigan State recruiting efforts. University, Professor Emerita at Colgate University, and a Senior Yet to say that Central Asian states have been Fellow at the Institute for Global Engagement. She is the author of of interest to the US is not to say they been a numerous books on Central Asia, including Kazakhstan’s Second priority for the US. Barring a cataclysmic event, Chance, In The Whirlwind of Jihad, and Tajikistan’s Difficult this is not likely to change under the next Development Path. Olcott also spent 19 years as a Senior Associate administration. This region is not a major source at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

© 2016 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License (http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way. the review of faith & international affairs | 49 religion and security in central asia introduced elements of reform in their judicial of public well-being, and all have legislation in systems, be it better training for judges, the use of place that ensures that the needs of national habeas corpus in selected instances, security far outweigh any constitutional experimentation with trials by jury, and in protections afforded citizens. In each country the Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan in particular, national rights of religious communities are covered by a watchdog mechanisms on the use of torture. But law “on religion.” Criminal codes, and in some nowhere in the region, even where judicial reform places laws on extremism, also define how has gone the furthest, are judicial institutions religion can and cannot be practiced. separate from political ones. The legal systems’ elaboration of the rights of One of the areas that is most problematic for the state and the rights of religious believers still US policy-makers is the contrast between owe much to the Soviet system. As was true in the American understandings of religious freedom USSR, out of which all of the Central Asian states and the understandings held by some of the were carved, government’s key responsibility in Central Asian countries’ elites (and seemingly the area of religion is to be the moral arbiter and their populations) on the proper relationship not the protector of the religious rights of its between religion and the state. All of the citizens. This is how the states in the region countries in the region provide some form of understand “secular” rather than the Western constitutional protection of freedom of notion of the separation of church and state. Each conscience or guarantee of freedom of religious country has a state committee on religious affairs, belief, but in each of these countries religious whose job is to supervise and monitor the communities must meet tough registration country’s legally recognized religious requirements to operate, religious materials are communities, while unregistered religious subject to state inspection, and there are communities fall under the purview of the restrictions placed on parental ability to provide criminal justice system and security services. religious instruction for their children. There is an implicit hierarchy of religions, Central Asia’s leaders defend most of these with “traditional” faiths, those practiced before provisions in the name of national security. While communism took hold, being viewed as having US policy-makers and Western-sponsored NGOs greater rights than “new” faiths, because of the have tried to convince these leaders that their hardships that their practitioners suffered during policies are likely to stimulate new domestic Soviet rule. Throughout the region the main security risks, most of these efforts have fallen on faiths of the Soviet era (Sunni Islam, Russian deaf ears. The message being delivered requires Orthodoxy, Judaism, and frequently Catholicism that the Central Asians redefine their and Buddhism) have some place in the public understanding of religion, faith, and tradition in sphere, but major Islamic holidays are now state order to make it correspond to Western holidays, and Islam as traditionally practiced is democratic teachings about individual rights. seen as a treasured part of the national past, and as This is something that the region’s leaders have a source of public morality. been reluctant to do, and which the next US Smaller Christian groups, including administration will need to find new ways to Evangelical Christians and those like the Seventh address. Day Adventists and Jehovah’s Witnesses who focus on missionary work, have generally found it The View from the Central Asian hard to register, and if registered they frequently States find it very difficult to operate. Central Asian Governments in the region all view the officials claim that the members of these religious relationship between religion and politics very communities can be socially disruptive, that differently from the way it is understood in through their efforts at proselytizing they Western democracies. All Central Asian states undermine the traditional Islamic family unit. have legal systems that grant governments the Sunni Islam is the region’s largest religious responsibility to monitor religion in the interest community, and it is under the strict control of a

50 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) martha brill olcott

“Spiritual Administration” whose leadership Tajikistan introduced a new law on religion answers to the state. It is in charge of registering in 2009 (see Zakon Respubliki Tadjikistan 2009) mosques, and madras and must approve the and further toughened this legislation through clerics who head them, as well as set the topics for amendment in 2011. This law awards the Hanafi Friday sermons and the curriculum in religious school of Sunni Islam a special status in the schools. Mosques or clerics that reject its country. This is a deliberate slight against the authority are subject to arrest, as are their country’s Ismaili minority (approximately 4 followers. percent of the population) which is concentrated Over the past decade state control over in and near the Khorog region and which has religion has tightened in each of the countries in benefitted from the development programs the region. Most of the changes have been funded by the Aga Khan, their spiritual leader. defended as justified responses to religious- Tajik authorities are reported as enforcing extremist inspired terrorism, while others are many of the provisions of the law, including those designed as “preventive,” like banning banning male teachers under 50 from having nonconforming Islamic groups. beards and not permitting the wearing of hijab in Given the highly restrictive legislation on state schools. Restrictions on the number of religion in each of the Central Asian countries, guests attending weddings, funerals, circumcision and the broad definitions of extremism that are ceremonies and celebrations for religious holidays employed, it is easy for the governments of the are also being enforced. The restrictions on region to label any political opposition with a foreign Islamic study are also reportedly being religious coloration as terrorist, justifying action enforced (USDOS 2015e, 8). against these individuals or groups. Tajik media has also been put under stricter control, with the government justifying its Tajikistan actions because of claims that some thousand This has been the case in Tajikistan, where Tajik citizens are fighting in Syria, numbers President Emomali Rahmon has faced armed which experts have called into question (Tucker insurgencies led by former allies as he institutes an 2016c, 1), though there have been high-level increasingly family-focused regime (BBC News defections from Tajikistan to ISIS, most 2012). In recent years Rahmon has backed away prominently Special Forces Commander from the concessions toward religion made to end Gulmurad Halimov in May, 2015. the country’s civil war, which lasted from 1992 While most of the government’s attention has until 1997. The region’s only Islamic Party, the been focused on its Muslim citizens in recent Islamic Renaissance Party (IRP), whose members years, Protestant groups complain of harassment, had served as minority members of parliament and the Jehovah’s Witnesses have been denied and briefly even in government, is now banned. registration since 2007 (USDOS 2015e, 5). Many of its leaders have been jailed (Interview Christians make up under two percent of the with Muhiddin Kabiri 2016). population of Tajikistan, and the vast majority of The IRP has joined the list of banned groups them are Russian Orthodox (USCIRF 2015, which are considered extremist. This includes 121). Hizb ut-Tahrir, al-Qaeda, Muslim Brotherhood, Concerned with the deteriorating religious Taliban, Jamaat Tabligh, the Islamic Community situation in Tajikistan, in 2015 the US of Pakistan, the Islamic Movement of Eastern Commission on International Religious Freedom Turkestan, the Islamic Party of Turkestan has requested that Tajikistan be reclassified as a Lashkar-e-Tayba, Tojiksitoni Ozod, Sozmoni Country of Particular Concern. Tabligh Jamaot, Salafiya, Jamaat Ansarullah, and Group 24 (USDOS 2015e, 3). Individuals Turkmenistan convicted of membership in extremist Turkmenistan has been classified as a Country organizations can face between eight and 12 years of Particular Concern, but as with Uzbekistan in prison (USCIRF 2015, 121). and Saudi Arabia the Secretary of State has

the review of faith & international affairs | 51 religion and security in central asia applied waivers to protect Turkmenistan from applied to Muslims viewed as fundamentalist) or sanctions for reasons of US national security pro-Taliban. There have been Taliban-organized (USCIRF 2015, 13). State policies toward breeches of the long-quiet Turkmen–Afghan religion in Turkmenistan, which are covered by a border since 2014, seemingly with some local 2003 (see Zakon Turkmenistana 2003) law, support, and there are estimates that about 360 closely resemble those introduced in all five Turkmen are fighting in Syria (where indigenous countries. Although there were some minor ethnic Turkmen have been a target of the Assad reforms made to the law in 2007, further regime) (Tucker and Turaeva 2016, 1). restrictions, including increased penalties for unregistered religious groups, were introduced Uzbekistan when new administrative codes were Uzbekistan’s population is 93 percent Sunni promulgated in 2014 (USCIRF 2015, 72). Laws Muslim, 1 percent Shi’a, 4 percent Russian governing religious practice tend to be strictly Orthodox, and 3 percent are Roman Catholic, enforced, and the overall closed nature of Korean Christian, Baptist, Lutheran, Seventh Turkmenistan, where there is relatively limited Day Adventist, Bahai, Hare Krishna, belong to an access to the internet, and where entering or Evangelical church, or Jewish (USDOS 2015g, leaving the country is subject to restrictions, 2). Registration is difficult, and Pentecostal and further increases their effectiveness. Evangelical or Protestant congregations that are Sunni Islam (the Hanafi school) is the predominantly ethnic Uzbek can find registration dominant faith in Turkmenistan, with about 85 very difficult and may be subjected to harassment percent of the population coming from this even when operating legally (as was the case with tradition. Approximately 9 percent are Russian a Baptist summer camp that was raided in 2014). Orthodox, and two percent are from other Uzbekistan was first designated as a Country of Christian communities, or Jewish (USCIRF Particular Concern in 2006, in the aftermath of 2015, 71). the deadly suppression demonstrations in As the State Department notes, there is Andijian, which resulted in several hundred “societal criticism and harassment” of ethnic deaths of largely unarmed demonstrators Turkmen who convert to other faiths (USDOS (Human Rights Watch 2006), and has been so 2015f, 1) and ethnic Turkmen are more likely to designated every year since. be targeted for arrest when in violation of the Uzbek leaders have long considered virtually country’s laws governing religion. This includes all Islamic dissenters to be political enemies, and holding religious services in private homes, varying estimates place the number of religious effectively the only option to those from prisoners at between 5,000 and 15,000 people unregistered religious communities, or importing (USDOS 2015g, 6). Some unknown percentage religious literature (which can only be done by of them would undoubtedly have been legally registered religious groups). Since 2005, prosecuted for posing a security risk to the state in Bahai, the Society of Krishna, the Seventh Day a democratic political system, but given the Adventists, and various Evangelical and restrictive nature of Uzbek legislation a Pentecostal communities have been granted the substantial percentage of these people would by right of legal registration, although registration most international standards be considered can still be difficult (USCIRF 2015, 73). prisoners of conscience. Initially state control over Islam was focused Uzbekistan’s legislation on religion was on transforming the Sunni clerical establishment introduced in 1993, and modified in 1998 (see from being mainly ethnically Uzbek to mainly Zakon Respubliki Uzbekistan 1998). The Turkmen. This was done at least in part through country’s legal system distinguishes between accusing the targeted clerics of committing unregistered and prohibited religious groups. political crimes. In recent years the focus has Those convicted of membership in unregistered turned to Islamic groups considered to be groups (which includes holding services in terrorist, extremist, “Wahhabis” (a loose term unregistered meeting spaces, or distributing

52 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) martha brill olcott religious materials that have not been legally Kyrgyz authorities have labeled a number of imported, or subject to official inspection) are Islamic groups extremist, and banned them in the subject to steep fines and risk imprisonment. country, including Al-Qaida, the Taliban, the Those convicted of membership in prohibited Islamic Movement of Eastern Turkistan, the groups—which include Akromiya, Tabligh Kurdish Peoples’ Congress, the Organization for Jamoat, and Hizb ut-Tahrir and Nur (Fethullah the Release of Eastern Turkistan, Hizb ut-Tahrir, Gulen’s movement)—face long periods of the Union of Islamic Jihad, the Islamic Party of incarceration, and may be subject to inhumane Turkistan, Takfir Jihadist, Jaysh al-Mahdi, Jund treatment (USDOS 2015g, 4). Since August al-Khilafah, Ansarullah, and Akromiya. They also 2014, even when released from jail, they are have banned the Unification (Mun San Men) placed on a state register of former offenders. Church, and the Church of Scientology (USDOS Islamic education is under the strict control 2015c, 3). of the state, including the 11 madrasas (two of Sunni Muslims comprise 75 percent of the which are for women) and the Tashkent Higher population, and Russian Orthodox another 20 Islamic Institute, all of which are maintained by percent, and the remaining 5 percent include the Muslim Spiritual Administration. There is Baptists, Lutherans, Pentecostals, Presbyterians, also a secular Tashkent Islamic University. Only Seventh day Adventists, Jehovah’s Witnesses, graduates from these institutions can legally serve Roman Catholics, Jews, Buddhists, and Baha’is in the country’s mosques. State efforts at (USDOS 2015c, 1). Nontraditional Muslims, monitoring media notwithstanding, Uzbek youth like the followers of the Ahmadiyya movement, do get exposed to foreign Islamic materials, and complain of problems with security registration some 500 Uzbek citizens (and 1,000 ethnic and of official abuse more generally. Religious Uzbeks) are reported to have gone to Syria and minorities also complain of harassment in the Iraq to fight (Tucker 2016d, 1). workplace. Kyrgyz courts have historically provided some relief for those complaining of Kyrgyz Republic unjust actions by law enforcement officials The greater religiosity of ethnic Uzbeks than (USDOS 2015c, 1). ethnic Kyrgyz is a factor in efforts by Kyrgyz authorities to try to increase government supervision of the country’s religious Kazakhstan communities. Draft legislation to this effect has Kazakhstan is classified as a “tier-two” country been circulating since mid-2014 (but has still not by USCIRF, meaning that “violations are been enacted, leaving the 2008 (see Zakon engaged in or tolerated by government.” Until Kyrgyzskoi Respubliki 2008) law on religion in the introduction of a restrictive law on religion in effect (USCIRF 2015, 199). Some of this 2011, USCIRF considered the legal system of concern is the product of the violent inter-ethnic Kazakhstan the most tolerant toward religious clashes in southern Kyrgyzstan in June 2010, groups in the region (USCIRF 2015, 166). which fostered concerns on the part of Kyrgyz Between 65 and 70 percent of the population nationalists in particular that ethnic Uzbeks is Muslim, almost all of the Sunni Hanafi school, feeling themselves second-class citizens in while Russian Orthodox makes up about 25 Kyrgyzstan would turn toward radical and percent of the population. Roman Catholics, potentially violent expressions of Islam. There is Greek Catholics, Lutherans, Presbyterians, also concern that in the current global Seventh day Adventists, Methodists, Mennonites, environment ethnic Kyrgyz might also be drawn Pentecostals, Baptists, Jehovah’s Witnesses, The toward these movements. To date, the presence Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints of Kyrgyz citizens in jihadist groups in Iraq and (Mormons), Christian Scientists, Buddhists, Syria seems relatively limited, with estimates of Hare Krishnas, Bahais, Scientologists, and the some 200–400 people (Uzbeks and Kyrgyz) Unification (Mun San Men) Church account for (Tucker 2016b, 2). the remainder (USDOS 2015b, 1).

the review of faith & international affairs | 53 religion and security in central asia

For Kazakhstan, a real turning point in the lies with monitoring the situation in Iraq and management of religious affairs was a series of Syria, where some 250–400 ethnic Kazakhs are small-scale bombings and attacks on security reported as fighting as part of an all-Kazakh ISIS installations in the western regions of the country brigade (Tucker 2016a, 2). during 2011 and 2012 (McDermott 2014, 4–5). Kazakhstan had already banned most Islamic US Policy in Central Asia groups associated directly with extremists or even While the US government monitors this tangentially seen as potentially extremist, situation, US influence in the Central Asian including the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan region remains limited. The US spends far less (IMU), Hizb-ut-Tahrir al-Islami (HT), Jamaat of money in the region than either Russia or China, Central Asian Mujahedins, the Islamic Party of but asks a lot more of the Central Asian countries Eastern Turkestan, Lashkar-e-Tayba, Al-Qaeda, by emphasizing “the human dimension.” China Taliban, and the Muslim Brotherhood explicitly commits to noninterference in the (McDermott 2014, 2). The Tabligh Jamaat was domestic affairs of other countries in their “One also banned, and its members have been arrested Belt One Road” program, which plans to invest and jailed for allegedly US $40 billion in extremist activities. Changes infrastructure projects in the in the criminal code and NO US PRESIDENT HAS EVER Central Asian region (Cheung administrative law in 2014 TRAVELED TO CENTRAL ASIA and Lee 2015). China sees further increased the penalties AND NO CENTRAL ASIAN this strategy as facilitating for association with them, and LEADER HAS EVER BEEN economic domination of the for any other forms of region, making political behavior that could be legally OFFERED A STATE VISIT TO influence only of indirect defined as extremist or THE US interest. Russia too is very increasing social tensions. critical of the US “human As part of the 2011 (see Zakon Respubliki dimension” approach, and uses all of its available Kazakhstan 2015) law, all religious groups had to levers (including energy policy, Russian language apply for reregistration. Registration is now more media, and the presence of a large labor migrant difficult for smaller religious communities, as population from Central Asia) to try to influence local registration requires 50 members, regional the economic, political, and security policies of registration requires 500 members in two the countries in the region. different regions, and national registration By contrast, the US government budgeted requires 5,000 members, with groups being $5.7 billion in total for all five Central Asian banned from conducting any religious activities countries (excluding classified assistance) from outside the localities or regions in which they are 1992 through 2010, and since then budgeted registered. The Baptist Council of Churches, assistance has dropped from $148.91 million in with some 11,000 members, remains 2011 to the FY 2015 budget request of $113.7 unregistered, refusing to apply because of million (Nichol 2014, Table 2). requirements that it accept the primacy of the Partly this reflects other US strategic constitution of Kazakhstan (USDOS 2015b, 3). priorities, but another reason for this is these Christian groups continue to feel pressure in countries’ flawed human rights records. The latter Kazakhstan, as much because the public resents also explains why no US president has ever their activities as because of government traveled to Central Asia and no Central Asian restrictions. One well-reported case is that of leader has ever been offered a state visit to the US. Pastor Bakhytzhan Kushkumbayev who was By contrast, Russian and Chinese leaders show up arrested in Kazakhstan for “harming a with regularity. parishioner’s health” as a result of the complaints But given ongoing US engagement in of a family member) (USCIRF 2015, 161). For Afghanistan, and Washington’s unwillingness to Kazakh authorities though, their greater priority just let Russia and China expand their economic

54 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) martha brill olcott and security interests in the region in a wholly civil society through respect for recognized unchecked fashion, in late autumn 2015 Secretary norms and principles of international law, of State John Kerry toured all five Central Asian including the United Nations Charter, the countries and held a “5–1” summit in Samarkand, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Uzbekistan with all of the foreign ministers, the the Declaration on Principles of first event of its kind held in the region by a senior International Law, and the Helsinki Final US official (Sanger 2015, New York Times). Act of the Conference on Security and Co- The event was designed to foster an operation in Europe. (USDOS 2015a) impression of increased US interest in the well- being of these countries as the security environment in Afghanistan deteriorates and both Russian and Chinese economic and security Conclusion interests increase. Concurrent with the summit Signing declarations does not easily translate meeting, the US Department of State issued a to changing policies. It will be very difficult to new circular summarizing the goals and priorities change the attitudes of these governments on of US assistance to the Central Asian countries, questions of how to balance national security which outlined at length the projects (both concerns with obligations to ensure religious through US bilateral and US donations in multi- freedom, or to modify the philosophy of lateral assistance) that were being developed to governance upon which the treatment of religious meet these goals (USDOS 2015d). communities and religious believers is based. But Most of the document is about cooperation in at the same time it would be a mistake for US areas of mutual interest, including trans-boundary policy-makers to just give up, particularly as the issues such as terrorism, regional trade, policies these governments are pursuing may be transportation and communication, energy creating the very security threats that they are linkages, and climate change. And of course, the seeking to alleviate. document included a reference to the need to It would also be unfair to say that these insure and bolster the independence and security of countries have been oblivious to US criticism. All Afghanistan. The impact of the document should have been receptive to varying degrees, registering not be exaggerated, given that the new US State some of the minority faiths under US and EU Department policy statement is not linked to any pressure, and partially responding to complaints increase in funding for initiatives in Central Asia. of how prisoners are treated. In Kazakhstan and Even with restrictions and the various kinds Kyrgyzstan national mechanisms against the use of political pressures that US policy-makers have of torture have been introduced, and this has led sought to introduce, Central Asian leaders remain to greater accountability of security officials, even eager for American security, technical, economic, if there are still complaints that this is unevenly and infrastructure assistance. They are desperate applied. for investment from US companies and from This said international financial institutions such as the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, and . US policy-makers and human rights European Bank for Reconstruction and advocates have to be cognizant of the Development, which the US and EU countries changes going on in our own society when lead or dominate. we engage these governments in For this reason, the Foreign Ministers discussions on religious questions. In the gathered in Samarkand were willing to sign a face of rising global terrorist threats, the US Joint Declaration of Partnership and Cooperation has also increased surveillance of its which included a commitment to: citizens, made access by foreigners to the US more difficult, and some current Protect human rights, develop democratic candidates for US president are demanding institutions and practices, and strengthen much greater restrictions.

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. Discussions on religious freedom need to . In order to prove more effective, the be focused and not appear as scolding by dialogue on the treatment of dissenting or US-sponsored interlocutors. They are not schismatic Muslim groups needs to be children, but adults making different disaggregated at least in part from choices than are made in the US. discussions of religious freedom, and . In addition to pressing these countries on focused on raising the knowledge base of their international obligations, we should at state officials charged with religious affairs. least show awareness of the difference The arguments for restricting between US cultural values and their nontraditional Islamic groups are often traditional cultures. We need to given for self-interested reasons advanced demonstrate that the US appreciates their by clerics from the dominant Hanafi school concerns relating to the risks of social of law, who are appealing to secular officials upheaval in multi-religious families, and who often lack the background in Islam to help them find solutions (potentially make informed decisions on what through increased counseling opportunities constitutes security threats. at the local level) that will facilitate . Regardless of where they fall on freedom Kazakhstan’s meeting their international of religion issues, US policy-makers religious freedom obligations. should work with the Central Asian states . These are societies in which there is respect to help them combat threats posed by for elders, and in framing discussions the groups that are internationally accepted as US also needs to be aware of the frequent terrorists, such as ISIS and other jihadist age differences between those in US- groups. supported NGOs doing outreach activities . This assistance should take the form of and those whose behavior they are seeking limited and focused intelligence sharing, as to modify. So the message needs to be much because the security agencies in these tailored so that the way it is delivered countries can have information that the US conveys the necessary respect, and would otherwise be unable to obtain, as to obviously to do this in a manner that does help Central Asia’s security agencies better not substantially modify the content. distinguish between potentially imminent . There needs to be more dialogues on issues and generally abstract threats. of religious freedom held at the local level . This assistance should also include with local officials and not just engagement enhanced professional training of the at the national level. The security aspect of security forces of these countries, by the US these policies is set at the national level, but and in the form of assistance through concerns relating to the potential for social willing NATO partners, such as Turkey, disruptions often come to the national level and bilateral assistance of training of from local officials. professionals working in the criminal . More progress could be made on justice system. This would help ensure that registration of minority (and particularly those arrested through the application of Christian) faiths if delegations focused laws that fail to meet international human directly on the social concerns relating to rights obligations of these countries would conversion by Muslims to Christian faiths, be able to receive more humane treatment and did this by including in the delegations while subject to the judicial and criminal Muslim converts to Christianity who authority systems. v preserved close ties to their families.

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References BBC News. 2012. “Tajikistan Clashes: ‘Many Dead’ in Gorno-Badakhshan.” BBC News, July 24. Accessed March 26, 2016. http://www. bbc.com/news/world-asia-18965366. Cheung, Francis, and Alexious Lee. 2015. “A Brilliant Plan: One Belt, One Road.” Credit Lyonnais Securities Asia. Accessed March 27, 2016. https://www.clsa.com/special/onebeltoneroad/. Human Rights Watch. 2006. “The Andijian Massacre: One Year Later, Still No Justice.” Human Rights Watch Briefing Paper, May 11. Accessed March 27, 2016. https://www.hrw.org/legacy/backgrounder/eca/uzbekistan0506/. Interview with Muhiddin Kabiri. 2016. “Interview by Parvina Khamidova.” Central Asia Program, Policy Brief No. 33 (January). Accessed March 26, 2016. http://centralasiaprogram.org/blog/2016/01/27/interview-with-muhiddin-kabiri-leader-of-the-islamic-renaissance- party-of-tajikistan-in-exile/. McDermott, Roger N. 2014. “Kazakhstan’s Evolving CounterTerrorist Strategy: Domestic Roots.” Central Asia Program, Policy Brief No. 18 (December). Accessed March 26, 2016. https://www.liportal.de/fileadmin/user_upload/oeffentlich/Kasachstan/20_geschichte-staat/ Policy_Brief_18__December_2014__1_.pdf. Nichol, Jim. 2014. “Central Asia: Regional Developments and Implications for U.S. Interests.” Congressional Research Service, March 21. Accessed March 27, 2016. https://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL33458.pdf. Sanger, David E. 2015. “John Kerry is Cautious on Human Rights During the Uzbek Visit.” New York Times, November 1. Accessed March 27, 2016. http://www.nytimes.com/2015/11/02/world/asia/john-kerry-is-cautious-on-human-rights-during-uzbekistan-visit.html? _r=0. Tucker, Noah. 2016a. “Public and State Responses to ISIS Messaging: Kazakhstan.” Central Asia Program, CERIA Brief no. 13, February 16. Accessed March 26, 2016. http://centralasiaprogram.org/blog/2016/02/16/public-and-state-responses-to-isis-messaging- kazakhstan/. Tucker, Noah. 2016b. “Public and State Responses to ISIS Messaging: Kyrgyzstan.” Central Asia Program, CERIA Brief no. 14, February 16. Accessed March 26, 2016. http://centralasiaprogram.org/blog/2016/02/16/public-and-state-responses-to-isis-messaging- kyrgyzstan/. Tucker, Noah. 2016c. “Public and State Responses to ISIS Messaging: Tajikistan.” Central Asia Program, CERIA Brief, no. 11, February 16. Accessed March 26, 2016. https://app.box.com/s/o4q4porur5wg0xu1ngvseukxgwgkjiew. Tucker, Noah. 2016d. “Public and State Responses to ISIS Messaging: Uzbekistan.” Central Asia Program, CERIA Brief No. 12, February 16. Accessed March 26, 2016. http://centralasiaprogram.org/blog/2016/02/16/public-and-state-responses-to-isis-messaging- uzbekistan/. Tucker, Noah, and Rano Turaeva. 2016. “Public and State Responses to ISIS Messaging: Turkmenistan.” Central Asia Program, CERIA Brief no. 15, February 16. Accessed March 26, 2016. http://centralasiaprogram.org/blog/2016/02/16/public-and-state-responses-to- isis-messaging-turkmenistan/. USCIRF (U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom). 2015. “Annual Report, 2015.” Accessed March 26, 2016. http://www. uscirf.gov/sites/default/files/USCIRF%20Annual%20Report%202015%20%282%29.pdf. USDOS (U.S. Department of State). 2015a. “Joint Declaration of Partnership and Cooperation by the Five Countries of Central Asia and the United States of America, Samarkand Uzbekistan.” November 1. Accessed March 27, 2016. http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2015/ 11/249050.htm. USDOS (U.S. Department of State). 2015b. “Kazakhstan: 2014 Report on International Religious Freedom.” U.S. Department of State, October 14. Accessed March 26, 2016. http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/irf/2014/sca/238496.htm. USDOS (U.S. Department of State). 2015c. “Kyrgyz Republic: 2014 Report on International Religious Freedom.” U.S. Department of State, October 14. Accessed March 26, 2016. http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/irf/2014/sca/238498.htm. USDOS (U.S. Department of State). 2015d. “New U.S. Assistance Programs in Central Asia: A Fact Sheet.” U.S. Department of State, November 1. Accessed March 27, 2016. http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2015/11/249051.htm. USDOS (U.S. Department of State). 2015e. “Tajikistan: 2014 Report on International Religious Freedom.” U.S. Department of State, October 14. Accessed March 26, 2016. http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/238720.pdf. USDOS (U.S. Department of State). 2015f. “Turkmenistan: 2014 Report on International Religious Freedom.” U.S. Department of State, October 14. Accessed March 26, 2016. http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/irf/2014/sca/238510.htm. USDOS (U.S. Department of State). 2015g. “Uzbekistan: 2014 Report on International Religious Freedom.” U.S. Department of State, October 14. Accessed March 26, 2016. http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/irf/2014/sca/238512.htm.

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Zakon Kyrgyzskoi Respubliki. 2008. “O svobode veroispovedaniya I religioznykh organizatsiyakh v Kyrgyzskoi Respublike (v redaktsii Zakona KR ot 15 iunya 2011 goda no 46, 7 dekabrya 2012 goda no. 196).” ot 31 Dekebrya 2008 goda no. 282 (Kyrgyz Republic law on faith and religious organizations). Zakon Respubliki Kazakhstan. 2015. “O religioznoi deyatel’nosti i religioznykh ob’edineniyakh, ot 11 oktyabrya 2011 goda no. 483-IV, s izmeneniyami I dopon’neniyami po sostoyaniiu na 16.11.2015g.” (Kazakhstan law on religious activities). Accessed March 26, 2017. http://online.zakon.kz/Document/?doc_id=31067690. Zakon Respubliki Tadjikistan. 2009. “O svobode sovesti i religioznykh ob’edineniyakh (v redaktsii Zakona RT ot 28.06.2011g no. 739.” ot 26 marta 2009 goda, no. 489 (Tajikistan law on religion). Accessed March 26, 2016. http://www.adlia.tj/show_doc.fwx?rgn=14411. Zakon Respubliki Uzbekistan. 1998. N.D. “O svobode sovesti i religioznykh organizatsiyakh.” Novaya redaktsiyakh nastoyashchego Zakona utverzhdena Zakonom Respubliki Uzbekistan ot 1maya 199 g no. 618-I (Uzbekistan law on religious organizations). Accessed March 26, 2016. http://www.lex.uz/pages/getpage.aspx?lact_id=65025. Zakon Turkmenistana. 2003. “O svobode veroispovedaniiya I religioznykh organizatsiyakh.” ot 21 Oktyabrya 2003 goda no. 199-II (Turkmen religion law). Accessed March 26, 2016. http://www.base.spinform.ru/show_doc.fwx?rgn=6782.

http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2016.1184450

58 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) INDONESIA, ISLAM, AND THE NEW U.S. ADMINISTRATION

By Robert W. Hefner

here are many reasons to recommend relatively well distributed, driving down poverty that Indonesia should figure rates and fueling the growth of a huge middle prominently in the next class. administration’s foreign policy Notwithstanding its strategic importance and Tdeliberations, not least with regards to questions record of achievement, Indonesia has long of Islam, democracy, and religious freedom. With remained something of a second-tier concern in its 255 million people, 87.2 percent of whom US policy circles. The country loomed largest in officially profess Islam, this Southeast Asian US foreign policy vision during the Cold War country is the most populous Muslim-majority years of the late 1950s and 1960s. At that time, country in the world. Indonesia is also the world’s Indonesia had the largest Communist Party in the largest Muslim democracy, having made a non-communist world (Mortimer 1974), and transition to electoral democracy in 1998–1999 was widely regarded as the domino most likely to after 32 years of authoritarian rule. Although it fall if Vietnam “went communist.” A failed left- still has serious shortcomings with regards to the wing officers coup on the night of September 30, rule of law and the protection of religious 1965 put an end to that anxiety, and also to the freedoms (Crouch 2014; see below), Indonesia’s Indonesian Communist Party, which was achievements with regards to press freedoms, outlawed and its ranks decimated during six labor rights, literacy rates, and women’s months of military-coordinated killing in 1965– education and employment have by all measures 1966 (Cribb 1990). With the transition to the been far-reaching and impressive (Robinson authoritarian “New Order” government (1966– 2009). Even in such specialized fields as Islamic May 1998; Hefner 2000), Indonesia came to be education—Islamic schools educate about 15 regarded as an independent-minded but quietly percent of the school-age population—Indonesia consistent US ally. However, its relative political stands out. With its mix of Islamic sciences, stability once again relegated Indonesia to the general studies, and courses on women’s rights policy background, and its place in Asian affairs and civic education, the country’s network of State Islamic Universities and Colleges (UIN/ IAIN) is arguably the most dynamic and pluralist- Robert W. Hefner is Professor of anthropology and Director of the Institute on Culture, Religion, and World Affairs (CURA) at Boston minded in the world (Azra, Afrianty, and Hefner University. At CURA, he has directed the program on Islam and civil 2007; Jackson 2007). Topping all this off, 45 society since 1991; coordinated interdisciplinary research and public years of growth have turned this country into policy programs on religion, pluralism, and world affairs; and is ’ Southeast Asia s largest economy and one of the currently involved in comparative research on citizenship and civic global south’s economic powerhouses. No less inculturation in Muslim-majority and Christian/post-Christian significant, the country’s growth has been societies.

© 2016 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution- NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License (http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided theoriginal work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way. the review of faith & international affairs | 59 indonesia, islam, and the new us administration was progressively overshadowed by an ascendant headed policy discussion has been made China and India. additionally problematic as a result of campaigns All this changed in the early 2000s, with rise by populist Western politicians intent on of al-Qa’eda and other trans-national terrorists. winning political advantage by stoking citizen The Bali bombings in October 2002 were the fears of Muslims and Islam. The fact that most first al-Qa’eda-sponsored mass killing after 9/11. victims of ISIS terror have been Muslims, and Over the next few years attacks by al-Qa’eda- that our most steadfast allies in campaigns to inspired militants raised fears that Indonesia and destroy ISIS have also been Muslim makes this Muslim Southeast Asia were about to become a narrative bitterly ironic. In sum, in making “second front” in al-Qa’eda’s war on the West. recommendations to the next administration The fact that the period between 1999 and 2003 with regards to Indonesia, any and all proposals saw outbreaks of “small town wars” (Klinken must keep in mind, not only what is required to 2007) in six of Indonesia’s 32 provinces, and that engage Indonesia, but the lessons Indonesia offers the worst of these provincial conflicts pitted for an American public uncertain and confused as Muslims against Christians, added to the fear that to the place of Islam in our ever-changing global Indonesia might be descending into sectarian order. dissolution. But the center held. Most of the In what follows, I outline current conditions provincial conflicts—typically stirred, not by al- and trends in Indonesia with regard to religion Qa’eda terrorism, but by local elites’ competition and public life. I highlight four points: the for state resources after the launching of an peculiar resilience of Indonesian nationalism; the ambitious program of political decentralization in role played by Islamic civic organizations in 2001–2002 (Aspinall and Fealy 2003)—were steadying Indonesian Islam and politics; the well contained by 2003. More remarkable yet, continuing challenge of inter-religious tolerance; from 2002 onward, Indonesia mounted one of and the nature of the threat posed by ISIS/Daesh. the world’s most successful anti-terror campaigns. Together these four issues suggest that Indonesia Several hundred militants were arrested, bomb does indeed offer positive lessons for how the US factories dismantled, and hardline-Islamists might engage Muslim-majority countries in an wooed away from radical-Salafist models (Jones age when many prior US efforts have stumbled or 2013). More tellingly, the results of Indonesian fallen. national and regional elections from 1999 to 2015 demonstrated that, even as the country has Lesson One: The Phoenix of experienced a resurgence in Islamic piety Indonesian Nationalism (Ricklefs 2012), the great majority of Muslim What at first sight might seem the most voters clearly distinguish heightened religious straightforward lesson for engaging Indonesia is observance from support for Islamist politics actually quite complicated: Indonesia is a proudly (Aspinall 2005). Blemishes notwithstanding, nationalist country, and at the moment is in the Indonesia today is a functioning democracy and early phases of expressing that nationalism with an important actor on the world stage, and the more vigor than it has at any time since the early next US administration would do well to 1960s. To understand this point, and to engage recognize it as such. Indonesia more effectively, it is important to More will be required to make any understand the place of religion in Indonesian recognition of Indonesia diplomatically and nationhood. strategically effective than this introductory As in so many countries, nationhood in overview implies. For one thing, the global rise of Indonesia has been the subject of longstanding ISIS/Daesh, the failure of Arab-spring efforts at and bitter contention. For most of the years since democratic renewal, and the specter of future Indonesians declared independence in August terrorist attacks in the West have made sober 1945, one of the most enduring political divides public discussion of Islam and Muslims more pitted Islamists intent on establishing some difficult than ever in Western countries. Level- variety of Islamic state (defined as a state which

60 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) robert w. hefner administers Islamic law in its territory) against a meager it might appear to some foreign analysts, historically variable alliance of social democrats, this principle has been a pillar of Indonesian conservative nationalists, Christians (and other nationalism, and a rallying cry against those religious minorities: especially Hindus, demanding the formation of an Islamic state. Buddhists, and Confucians), and Muslim In the free-wheeling and democratic pluralists committed to the sweet dream of an atmosphere of the post-Suharto era, Islamists Indonesia both multi-ethnic and multi-religious. cited the coercive excesses of the New Order to The latter ideal must not be confused with, to use reject the Five Principles and multi-confessional Ahmet Kuru’s (2009) term, an assertive nationalism, calling instead for a state based on secularism that bars religion from public life or shariah. When it became clear that post-Suharto prohibits any state support for religious Indonesia was experiencing a resurgence of institutions. On the contrary, since 1946, Islamic observance, many international observers Indonesia has had a Ministry of Religion, and worried that the multi-confessional variety of over the years, but especially since the second half Indonesian nationalism had been so of Suharto’s “New Order” regime (1966–1998), compromised by New Order abuses that it was that ministry has lavished resources on religious just a matter of time before shariah appeals won (and especially, because of their greater number, the day. Once again, however, the nationalist Muslim) schools, hospitals, and social welfare center held. During 2000–2001, the National associations. The model of religious freedom at Assembly voted overwhelmingly to reject work here is closer in spirit, not to American or proposals by Islamist parties to require the state to French “separationist” secularism, but to the implement a state-mandated variant of “Islamic pattern of “positive accommodation” (see Stepan law” for Muslim citizens (Hosen 2007; Salim 2011) associated with multi-religious, 2008). The Islamist effort failed in large part consociational democracies like the Netherlands, because of opposition from the country’s two Belgium, and Switzerland. As with these huge Muslim social welfare organizations, the European countries, Indonesia not only tolerates Muhammadiyah (25 million members) and the multiple religions; it provides formal state Nahdlatul Ulama (35–40 million; see below). recognition and funding to the largest, which This blow to Islamist aspirations was repeated here include Islam, Catholicism, Protestantism, in each of the electoral cycles in the years that Hinduism, Buddhism, and Confucianism. One followed. Although moderate Islamists continue of the more interesting but unfinished public to win about 15 percent of the electorate, to woo policy debates taking place in Indonesia today even that small base they have had to water down concerns how to accommodate religious any demand for state-mandated shariah (Aspinall minorities not recognized among the six official 2005; Mietzner 2008; Ufen 2008). The great religions. majority of Indonesians support parties During the New Order (1966–1998), committed to Indonesia’s Pancasila and multi- coercive programs of indoctrination into the religious nationalism. Even more remarkably, country’s national doctrine, the Pancasila (“five radical Islamist groups like the internationalist principles”), led many foreign observers to Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (Party of Liberation, conclude that the ideals of Indonesian Indonesia) and the Council of Indonesian nationalism were little more than an “emperor’s- Muhajidin (Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia), which clothes” instrument of state domination. The first at one point were capable of staging impressive and most important of those five principles mass mobilizations, have been weakened by emphasizes that Indonesia is a state based on a internal splits and the younger generation’s single and all-powerful Godhead (Ind., Tuhan greater interest in personal piety and middle-class yang maha esa). While consistent with the Islamic careers than system-changing Islamism. The principle of God’s unicity (Ar., tawhid), this first power of the Muslim center has not prevented the principle affirms that the state is based on worrying growth of an underground fringe religiosity but not on any one faith. However supportive of ISIS/Daesh (see below).

the review of faith & international affairs | 61 indonesia, islam, and the new us administration

Nonetheless, the great majority of Indonesian “scaling up” of these very same citizen values in Muslims are today more confidently committed political and civil society as a whole, through than ever to the multi-religious ideals of collaborations with other civil society groupings Indonesian nationalism. No less significant, since and with state agencies committed to the 2010 the government and the Muhammadiyah dissemination and legal enforcement of those and Nahdlatul Ulama have launched bold same citizen values (Hefner 2000). initiatives to celebrate and strengthen Indonesia’s It is in this regard that social welfare multi-religious nationalism, and present associations like the Muhammadiyah and Indonesia as an example to the world of the Nahdlatul Ulama have played such a positive role compatibility of Islam and democracy. This in Indonesia. When first established in the early effort, too, merits the next administration’s twentieth century, both of these organizations recognition. were primarily dedicated to, not citizen values per se, but the twin objectives of religious education Lesson Two: The Steadying Influence and heightened religious observance. However, of Muslim Civil Society both organizations quickly developed a network From a comparative Muslim-societies of hundreds of schools, polyclinics, hospitals, and perspective, the single most striking feature of orphanages. This pattern of associational activism Muslim society in Indonesia is the presence and created incentive structures whereby, rather than durability of Muslim social welfare associations. just politicians or ulama, believers with skills in With followings of some 25 and 35–40 million teaching, medicine, or other professional skills people, respectively, the Muhammadiyah and the acquired leadership and influence in the Muslim Nahdlatul Ulama are the largest Muslim social community. More generally, the multi-purpose welfare organizations in the world (Alfian 1989; nature of Muslim social welfare encouraged Nakamura 2012; Njoto-Feillard 2012). They are people to identify Islamic ethics, not just with also among the most long-lasting, having been individual piety or grand schemes for capturing established in 1912 and 1926, respectively. Along the state, but with the practical goals of educating with a host of smaller but similarly inclined people, treating the sick, and, in a phrase, making organizations, these two Muslim associations social institutions more ethical and effective. have a depth of presence in Indonesian society This is not to say that Indonesia has been without rival in other Muslim-majority countries. lacking in movements with a politicized and Why is this important? In the 1990s, étatist vision of Islamic “appeal” (da‘wa). The Western policy analysts and academics often Darul Islam rebellion of the 1950s (Dijk 1981), averred that civil society organizations are the key the bitter political rivalries of the 1950s and early to “making democracy work.” With the outbreak 1960s, and the Jemaah Islamiyah violence of the of ethno-religious conflicts in countries like 2000s (Hefner 2012; ICG 2002; cf. Hasan 2006) Yugoslavia in the 1990s, however, it soon became remind us that that there have always been apparent that some intermediary (“civil society”) Indonesians preoccupied with totalizing dreams associations are anything but “civil” or of capturing the state so as to impose a command democracy-friendly in the habits of the heart that religious economy. What is nonetheless they nurture. Pluralist and democratic values do distinctive about Indonesia is that, even when not automatically flow from the fact of sectarian politics seems to threaten Indonesia’s participation in voluntary associations alone. If nationalist heritage, many in Muslim associations civic associations are to be democracy- and rally to its defense, and regard participation in pluralism-enhancing, they require two additional education, health care, and literacy campaigns as ingredients: a political and intellectual leadership the most fitting expression of Islamic values. In dedicated to, and capable of, engaging in this manner, Muslim civil society has helped to “normative work” to create citizen values seen as create an Islamic public ethics consistent with, consistent with the ethical tradition with which rather than opposed to, the goals of a plural and rank-and-file members identify; and, second, the nationalist Indonesia.

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Lesson Three: The Enduring Sufis, Shi’as, and, in a few regions, Protestant Challenge of Religious Tolerance Christians. The situation of religious minorities Notwithstanding Islamist setbacks in the and non-mainstream Muslims has been rendered electoral arena, the more rough-and-tumble more precarious by national legislation that lends atmosphere of the post-Suharto era has in some itself to abuse at the hands of anti-pluralist respects played to the advantage of anti-pluralist officials and “uncivil” society organizations. The Islamists and to the detriment of Indonesia’s two clearest examples of such legislation are the religious minorities. The latter include Muslims 1965 blasphemy law (Article 156 and 156a of like the tiny Shi’a minority in this Indonesia’s criminal code, and Presidential overwhelmingly Sunni country. This challenge Decree No 1/1965, both of which were upheld as too should figure in the US administration’s constitutional by the Supreme court in April engagement with Indonesia. 2010) and the 1969 regulation (revised in 2006) In the years since 2005, Muslims professing placing restrictions on the ability of religious varieties of Islam seen as “deviationist” (Ind., groups to build houses of worship. These sesat) have been the frequent target of violence by regulations have been legally operative for many Islamist vigilantes. The communities that have years, and for most of that period they did not suffered most have been Shi’as and Ahmadis, contribute to wanton acts of sectarian violence. both of whom have about 300,000 members, or The law on blasphemy (more accurately about ¼ of 1 percent of the national population. described as an anti-defamation law) was The Ahmadis (Ahmadiyyah) are a Muslim sect introduced in 1965 by President Sukarno, but established in Pakistan in the early twentieth was rarely enforced (Lindsey 2012, 52–62). Since century, and regarded as deviant by Muslim 2003, however, the regulation been applied more organizations in many parts of the world. In than 150 times – most consistently, it should be 1980, Indonesia’s semi-governmental Council of emphasized, in those few parts of the country Indonesian Ulama (Majelis Ulama Indonesia, where Islamist militias are tolerated by local MUI) issued a fatwa branding the Ahmadiyah government officials courting their support (cf. heretical. However, quietly tolerant of religious Buehler 2008). minorities as it was, the authoritarian New Order In a small minority among Indonesia’s32 government never took action against the group. provinces, local government officials have cited In July 2005, seven years after Suharto’s the laws on defamation and places of worship to overthrow, the MUI issued a blunter justify inaction in the face of mob violence. Two condemnation of the Ahmadiyah (ICG 2008). well-known examples of such connivance involve Islamist militias seized on the pronouncement to harassment of Christians in West Java: The GKI attack and destroy hundreds of Ahmadiyah Yasmin Church in Bogor, and HKBP Filadelfia properties in West Java, East Lombok, and other Church in Bekasi (Crouch 2014). The Yasmin parts of Indonesia. Although a number of Muslim Church came to international attention in 2006 leaders rallied to defend the right of the Ahmadis when the mayor and local religious officials to profess their faith, the attacks continued provided the congregation with a permit for (Human Rights Watch 2013). On February 6, church construction purposes, only to revoke the 2011, 1,500 militants stormed a small gathering license three months later in the face of protests of Ahmadiyah in the village of Cikeusik in by radical Islamists. In January 2011, the western Java, torturing and killing three men. Supreme Court ruled against the city officers’ Although the incident was captured on a video revocation of the permit. In defiance of the and uploaded to the Internet, the perpetrators of Court, the mayor refused to issue a new permit, the violence were eventually convicted of only and allowed shows-of-force by militia thugs in an minor charges. effort to frighten the congregation away. Muslim In recent years, small but well-organized civic organizations that have rallied to defend the Islamist militias have launched similar assaults on Church have themselves been the targets of

the review of faith & international affairs | 63 indonesia, islam, and the new us administration intimidation and reprisal. When asked about the in Raqqa, Syria, claimed responsibility for the mayor’s open defiance of the Supreme Court, attack. It was the first-ever ISIS attack on then-President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said Indonesia, and a worrying reminder that some simply that it was not the president’s role to two or three hundred Southeast Asian militants interfere in mayoral politics. Although a political are currently training in Syria, with the declared moderate, Yudhoyono (r. 2004–2014) was plan of bringing their war on “infidel” Muslim criticized during his presidential terms for failing governments back to Indonesia. to take action in the face of repeated assaults on Public opinion in Indonesia rallied quickly Christians as well as far bloodier attacks on and massively against the ISIS killers. In fact, Ahmadis and Shi’as. In 2007, the President from the government’s point of view, the attack shocked human rights proponents when he provided a sobering but useful public service promised a meeting of the Council of Indonesian reminder that, although Indonesia succeeded Ulama (which had just re-iterated its rulings on at containing earlier al-Qa’eda adventurism Ahmadis and “deviant” Muslim groups) that, (Jones 2013), ISIS represent a new species of “We must all take strict measures against deviant terrorist threat. ISIS’s end-of-time apocalypticism beliefs,” and he offered the obviates against any need to tools of the state for that build a mass-based movement ALTHOUGH INDONESIA HAS project. in favor of an “anywhere-any- The election in October MADE GREAT PROGRESS time” strategy, staging 2014 of President Joko WITH REGARDS TO GENERAL mass killings of civilians on a Widodo suggests that that the FREEDOMS, RELIGIOUS scale that even al-Qa’eda nationalist center has again spokespersons find FREEDOMS ARE LIKELY TO asserted itself. A Javanese religiously reprehensible. Muslim, President Widodo, REMAIN POINTS OF Combined with, and popularly known as “Jokowi,” CONTENTION reflecting the influence has long been regarded as a of internet- and social-media staunch proponent of multi- recruitment mechanisms, religious nationalism. His choice of ministers, not this mobilization strategy seems certain to least of all the new Minister of Religious Affairs, alienate the great mass of Indonesian Muslims. has confirmed that reputation. However, at both But it may well prove sufficient to mobilize a few the national and provincial levels, Indonesian hundred militants, who, with proper training and politics is driven by complex and shifting arms, can do serious damage to Indonesian coalitions, and the resulting alliances are anything society. but ideologically consistent. Although Indonesia Of course, none of this scenario is peculiar to has made great progress with regards to general Indonesia. Indeed, if anything, Indonesia is better freedoms, religious freedoms are likely to remain positioned than many Muslim-majority lands points of contention for some years to come. because there is a substantial national consensus against ISIS and like-minded terrorists. But more Lesson Four: The ISIS/Daesh Effect attacks are likely, and they may well damage the On January 14, 2016, five ISIS militants social and investment climate on which attacked a Starbuck’s and police post in Indonesia, like all modern societies, depends. In downtown Jakarta, clearly intending to carry out the face of this challenge, the new American a mass killing. I was in Jakarta that day, and saw administration would do well, not merely to firsthand that the police and anti-terrorist units support the Indonesian authorities, but to speak responded quickly and professionally. The loudly and clearly to the American public about attackers seemed peculiarly inept, and they were just what Indonesia represents: a Muslim- quickly neutralized. Two civilians died. The majority country, with a functioning democracy, following day, the leader of a special ISIS brigade an increasingly well-educated middle-class, and a made up of Southeast Asian militants and based hopeful, plural future.

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In other words, Indonesia’s importance lies in minded Muslim organizations, including the fact that it is, not only a pivotally strategic the Muhammadiyah, Nahdlatul Ulama, country, but a reminder of something populist and the State Islamic University System politicians in the West have recently overlooked or (UIN/IAIN). USAID and other American chosen to deny: that the struggle against terrorism aid agencies have worked closely with is not just a primary concern of the West, but of Indonesian Muslim social welfare most of the world’s Muslims. Indeed, far from organizations since the 1980s, and the reluctantly following a Western leadership in a collaboration has been one of the global anti-terrorist alliance, Muslims in countries unheralded triumphs of US foreign policy like Indonesia remind us that our struggle is theirs in the Muslim world. —and in most regards they are in the front lines of . Third, deepen US and multi-lateral this moral battle for human civilization. If the new assistance to strengthen the judiciary administration can convey this simple lesson from and the professionalization of the Indonesia to the American public, it will have national police; all such programs need done a great service indeed. to dedicate special resources to the For a new American administration, the development of a legal culture committed bottom-line in policy terms should include the to containing acts of violence against following four points: religious minorities. . Fourth, urge the Indonesian government to . First, quietly support Indonesian efforts to deepen programs of economic reform project the country’s achievements aimed at curtailing corruption and the internationally, not least with regard to growth of special-interest cartels. An open Islam and democracy. The “Indonesian economy and continued economic model” cannot be exported, but its growth are keys, not only to Indonesia’s experience and achievements are relevant prosperity, but to political stability and the for other Muslim-majority countries; they growth of a well-educated and tolerant are equally relevant for Western publics middle class. unfamiliar with the diversity and promise With these and other policies in hand, the of the Muslim world. prospects for Indonesia and Indonesian– . Second, continue our government’s long US relations in the coming years look history of cooperation with democratic- bright indeed.v References Alfian. 1989. Muhammadiyah: The Political Behavior of a Muslim Modernist Organization under Dutch Colonialism. Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada Press. Aspinall, Edward. 2005. “Elections and the Normalization of Politics in Indonesia.” South East Asia Research 13 (2): 117–156. Aspinall, Edward, and Greg Fealy, eds. 2003. “Introduction: Decentralisation, Democratisation, and the Rise of the Local.” In Local Power and Politics in Indonesia: Decentralizations, edited by Edward Aspinall and Greg Fealy, 1–11. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Azra, Azyumardi, Dina Afrianty, and Robert W. Hefner. 2007. “Pesantren and Madrasa: Muslim Schools and National Ideals in Indonesia.” In Schooling Islam: The Culture and Politics of Modern Muslim Education, edited by Robert W. Hefner and Muhammad Qasim Zaman, 172–198. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Buehler, Michael. 2008. “The Rise of Sharìa Bylaws in Indonesian Districts: An Indication for Changing Patterns of Power Accumulation and Political Corruption.” South East Asia Research 16 (2): 255–285. Cribb, Robert. 1990. The Indonesia Killings, 1965–1966: Studies from Java and Bali. Monash Papers on Southeast Asia, No. 21. Clayton: Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University. Crouch, Melissa. 2014. Law and Religion in Indonesia: Conflict and the Courts in West Java. London: Routledge. Dijk, C. van. 1981. Rebellion Under the Banner of Islam: The Darul Islam in Indonesia. Verhandelingen van Het KITLV No. 94. The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff.

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Hasan, Noorhaidi. 2006. Laskar Jihad: Islam, Militancy, and the Quest for Identity in Post-new Order Indonesia. Ithaca, NY: Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University. Hefner, Robert W. 2000. Civil Islam: Muslims and Democratization in Indonesia. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Hefner, Robert W. 2012. “Islamic Radicalism in a Democratizing Indonesia.” In Routledge Handbook of Political Islam, edited by Shahram Akbarzaden, 105–118. New York: Routledge. Hosen, Nadirsyah. 2007. Shari’a and Constitutional Reform in Indonesia. Singapore: ISEAS Press. Human Rights Watch. 2013. In Religion’s Name: Abuses against Religious Minorities in Indonesia. New York: Human Rights Watch. ICG. 2002. Al-Qaeda in Southeast Asia: The Case of the “Ngruki Network” in Indonesia. Asia Briefing No. 20. Jakarta and Brussels. ICG. 2008. Indonesia: Implications of the Ahmadiyah Decree. Asia Briefing No. 78. Jakarta and Brussels. Jackson, Elizabeth. 2007. “Crafting a New Democracy: Civic Education in Indonesian Islamic Universities.” Asia Pacific Journal of Education 27 (1): 41–54. Jones, Sidney. 2013. “Indonesian Government Approaches to Radical Islam Since 1998.” In Democracy and Islam in Indonesia, edited by Mirjam Künkler and Alfred Stepan, 109–125. New York: Columbia University Press. Klinken, Gerry van. 2007. Small Town Wars: Communal Violence and Democratization in Indonesia. London: Routledge. Kuru, Ahmet T. 2009. Secularism and State Policies Toward Religion: The United States, France, and Turkey. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lindsey, Tim. 2012. Islam, Law and the State in Southeast Asia. Vol. I: Indonesia. London: Tauris. Mietzner, Marcus. 2008. “Comparing Indonesia’s Party Systems of the 1950s and the Post-Soeharto Era: From Centrifugal to Centripetal Inter-party Competition.” Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 39 (3): 431–453. Mortimer, Rex. 1974. Indonesian Communism Under Sukarno: Ideology and Politics, 1959–1965. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Nakamura, Mitsuo. 2012. The Crescent Arises over the Banyan Tree: A Study of the Muhammadiyah Movement in a Central Javanese Town, c. 1910s–2010. 2nd Enlarged ed. Singapore: ISEAS Press. Njoto-Feillard, Gwenaël. 2012. L’Islam et la réinvention du capitalisme en Indonésie. Paris: Karthala. Ricklefs, M. C. 2012. Islamisation and Its Opponents in Java: c. 1930 to the Present. Singapore: NUS Press. Robinson, Kathryn. 2009. Gender, Islam and Democracy in Indonesia. London: Routledge. Salim, Arskal. 2008. Challenging the Secular State: The Islamization of Law in Modern Indonesia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Stepan, Alfred. 2011. “The Multiple Secularisms of Modern Democratic and non-Democratic Regimes.” In Rethinking Secularism, edited by Craig Calhoun, Mark Juergensmeyer, and Jonathan Van Antwerpen, 114–144. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Ufen, Andreas. 2008. “From Aliran to Dealignment: Political Parties in Post-Suharto Indonesia.” South East Asia Research 16 (1): 5–41.

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66 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) ADVANCING RELIGIOUS FREEDOM AND COEXISTENCE IN MYANMAR: RECOMMENDATIONS FOR THE NEXT U.S. ADMINISTRATION

By Susan Hayward and Matthew J. Walton

reedom of religion has long been relationship between the U.S. and Myanmar, and restricted in Buddhist-majority the country’s new freedoms, democratic Myanmar, both by formal regulation and institutions, developing rule of law, and by common practice. While non- increasingly robust democratic processes. If FBuddhist faiths have always had some space to carefully oriented, U.S. support can help to secure practice their faith, government restrictions the advancement of religious freedom so that placed on religious minorities, particularly during Myanmar’s diverse communities can flourish and the fifty-year period of military dictatorship, a primary root driver of violent conflict can be limited that practice and created deep grievances transformed. The country’s nascent national and mistrust, fueling several ethnic insurgencies. political dialogue is usually seen as primarily Religious minority communities and actors, on the whole, are more vulnerable to intimidation, Susan Hayward is Director of Religion and Inclusive Societies at the ’ arbitrary arrest, and social bias. The country s U.S. Institute of Peace, where she coordinates the Institute’s efforts 2008 constitution, which led the way for the engaging religious actors and factors to advance sustainable peace. military’s “discipline-flourishing” transition to She has published widely on issues such as interfaith engagement democracy that reached its nominal conclusion in in the midst of political violence, political Buddhism in Sri Lanka 2011, includes protections for religious freedom, and Myanmar, and the role of religion in hampering and propelling even as it affirms Buddhism’s “special place.” women’s work for peace. She is currently pursuing her doctorate in However, some old restrictions remain in theology from Georgetown University, focusing on Christian and practice, while new laws have been passed that Buddhist responses to authoritarianism and violence in Myanmar. challenge religious freedom anew. Meanwhile, Matthew J. Walton is the Aung San Suu Kyi Senior Research Fellow in the judiciary and other rule of law institutions fail Modern Burmese Studies at St Antony’s College, University of Oxford. to protect religious minorities and sometimes His research focuses on religion and politics in Southeast Asia, with ’ enable discrimination, a legacy of their historical a special emphasis on Buddhism in Myanmar. Matt s current book manuscript explores Burmese Buddhist political thought and its abuse by previous military regimes. fl ’ fi in uence on Myanmar s political transition. He has published As a new U.S. administration takes of ce, it articles in leading academic journals on Buddhism, ethnicity, and will need to capitalize on the renewed diplomatic politics in Myanmar.

© 2016 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution- NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License (http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way. the review of faith & international affairs | 67 advancing religious freedom and coexistence in myanmar addressing the longstanding grievances of ethnic Kachin, and Chin, have sizeable or even majority groups, but in fact, national reconciliation would Christian populations; the overall percentage of necessarily include the treatment and status of all Christians in the population is 4 percent (mostly marginalized groups, including religious Baptist). Muslims comprise 4 percent of the minorities. With the National League for population, and the remaining 3 percent are Democracy (NLD) taking over leadership of this practitioners of indigenous spirit worship (nat)or dialogue, as well as the government, there is cause other religions (including Hinduism and Bahai). for optimism. However, the U.S. Administration Under the military regimes that ruled must remain cognizant of Buddhist nationalist1 Myanmar from 1962 until the recent reforms organizations ascendant in Myanmar and the began, religious freedom for non-Buddhists was region in recent years, the long history of suspicion severely limited. Christians, Muslims, and others toward non-Buddhist religions and foreign faced restrictions on free movement, ability to agendas, and low levels of trust between different construct buildings, and public worship.3 For the ethnic and religious groups. These have been the ruling military, religious difference, like ethnic products of limited inter-group connections and difference, marked individuals and groups as divide-and-rule tactics of the colonial government potential threats to the integrity and stability of and successive military regimes. the country. Partly as a result of this, Burmese nationalism became increasingly conflated with Background Buddhist religious identity, such that to be a The country known until 1989 as Burma, Myanmar citizen was to be Buddhist (and thereafter as Myanmar, was ruled by a series of ethnically Burman) (Walton 2013). Outside autocratic military regimes beginning in 1962, support from Western or other foreign elements when General Ne Win overthrew the to insurgency efforts and anti-junta democratic democratically elected Prime Minister U Nu. movements fed the perception of non-Burman, This lasted until 2011, when the military junta non-Buddhist “others” as a threat to the State, began to relinquish its political chokehold and tools of regional or global power interests. through a gradual and closely managed transition There is a good deal of evidence of religious to civilian rule. Home to dozens of ethnic groups discrimination in Myanmar. But it can be (the total number of which is still disputed), difficult to separate violence and oppression many with their own distinct languages, cultural visited on communities because of their religious and religious practices, and historical memory, beliefs from more general political and military historic Burma and modern Myanmar’s reality actions, simply because most of the non-Burman has been defined by shifting alliances of areas have been active conflict zones for the past competition and allegiance between its diverse 50 years. That is, the military carries out violence communities. that targets non-Buddhist populations, and Today, the majority ethnic group is the monitors and restricts their activities, but in some Burmans, who constitute approximately 68 cases justifies these actions as a necessary response percent of the population. Other major ethnic to ethnic insurgencies rather than religious groups include the Shan (9 percent), Karen (7 discrimination. By extension, the religious percent), Rakhine (4 percent), Mon (2 percent), repression faced by Christians in Kachin and and Kachin (1.5 percent).2 Many of these non- Karen states (both more intense conflict zones Burman groups live in outlying states that border over the past several decades) has been neighbors Bangladesh, India, China, and qualitatively greater than that faced by Christians Thailand. Ethnic difference and religious in other areas, such as the Chin and Naga Hills difference overlap only to a degree. Theravada and even in urban areas in the center of the Buddhism is the religion of the Burman ethnic country. majority and of many non-Burmans, practiced by A series of ethnic insurgencies broke out in about 89 percent of the overall population. Some the country not long after independence was ethnic minority groups, including the Karen, achieved from British colonial rule in 1948.

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Ethnic armed groups sought to achieve the larger cities, on the one hand, and the independence from a central state perceived to be experiences in more rural outlying areas, on the Burman Buddhist dominated. Among their other, where military and other authorities may act demands was greater protection of religious in accordance with past practices. These incidents freedoms, which was threatened when Prime also demonstrate the precarious position of Minister U Nu sought to establish Buddhism as prominent non-Buddhist ethnic leaders. the state religion through a law passed by the Other new domestic conflicts have emerged parliament in 1961. This move fueled existing since the democratic reform began in 2011 insurgencies and sparking the rebellion of several (International Crisis Group 2013). Perhaps the more ethnic groups. Upon taking power in 1962, most strident conflict has been between General Ne Win overturned this act. Buddhists and Muslims, what has been referred Nonetheless, due to the close relationship of to as “communal” conflict, often connected to patronage between state leaders and the Buddhist the spread of rumors that demonize Muslim sangha (monkhood), and the preferential populations in Myanmar and elsewhere. Some of treatment given Burman Buddhists in the these rumors tap into fear-based claims about military government, Buddhism has retained a Muslims in Myanmar that have existed for privileged place in state affairs. generations while others have developed a There have been regular reports of the modern twist as they are connected to broader government refusing permission to Christians to global discourses about Islam, and given space preach or hold church services (Karen Human through new freedoms of expression and media. Rights Group 1998). Christian pastors, A little over a year after the new quasi-civilian missionaries, and church workers have been government came to power, in June 2012, arrested, detained, and tortured by both members of Western Rakhine State experienced violent riots the military and local representatives of the Burmese between Rakhine Buddhists and primarily government (CHRO 2012). Worryingly, a 2012 Rohingya Muslims,4 triggered by the rape of a report by the Chin Human Rights Organization Buddhist girl by two Muslim men and the contains detailed evidence and interviews with subsequent revenge killing of ten Muslims by a people in the Chin and Naga Hills that attest to the group of Buddhists. The Rohingya suffered a fact that these abuses have continued even during disproportionate loss of life and property. A the current period of democratic transition. For second wave of violence broke out in October example, the report describes an incident in March 2012 across Rakhine State, displacing some 2012 where members of the local Burmese Army 100,000 people, mostly Muslim (Roos 2013). battalion disrupted a conference of Chin Christians. Although the conflict in Rakhine state initially When a Chin Member of Parliament who was at appeared to be an isolated incident, anti-Muslim the meeting tried to mediate, the Army Captain violence soon appeared across the state border, allegedly replied, affecting non-Rohingya Muslims. Throughout the country, including in ethnic Burman Who do you think you are? What are you territory, several violent episodes broke out talking about? I will kill you. I don’t give a throughout 2013 and 2014 directed against [expletive] about you being a Member of Muslim homes, mosques, and schools. In the Parliament. We are not under the control midst of this so-called communal conflict, of the Chin State authorities. We take Muslims have experienced close monitoring of orders from the Northwest Regional their activities by security actors and authorities. Command. (quoted in CHRO 2012, 61) Accused of fueling these violent episodes, if not directly participating in them, are Buddhist Incidents like this confirm the sense of impunity monk-led nationalist movements, especially the that still characterizes the Burmese military in the group known as MaBaTha (a Burmese language border regions. It also reflects the distance between acronym for its longer name, the Organization for reforms made in the capital and freedoms felt in the Protection of Race and Religion). These

the review of faith & international affairs | 69 advancing religious freedom and coexistence in myanmar movements fuel anti-Muslim bias and rumors security, prevalence of law and order, about Muslim agendas to convert Buddhist community peace and tranquility or public women and “take over” the country and region order and morality … to develop … [the] through rampant reproduction. These social religion they profess and customs without movements have had an explicit impact on prejudice to the relations between one religious freedom, fueling discrimination based national race and another or among on religious identity (especially against Muslims national races and to other faiths. but also affecting other non-Buddhist adherents) and leading to the passage of a set of laws that This kind of caveat for public order is not further entrench religious discrimination in the necessarily uncommon or in contradiction with Myanmar state, as will be explored further below. international legal norms. However, given Myanmar’s history, in which the military Current Legal Protections and restricted human rights for the sake of Challenges to Religious Freedom maintaining public order, there is concern, and evidence, that these caveats are overly relied on as Constitutional Protections justification for oppressing religious minority The constitution drafted by the former ruling activities and for restricting the activities and party, the military-backed Union Solidarity and speech of some Buddhist monastics deemed Development Party (USDP), was carefully critical of the government in their preaching. constructed to advance the vision of the military’s “discipline-flourishing democracy.” This Four Race and Religion Laws managed transition has consisted of a gradual and Beginning in 2013, and mobilizing on anti- controlled relinquishing of authoritarianism to Muslim rumors, Buddhist nationalist activists establish democratic governance and greater began to focus their organizing efforts on passage freedoms, with institutionalized protections for of a law that would restrict interfaith marriages limited military control maintained with the between Buddhist women and Muslim men, justification of ensuring stability. The requiring Buddhist women to get permission constitution includes protections for religious from their parents and authorities to do so. freedom, such as the provision in Article 348, Monks carried out demonstrations to show which stipulates that no Union citizens should be support for the bill and joined with laypeople to discriminated against on the basis of religion. But allegedly collect some 2.5 million signatures in it also notes a privileged place for Buddhism, support of it. Then, Buddhist nationalist groups saying in Article 361 that the government worked with sympathetic political parties to “recognizes the special position of Buddhism as develop three additional bills and introduce them the faith professed by the great majority of the in Parliament in July 2013; these additional bills citizens of the Union.” Provisions protecting were related to religious conversion, monogamy, religious freedoms include language meant to and population control. In accordance with preserve the right of authorities to restrict those parliamentary procedures, the laws were printed religious freedoms for the purpose of stability and in local papers to allow citizens to offer input. In order. For example, Article 34 of the constitution May 2014, an alliance of civil society states that “Every citizen is equally entitled to organizations led by several prominent women’s freedom of conscience and the right to freely rights activists issued a statement strongly profess and practice religion subject to public opposing the proposed laws, claiming they order, morality or health and to the other violated the rights of women and minorities provisions of this Constitution.” However, (Aung and Solomon 2014). In the following Article 354 qualifies this freedom, stating that weeks, some of the most prominent members of the groups that signed the statement received every citizen shall be at liberty … if not death threats, sexually harassing phone calls, and contrary to the laws, enacted for Union personal attacks on social media.5

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The Religious Conversion Law requires those country that drew thousands, which took place in wishing to convert to complete a government the run-up to the country’s national elections. application and be subjected to an interview with at least five members of an oversight committee Other Legal Provisions and Common to demonstrate that they were not coerced into Practices Restricting Religious Freedom conversion. The law also criminalizes coercive In the mid-1960s, the government expelled all conversion of other people. The Monogamy Law foreign missionaries and nationalized nearly all of seeks the “upholding [of] monogamous practices the private schools and hospitals run by non- to protect women from becoming mistresses, and Buddhist groups. Most of these buildings have preventing emergence of family crimes arising never been transferred back. In the meantime, the from men practicing polygamy” by giving a construction of new religious buildings by non- blanket outlaw of multiple spouses, or of Buddhists groups has been limited. The “unofficially living” with another person while government commonly refuses to give permission married.6 The law specifies its application to for the construction or repair of non-Buddhist Buddhist women marrying non-Buddhist men, religious buildings, even after citizens have gone in addition to inter-Buddhist and inter-non- through an onerous application process (CHRO Buddhist relationships. The Population Control 2012). In rural areas, the construction of a Healthcare law would give the government Buddhist meeting hall or meditation center does authority to designate particular regions in which not usually require the same degree of permission, women would be required to wait at least 36 if any. months after giving birth before becoming Section 295(a) of the penal code, introduced pregnant again. And finally, the Buddhist during British colonial rule, prohibits “deliberate Women’s Special Marriage Law requires and malicious acts intended to outrage religious Buddhist women seeking to marry outside their feelings of any class by insulting its religion or faith to receive permission from parents and local religious beliefs.” In practice, this religious authorities before so doing. Notably, the law only defamation law has tended to be applied specifies this requirement in the case of Buddhist selectively, used to target those believed to be women marrying non-Buddhist men (but for no insulting Buddhism, but not those insulting other situation), stipulates punishments should Islam or other religions. In March 2015, a New non-Buddhist men restrict the rights of their Zealander and two Burmese men were arrested wives to practice freely their Buddhist faith, and under this law for posting an image online of the denies custody of children to non-Buddhist men Buddha wearing headphone as an advertisement under all circumstances in case of divorce. As for their bar (Moe and Renzey 2015; Lone and noted in the United Nations’ technical review, Dinmore 2015).7 In June 2015, writer and NLD the four laws must be considered together as a member Htin Linn Oo was sentenced to two package that unfairly targets particular years in prison with hard labor for defaming communities (i.e. Muslims) in the country based religion in a 2014 speech that was critical of on prejudicial views, and that violates several MaBaTha, and of hardline nationalism couched international human rights laws, including those in Buddhism. regarding gender equality, women’s rights, and Some Buddhist monastics have also faced individuals’ rights to freedom of religion and government restrictions on their activities. For belief (UN Report 2014). example, Shwe Nya Wa Sayadaw was banned The four laws were passed by the parliament indefinitely from public preaching in April 2015 in stages in Spring 2015, and signed into law by by the state’s Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee, President Thein Sein shortly thereafter, despite the highest Buddhist authority in the country. He widespread international condemnation of them was known for preaching sermons on human as in violation of international human rights rights issues and in support of the NLD, standards. Following their passage, MaBaTha containing criticism of government practices and held a series of celebratory rallies around the Buddhist nationalist groups (Min 2015).

the review of faith & international affairs | 71 advancing religious freedom and coexistence in myanmar

The Emerging Political Landscape 2012 (though notably, not the largest group, the The November 2015 election in Myanmar Kachin Independence Organization). The resulted in a landslide victory for the NLD, led by signing of the partial NCA in October 2015 led Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. In the run-up to the to the launch of a national dialogue process on the election, tensions between religious groups in the future of the country, with a framework adopted country flared as many prominent monks from in December and the first iteration of the Union MaBaTha campaigned on behalf of the USDP,8 Peace Conference held in Naypyitaw in January achieved passage of the four race and religion laws, 2016. At the time of writing this article, it is and criticized the opposition NLD as insufficiently unclear if the political dialogue framework will be willing to protect the Buddhist tradition. That the adjusted by the now-ruling NLD, or if other overwhelming majority of the country voted in ethnic armed groups will join the NCA. In favor of the NLD demonstrated the limits of whatever form the political dialogue moves MaBaTha’sinfluenceandgivessomecausefor forward, however, it is likely at some point to optimism among those concerned by inter-religious have to address issues of religion and state violence and exclusionary policies during the relations generally, and religious freedom more transition period. But it would specifically. If the national be premature to interpret the dialogue process is truly IT WOULD BE PREMATURE TO NLD landslide victory as a inclusive, and interests and wholesale defeat of Buddhist INTERPRET THE NLD concerns of all stakeholders nationalism or anti-Muslim LANDSLIDE VICTORY AS A are engaged meaningfully, it sentiment, or as a victory for WHOLESALE DEFEAT OF could be an invaluable religious minority rights. opportunity to make BUDDHIST NATIONALISM OR Notably, the election considerable advances in campaign period, and the ANTI-MUSLIM SENTIMENT religious freedom, and in election itself, was not marked building a truly pluralist by the episodes of inter-religious violence that Myanmar national identity and state system. many had feared. On issues of religious freedom Commensurate with this will be the need for generally, and the four race and religion laws ongoing legislative and rule of law review and more specifically, the NLD election platform was reform on issues related to religious freedoms and woefully vague, likely a political calculation in an discrimination, in order to cleanse the system of environment of seemingly strident Buddhist laws restricting rights, and to ensure practices by nationalism. Even as early as election day itself, it all rule of law actors, from the security sector to was clear that the NLD had won big. Aside from the judiciary, that ensure equal treatment and the USDP, ethnic political parties also performed protections of religious freedom. But perhaps poorly, with the NLD sweeping in most outlying most immediate is the need for efforts to advance ethnic states other than Rakhine. Though many a social environment of respect for religious NLD parliamentarians are from non-Burman difference, and to curb inflammatory hate speech ethnic groups, it is yet to be seen the extent to directed against groups based on their religious which they will push for issues of concern for identity and commitments. To that end, a rebuke their ethnic group that go against, or at least are by the Ministry of Religion and NLD leadership not priorities of, the NLD. Among the vast litany of an inflammatory Facebook post by Buddhist of priorities Aung San Suu Kyi has laid out for the nationalist monk U Wirathu on February 2, the new NLD-led government, a review of the four day after the new NLD-led government was race and religion laws and Rohingya rights do not seated in Parliament, could be a positive sign appear to top the list. Meanwhile, the country’s (Lone and Min 2016). The new NLD nationwide ceasefire (NCA) was signed with eight government ought to be encouraged and of the ethnic armed groups who have been empowered to take further steps to end the negotiating with the government beginning in environment of permissiveness towards religious

72 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) susan hayward and matthew j. walton hatred and instigation that was created under the government will already be limited in what previous USDP government. it can control, partly because it is new to governance but also because the military Recommendations still controls key areas of authority, . It is crucial that U.S. government actors including the Ministries of Defense, Border understand the diversity within Buddhism Affairs, and Home Affairs as well as the in Myanmar, indeed, within all of the police. The government will need regular country’s religious communities. There is pressure to ensure that religious freedom no “true Buddhism” in Myanmar or issues remain on the agenda (in the face of a anywhere else and such claims are merely seemingly endless list of priorities) but will attempts at policing the boundaries of a sometimes need to be supported and religious community. Even as non- empowered to put pressure on the military Buddhists face the direst threats to their when necessary. religious freedom, non-mainstream . Balance freedom of expression with Buddhist practices and beliefs have also restrictions on hate speech. Recognize that, been repressed at times. while hate speech is damaging, it is not . At the same time, consider Myanmar within necessary in Myanmar today for the its regional context, in which Buddhist demonization of Muslims; rumor, nationalism has been expanding in some insinuation, and even factually accurate countries, regional criticism of Burmese statements are all used at times to reinforce government and popular attitudes towards a narrative of Buddhism under threat from Muslims is increasing, and Southeast Asian aggressive Islam. Ensure that the need to nations seem poorly prepared to work “combat extremism” does not justify state together to solve transnational crises such as control over religion or pre-emptive actions the mass exodus of Rohingyas from based on speculation. Myanmar. . support inclusive processes for legislative . Make use of the social, political, and legal reform on religious issues that include fields to advance religious freedom. These respected religious figures, but choose targets areas, and the norms that govern them, are carefully. The four “Race and Religion” mutually constructive and advocacy must laws are problematic but repealing them consider which is the proper domain for would spark a strong backlash from particular actions as well as the ways in MaBaTha. Furthermore, it is other laws which the three spheres overlap and that are more commonly used (at the influence each other. moment) for purposes of religious . Do not demonize Buddhists en masse,as repression and persecution. much of the international media coverage . Draw attention to everyday violations of has done. This is not constructive, as it religious freedom, including when spurs people in the country to close ranks authorities refuse to give permits for non- in the face of perceived attacks on Buddhist houses of worship or religious Buddhism universally, rather than more festivals. targeted criticisms of violent or hateful . Ensure that the political dialogue process rhetoric and actions. In the past, remains inclusive of issues of religious diversity international condemnation has more often and freedom, including new conflicts that played into the hands of nationalist groups might arise. National reconciliation in by strengthening their argument that Myanmar will have to occur on multiple Buddhism is under attack. fronts in the coming years. . Be patient, but don’t back down from basic . The next administration should learn from principles such as the overall commitment and continue the constructive policies and to religious freedom. The new NLD practices of the current Embassy Rangoon staff.

the review of faith & international affairs | 73 advancing religious freedom and coexistence in myanmar

They have supported interfaith work and Most importantly, over the past few years peace-building initiatives and also helped they have sought to actively engage with some facilitate the broadening of people’s of the more moderate elements of MaBaTha, conceptual boundaries by creating which is absolutely essential to promoting opportunities for Myanmar people to alternate narratives about present anxieties gain international experience, usually in that do not demonize Muslims or non- non-Buddhist majority countries. Buddhists. v

Notes 1. While “nationalist” is not the most accurate term to describe these organizations’ outlook, it is used here in lieu of a better option. Disaggregating the “nationalist” tendencies of these groups in Myanmar is beyond the scope of this article, but suffice to say that the Burmese word a-myo, which is often translated as nationality, literally means “type of person” and in different contexts can refer to ethnic, national, or religious identities and indeed, in the Myanmar context, frequently expresses all three simultaneously as well as aspects of identity beyond these three categories. 2. These statistics on ethnicity and religion are from the CIA World Factbook [Accessed February 8, 2016. https://www.cia.gov/library/ publications/the-world-factbook/geos/bm.html]. However, it should be noted that demographic statistics related to ethnic and religious identity in Myanmar are bitterly contested and rely on estimations or outdated census data. A census was conducted in 2014 with technical assistance from the UNFPA, but, citing concerns about the effects on inter-communal conflict, the government has declined to release ethnic and religious aggregate data up through the present. Thus, the figures provided here should be considered estimates. 3. See, among other sources, Karen Human Rights Group (2010, 2011) and Chin Human Rights Organization (2012). 4. The Rohingya are a distinct identity group primarily found in the West of the country. They are a stateless group, not recognized as an ethnic group with legal status in the Myanmar or neighboring Bangladesh, where many reside. They face significant social prejudice, in addition to systematic legal and political persecution, and restrictions on freedom of movement. They were not allowed to vote in the 2015 elections unless they denied their identity as “Rohingya,” assuming instead the legal designation of “Bengali,” an identification many refused to adopt. 5. Activists recounted these experiences in interviews with author Hayward in Yangon in March 2015. 6. Language from the draft law is quoted from a version printed in the Myanmar Alin Daily on December 4, 2014 by the government with an invitation to the public to provide feedback. The other three laws were similarly printed in the newspaper for this purpose. 7. It should be noted that while the New Zealander, Philip Blackwood, was released in an amnesty in January 2016, his two Burmese co- defendants remained in prison. 8. MaBaTha spokespeople were careful to attribute these comments to individual monks, insisting that the organization itself did not have a stance in support of any particular party, simply in support of those parties that would protect race and religion. This may have been a disingenuous position, but it allowed MaBaTha to skirt both constitutional provisions and electoral regulations prohibiting the use or abuse of religion in politics. References Aung, Shwe, and Feliz Solomon. 2014. “Battle Lines Drawn on Interfaith Marriage Proposal.” Democratic Voice of Burma, May 16. Chin Human Rights Organization. 2012. Threats to Our Existence: Persecution of Ethnic Chin Christians in Burma. Nepean, ON: Chin Human Rights Organization. International Crisis Group. 2013. “The Dark Side of Transition: Violence Against Muslims in Myanmar.” Asia Report No. 251. Accessed February 8, 2016. http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/asia/south-east-asia/myanmar/251-the-dark-side-of-transition-violence- against-muslims-in-myanmar.aspx. Karen Human Rights Group. 1998. All Quiet on the Western Front? Chiang Mai: Images Asia. Karen Human Rights Group. 2010. “Self Protection under Strain: Targeting of Civilians and Local Responses in Northern Karen State.” Accessed November 11, 2015. http://www.khrg.org/khrg2010/khrg1004.pdf. Karen Human Rights Group. 2011. “Human Rights Abuses and Obstacles to Protection: Conditions for Civilians Amidst Ongoing Conflict in Dooplaya and Pa’an Districts.” Accessed November 11, 2015. http://www.khrg.org/khrg2011/khrg11f2.pdf. Lone, Wa, and Aung Kyaw Min. 2016. “U Wirathu Condemned and Warned Over Hate Speech video.” Myanmar Times, February 2. Accessed February 3, 2016. http://www.mmtimes.com/index.php/national-news/18779-u-wirathu-condemned-and-warned-over- violent-video.html.

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Lone, Wa, and Guy Dinmore. 2015. “Religious Defamation Law Takes on New Role.” Myanmar Times, March 19. Accessed February 4, 2016. http://www.mmtimes.com/index.php/in-depth/13606-religious-defamation-law-takes-on-new-role.html. Min, Aung Kyaw. 2015. “Monk Rejects Preaching Ban.” Myanmar Times, April 2. Accessed February 4, 2016. http://www.mmtimes.com/ index.php/national-news/13863-monk-rejects-preaching-ban.html. Moe, Wai, and Austin Renzey. 2015. “Myanmar Sentences 3 to Prison for Depicting Buddha Wearing Headphones.” New York Times, March 27. Accessed February 4, 2016. http://www.nytimes.com/2015/03/18/world/asia/myanmar-sentences-3-to-prison-for- defaming-buddhism.html?_r=1. “The Monogamy Law (Draft)”. 2014. Myanmar Alin Daily, December 4. “Religious Conversion Bill”. 2014. Myanmar Alin Daily, December 1. Roos, Josefine. 2013. “Conflict Assessment in Rakhine State.” Danish Refugee Council Report. “United Nations Technical Review of the Government of Myanmar’s Proposed laws on Religious Conversion, Population Control Healthcare, Buddhist Women’s Special Marriage, and Monogamy.” Submitted to government in June 2014. Unpublished report provided to author Hayward by UN staff in Yangon, March 2015. Walton, Matthew. 2013. “Myanmar Needs a New Nationalism.” Asia Times Online, May 20. Accessed February 5, 2016. http://www. atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/SEA-02-200513.html.

http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2016.1184443

the review of faith & international affairs | 75 ENGAGING SINHALESE BUDDHIST MAJORITARIANISM AND COUNTERING RELIGIOUS ANIMUS IN SRI LANKA: RECOMMENDATIONS FOR THE INCOMING U.S. ADMINISTRATION

By Neil DeVotta

ri Lanka, an island approximately the size Sri Lanka’s strategic location made it an of West Virginia with over 20 million attractive possession and this led to the people, is a multi-ethnic and multi- Portuguese, Dutch, and British occupying the religious society. Ethnically, the Sinhalese island for around 450 years. While colonialism Scomprise 74.9 percent of the population, while contributed to an already rich cultural heritage, Sri Lankan Tamils, Indian Tamils, and Muslims certain malpractices during this period also are 11.2 percent, 4.1 percent, and 9.3 percent, influenced Sinhalese Buddhist majoritarianism. respectively. In terms of religion, Buddhists are For instance, Buddhist institutions, which 70.1 percent, while Hindus, Christians, and depend on lay donations and state subventions, Muslims are 12.6 percent, 7.6 percent, and 9.7 were neglected during the colonial era and monks percent, respectively (Department of Census and and Buddhism were likewise ridiculed even as Statistics Sri Lanka 2012, 20–21). The vast some colonial authorities promoted Christian majority of Sinhalese are Buddhist, while the vast proselytization. That unfortunate past plays no majority of Tamils are Hindu. Groups of small role in the siege mentality of the Buddhist Sinhalese, Tamils, and Burghers (the latter a clergy and Sinhalese Buddhist nationalists and diminishing Eurasian demographic) constitute should be taken into consideration when Christians, with Catholics being around 6.2 interacting with the island. percent of the country’s population. While Muslims mainly speak the Tamil language, they Neil DeVotta is an Associate Professor in Politics and International use their Islamic identity as their primary identity Affairs at Wake Forest University. His research interests include so as to differentiate themselves from the Tamil South Asian security and politics, ethnicity and nationalism, ethnic communities. conflict resolution, and democratic transition and consolidation.

© 2016 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution- NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License (http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way. 76 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) neil devotta

Buddhism is mainly responsible for Sri 2500th anniversary of Buddha attaining final Lanka’s unique character. Even the Sinhala nirvana, and Sinhalese Buddhist nationalists language is linked to Buddhism in that Sinhala is deftly conflated religion and language in derived from Pali, which is the language that the cementing their ethnocentric preferences. This Buddhist scriptures were written in and continues to be the case, although with Sinhala propagated. The Mahavamsa (or Great now enjoying hegemonic status it is Buddhism Chronicle), a 6th century text that discusses the that gets mainly manipulated for ethno-political roles various Sinhalese kings played beginning in purposes. 543 BCE, especially legitimated the relationship The LTTE’s defeat has further emboldened between Sri Lanka and Buddhism by claiming Sinhalese Buddhist nationalists, and some among Lord Buddha chose the island to preserve and them, supported by certain extremist Buddhist promote his teachings (dhamma). Sinhalese clergy and politicians, have targeted the island’s Buddhists thus ardently hold that Sri Lanka is Muslims (and some Christians). This anti- sinhadipa (the island of the Sinhalese) and Muslim agitprop that feeds off the Islamophobia dhammadipa (the island containing Buddha’s now trending globally was especially rife under teachings). former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, whose Sinhalese Buddhist nationalists in turn have majoritarian ethno-religious policies were used these claims to fashion an ideology that dictated by the Sinhalese Buddhist nationalist justifies majority domination and minority ideology. The Rajapaksa years saw Buddhist subordination (DeVotta 2007). The subsequent supremacy flaunted on television and in movies ethno-religious majoritarianism, which seeks to and newspapers, Buddha statues erected in absorb or disregard minorities, saw the 1972 Muslim and Tamil areas in the northeast where constitution providing Buddhism special status, hardly any Buddhists lived, state land in the which the 1978 constitution reiterated. This predominantly minority northeast set aside for nationalist ideology also insists that Sri Lanka Buddhist temples, some villages with Tamil must be a unitary state and hence opposes names given Sinhalized titles, and the meaningful devolution to the predominantly Department of Archeology takeover of certain Tamil-speaking northeast (despite Sri Lanka areas by claiming they were historically connected comprising of three independent kingdoms when to Buddhism. Rajapaksa’s defeat in the January the Portuguese landed and prominent Sinhalese 2015 presidential election and failure to become politicians having considered federalism in the prime minister in the August 2015 parliamentary 1930s). Tamils continue to clamor for a more elections (DeVotta 2016a; International Crisis devolved political structure, but the island is Group 2015) have led to a more tolerant religious slated to remain a unitary state.1 milieu, but his continued politicking along Majoritarianism has been the bane of Sri nationalist lines coupled with dormant anti- Lanka and was the basis for a nearly three decade Muslim sentiment make religious violence a very long Civil War between the Sinhalese-led real threat in the years ahead. government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil This essay, consequently, discusses the Eelam (LTTE) that likely killed over 100,000 Sinhalese Buddhist-Muslim dynamic in the people by the time it ended controversially in country as part of its focus on religion and public May 2009.2 While discrimination along life in Sri Lanka. The essay has two sections: the linguistic lines was the main reason for post- first juxtaposes religious intolerance in Sri Lanka independence Sinhalese-Tamil contestation with Buddhist apprehensions, while the second (DeVotta 2004a), pro-Buddhist sentiment played discusses how best the United States may engage no small role in galvanizing Sinhalese and the country’s leaders on this front. With creating the extant majoritarian dispensation nationalist discourse often caricaturing the West (Little 1994). For instance, the movement that (and especially the United States) as being part of culminated in Sinhala being made the country’s a conspiracy to undermine Sri Lanka and only official language in 1956 coincided with the Buddhism, the essay argues that a policy that

the review of faith & international affairs | 77 engaging sinhalese buddhist majoritarianism and countering religious animus combines discretion and persuasion with a firm country belongs to the Sinhalese but there stance consistent with United States ideals, are minority communities and we treat rooted in religious freedom and tolerance, will be them like our people. … They can live in necessary when dealing with Sri Lankan the country with us. But they must not try stakeholders. to, under the pretext of being a minority, demand undue things. (LankaNewspapers. The Majoritarian Mindset com 2008) A prominent Sri Lankan historian has noted that the island’s Civil War could be considered a Similarly, Galagoda Aththe Gnanasara, a leader of conflict between “a [Sinhalese] majority with a the extremist Bodu Bala Sena (Buddhist Power minority complex, and a [Tamil] minority with a Force, or BBS), has argued: “This is a Sinhala … majority complex” (De Silva 1998, 304). Buddhist country. We have a Sinhala Buddhist Having benefitted disproportionately in culture. This is not Saudi Arabia. But you must education, employment, and influence during the accept the culture and behave in a manner that British colonial period and being able to count on doesn’t harm it” (The Economist 2013, 35). the support of tens of millions (currently nearly Politicians and other ethnic entrepreneurs 70 million) ethnic cousins in India’s state of have deftly manipulated such fears. Starting in the Tamil Nadu, it is easy to see how the Tamil mid-1950s Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and minority cultivated a majority complex. On the United National Party (UNP) leaders sought to other hand, the Sinhalese Buddhists, despite outbid each other on who could provide the best being a clear majority, have long felt surrounded deal for the majority at the minorities’ expense. If by non-Buddhists in South Asia. Many among this outbidding phenomenon now plays out in a them understandably argue that while minorities less conspicuous manner it is because the majority speaking Tamil and English and practicing community has now secured most of its Hinduism, Islam, and Christianity can look for preferences, such as (1) making Sinhala the support beyond the island’s borders, the Sinhalese official language, (2) providing Buddhism the people and Sinhala language have only Sri Lanka foremost place in the island, (3) defeating the to call home. separatist and terrorist LTTE, (4) having the This fear and self-imposed isolation, when military occupy the northeast, (5) promoting coupled with notions of sinhadipa and Sinhalese colonization of hitherto predominantly dhammadipa, contribute to Sinhalese Buddhists Tamil areas in the northeast, and (6) securing viewing pluralism pejoratively and framing employment within the state sector for those in majoritarianism as an entitlement. Thus the the majority community so that over 95 percent scholar monk Walpola Rahula could argue that of the bureaucracy and 98 percent of the military are now Sinhalese. But nationalists need a Sri Lanka is a Buddhist Sinhala country. supposed enemy or threat to stay relevant, and Let no one make a mistake. Seventy with the LTTE militarily eradicated, the island’s percent of the country consists of evangelical Christians and especially Muslims Buddhists and Sinhala people. Also … Sri have turned out to be convenient scapegoats. Lanka is the only Buddhist Sinhala country Most Tamils and Muslims vote for their in the world. If we don’t live here, are the respective ethnic parties in parliamentary LTTE and some of the Tamil parties elections and, in the main, for the UNP candidate asking us to jump in to the sea? (Quoted in in presidential elections. The Sinhalese typically Peiris 1996) split their votes between the SLFP and UNP, with the former commanding more support in And Sarath Fonseka, who contested for the rural areas. The LTTE’s defeat, however, saw presidency and is a current Member of SLFP President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s popularity Parliament, could likewise claim (when he was skyrocket, especially among Sinhalese. His easy Commander of the Army) that the reelection in 2010 and the SLFP’s strong

78 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) neil devotta performance in the subsequent parliamentary (5) counter Muslim fundamentalists who were elections led to the belief that whatever minority seeking to make Sri Lanka an “Arabian country.” support the SLFP had hitherto garnered was now The latter was mainly used when it violently unnecessary (Uyangoda 2011, 133). The sought to ban halal products, a movement that impunity the BBS enjoyed under the Mahinda various Buddhist temples around the country Rajapaksa presidency must be seen in this light. appeared to support given how they incorporated The BBS was formed in July 2012 and that particular message into the Sunday school embraced anti-Muslim and anti-Christian curriculum. (mainly anti-evangelical) rhetoric from the Many areas of South Asia practice syncretic beginning. The immediate predecessor to the forms of Islam that incorporate Hindu and Sufi BBS was the Jathika Hela Urumaya (National practices, and this is the case in parts of Sri Lanka Sinhala Heritage Party, or JHU), which was as well. Yet over the past few years, perhaps due to created in February 2004 following the death of a the manner in which the ethnic conflict solidified telegenic monk named Gangodavila Soma. Soma, identities (Haniffa 2008) and/or the Salafi/ who embraced anti-Muslim, anti-Christian, and Wahabi influence that those returning from anti-Western sentiments when seeking to create a employment in the Middle-East have promoted, new Buddhist revival and contest for the a more pietistic Islam has been increasingly on presidency, died while on a trip to Russia in display. The dogmatism certain Muslim clerics December 2003 (DeVotta and Stone 2008; Ivan espouse and the rise in those wearing the burqa (a 2009, 219). But his adversarial positions are very garment that was rarely seen among Sri Lankan much a part of the Sinhalese Buddhist nationalist Muslim women a quarter century ago) is partly ideology that the BBS has taken to new heights. evidence of this. Anti-Muslim sentiment is not a recent The concerns stemming from this phenomenon in Sri Lanka. The very first ethnic transformation, signifying a more conservative riots in the island were between Sinhalese and Islam, feed into a prevalent anti-Muslim Muslims in 1915, and there is reason to believe sentiment that the island’s ethnic conflict the BBS was hoping to mark its centennial with a conveniently masked. Yet even during the Civil pogrom. Furthermore, the Buddhist revival that War it was commonplace to hear Sinhalese claim began in the late 19th century saw some Sinhalese that it was possible to coexist with Tamils nationalists denounce minorities, and the provided they stopped supporting separatism, Muslims were no exception. For instance, a few whereas Muslims were not to be trusted as they years before independence in 1948 one writer were more loyal to Muslim countries such as referred to Muslims as “barbarians” when Pakistan and Saudi Arabia than they were to Sri comparing them to the Sinhalese (Dharmadasa Lanka. Other stories, that they traded unfairly 1992, 138), and Anagarika Dharmapala, the with non-Muslims, were insular, were prone to foremost revivalist of Buddhism in Sri Lanka, having large families, and insisted on non- claimed Muslims were “alien people … [who] by Muslim spouses converting to Islam (with the Shylockian methods became prosperous like the latter two criticisms suggesting there was a Jews” (quoted in Guruge 1965, 540). The anti- calibrated movement among Muslims to grow Muslim rhetoric the BBS now embodies is merely their numbers) were common. The BBS and an extension of such calumny. other extremist Buddhist groups have The BBS has grasped at a number of issues manipulated and magnified these exaggerations while trying to whip up anti-Muslim sentiment. and misconceptions to claim that Islamist It demanded that the government (1) ban Sri fundamentalism is threatening the island.3 Lankan women from working in the Middle- Nationalists especially obsess over East, (2) stop women from wearing the niqab, (3) demographics. The BBS has called on Buddhists halt mosques being built using Middle Eastern to have five or six children even as it bemoans the funds, (4) go after Muslims it claimed were at the slight rise in Muslim numbers over the years. The forefront in pushing narcotics in Sri Lanka, and JHU’s Gangodawila Soma claimed Muslims (and

the review of faith & international affairs | 79 engaging sinhalese buddhist majoritarianism and countering religious animus

Hindus) were seeking to make Buddhists a influenced the LTTE to expel over 60,000 minority in the country (Balachanddran 1999). Muslims from Northern Province in 1990 and While the BBS parrots the same argument when also led to LTTE attacks on some Muslim targeting Muslims, this is a line some prime mosques in Eastern Province. During the Civil ministers have also promoted. For instance, War some Muslims played important roles former Prime Minister Ratnasiri gathering intelligence on the LTTE for the armed Wickramanayaka claimed that foreign powers forces and Muslim politicians lobbied Muslim were conspiring to make Sinhalese Buddhists a countries in the Middle-East to support Sri Lanka minority and the community’s “declining at international forums. The two leading Muslim population is a serious threat to the country’s parties that were eventually formed were also part unitary status” (Jayasinghe 2006). His successor of the coalition led by President Rajapaksa’s D.M. Jayaratne compared the Sinhalese to the SLFP. The anti-Muslim violence the BBS small Eskimo population and claimed it was unleashed, consequently, surprised and terrified “endangered with extinction” (Shanthaudaya Muslims even as it made them feel used and 2012, A-18). Such bogus arguments get abused (Imtiyaz and Mohamed-Saleem 2015). reiterated despite the island’s Sinhalese While 65 attacks against religious population having gone from 66.1 percent in establishments took place between May 2009 1911 to 74.9 percent in 2012. The Buddhist (when the Civil War ended) and January 2013 population has climbed from 60 percent in 1911 (Center for Policy Alternatives 2013, 6), the to 70.2 percent in 2012 (Department of Census Secretariat for Muslims reported 155 anti- and Statistics Sri Lanka 2012, 20–21; Denham Muslim acts during the first six months of 2013 1912, 196 and 245). (Perera 2013). Between July 2012 (when the BBS Much of this anti-Muslim rhetoric mirrors was organized) and December 2014 over 350 that of India’s Hindutva adherents. Its threats and acts of violence against Muslims were comingling of Islamophobia and Buddhism is documented. In most instances the police especially similar to that of the anti-Muslim 969 watched passively as mobs attacked mosques and Movement in Burma. This is mainly due to the vandalized Muslim stores and homes. The worst internet and globalization now enabling violence took place in June 2014 when thugs “emulative linkages,” whereby these groups learn attacked a Muslim enclave south of Colombo from one another (Thomas 2005, 39–40). called Dharga Town and torched homes and Indeed, leaders from the BBS and the 969 vehicles. Residents claimed that the paramilitary Movement have not only visited each other in Sri Special Task Force assisted the mobs.4 This, Lanka and Burma, they claim to work together to together with the fact that no one has yet been protect Buddhism from Islamist extremism and charged for any of the anti-Muslim violence, the sociocultural challenges that Islam’s growth highlights the impunity with which certain forces portends for their societies. were able to operate under the Mahinda Despite speaking the Tamil language, Sri Rajapaksa regime. Lanka’s Muslims successfully cultivated a Catholic churches have also experienced different identity vis-à-vis Tamils (McGilvray sporadic attacks, although evangelical church 2008, 314). Younger Muslims learned Sinhala houses have fared worst among Christians. While even as community leaders sided with the Sri 21 and 52 attacks took place against Protestant Lankan government against Tamil attempts to groups in 2011 and 2012, respectively, there were secure greater rights for Tamil speakers. Until the 49 such incidents documented between January Sri Lanka Muslim Congress was formed in 1981, and July 2013 (National Christian Evangelical Muslims also avoided setting up their own Alliance of Sri Lanka 2013, 3). In Hambantota political parties and worked instead through the District, in the island’s south, evangelical pastors UNP and SLFP. For all this the community was have been asked to control church growth, branded the “good minority” (De Silva 1986, charged with disturbing the peace, and forced to 443–452). Their pro-government tilt partly close down places of worship.5 Sinhalese

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Buddhists claim that evangelical Christians foreign policy as arrogant and hypocritical, especially distribute money and rations among especially when countering United States poor Buddhists and Hindus and thereby resort to criticism of Sri Lanka, Sri Lankans in general “unethical conversion,” an accusation pastors admire and envy the United States. With the strongly dispute. change in government and return to a more Minorities voted en masse against President democratic climate, the United States now enjoys Rajapaksa in the January 2015 presidential relations with the island that are more amicable election. The new government led by President than at any point during Mahinda Rajapaksa’s10 Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil years in office.6 The steady stream of American Wickremasinghe have promoted a message of dignitaries, including United States Secretary of tolerance, albeit without seeking to prosecute State John Kerry and United States Ambassador those responsible for the recent communal to the United Nations Samantha Power, who violence. The realization that they cannot have visited the island since President Sirisena was undermine the rule of law with the same degree of elected, is testament to this. impunity as they did under Rajapaksa has forced President Rajapaksa sought to cozy up to extremist groups to tone China even as his policies down their rhetoric, but estranged India, and his ouster Sinhalese Buddhist SINHALESE BUDDHIST has also seen Indo-Lanka nationalists have consistently NATIONALISTS HAVE relations improve dramatically manipulated Buddhism and CONSISTENTLY MANIPULATED even as the island adopts a promoted anti-minority BUDDHISM AND PROMOTED more traditional nonaligned sentiment when seeking to foreign policy (DeVotta mobilize masses. Given the ANTI-MINORITY SENTIMENT 2016b). This has meant economic challenges and engaging China and the West various crosscutting cleavages facing the island, while not unnecessarily upsetting India. Sri there will be ample opportunity for them to Lanka’s western partners especially are sensitive to continue to do so. Mahinda Rajapaksa is Indian security concerns, and the United States determined to keep playing a leading political consults closely with India regarding its role, mainly to counter accusations of corruption interactions with Sri Lanka. At a time when the that have piled up against him and his family, and United States is pivoting towards Asia and enjoys it is amply clear that he intends to mobilize increasingly robust military relations with India, people to his side by portraying himself as a the changes that have taken place in Sri Lanka in Sinhalese Buddhist icon. The current the past 18 months are helpful for maintaining government thus operates under his baleful America’s geostrategic interests in the region. shadow, and such dynamics need to be seriously Security issues are very much a part of the two considered as the United States and the countries’ relationship and the inaugural USA-Sri international community engage Sri Lanka on Lanka Annual Partnership Dialogue (that took issues of inter-religious relations and religious place in February) is significant in this regard. freedom. Should Sri Lanka deal adequately with issues pertaining to ethnic reconciliation and Engaging Sri Lanka accountability for alleged war crimes, there is no While demands for accountability for alleged reason for the United States to not ramp up war crimes soured relations between the Mahinda military ties with the island. For instance, the Sri Rajapaksa government and the United States and Lanka Navy can easily assist in protecting Indian led to anti-American commentary and protests Ocean sea lanes, and this is an outcome that both (often with government collaboration), Sri the United States and India stand to benefit from. Lankans are hardly anti-American (as any Such geostrategic opportunities must be balanced American tourist or diplomat will confirm). against the American desire to promote good While the local media criticize United States governance and democracy, but doing so may

the review of faith & international affairs | 81 engaging sinhalese buddhist majoritarianism and countering religious animus now be easier provided the United States Sri Lanka even as it advocates for religious understands the island’s majoritarian zeitgeist. coexistence. Given recent events, it is perhaps not The United States may not disburse the most surprising if Sri Lanka’s friends feel the need to aid in Sri Lanka, but the country enjoys as much promote secularism. But doing so is bound to be clout as any other when dealing with the island. futile because nationalists consider secularism a While American hegemony is one reason for this, Western notion designed to weaken Buddhism’s the United States is also Sri Lanka’s biggest export primacy, and they brand those advocating such a market. The soft power the United States position to be enemies of the state. If secularism commands, especially in areas such as tertiary in the South Asian context is defined as “equal education, the rule of law, and effective and respect for all religions (and for those who choose impartial government institutions, makes it a not to follow any religion)” (Aiyar 2004, 5), Sri preferred destination for educated Sri Lankans Lanka, having provided foremost status for and adds to its influence (as it does in other parts Buddhism in the constitution since 1972, has of the globe). Consequently, the Sri Lankan failed in that regard. Likewise, if one was to government and media take serious notice when consider secularism an ideational standard under the Department of State or United States which religion is denied a determining role in Embassy in Colombo issues statements or how society functions (Thapar 2013, 30), the intercedes in the face of gross injustice towards island fails in that regard as well, given the minorities. For instance, the United States influence the Buddhist clergy especially Ambassador visited Dharga Town soon after commands on issues like devolution, the military BBS-inspired thugs attacked that Muslim enclave presence in the predominantly Tamil northeast, in June 2014, and this is said to have pressured and how the government handles accountability the Rajapaksa government to address the and reconciliation in the post-Civil War era. violence.7 The reality in Sri Lanka is that whatever Indeed, Sri Lanka’s minorities count on the degree of “secularism” may have existed, it has United States to speak out against ethno-religious now been replaced with Sinhalese Buddhist harassment, although doing so persistently can majoritarianism. This is why former President complicate relations between the two countries. Dingiri Banda Wijetunge saw nothing wrong in The minorities’ reliance on the United States and likening the Sinhalese to a tree and the minorities other western embassies were especially acute to the vines that cling to it. This majoritarian during the Rajapaksa years. The Rajapaksa regime sentiment was perhaps best captured recently by a mauled civil society and neutered the opposition leading BBS Buddhist monk who said: in parliament, which then forced minorities to rely on the diplomatic corps to voice their This is a Sinhala Buddhist country. Can legitimate grievances. But the diplomatic corps is you go to England or the US and say that in Sri Lanka to take care of their respective they are a multi-religious country? Of countries’ interests, not those of the island’s course there are other communities in Tamils, Christians, and Muslims. This those countries, but they are Christian notwithstanding, the United States was at the countries. It’s the same here. Other forefront in pressuring the Rajapaksa regime on communities have been living here, but democratic regression and ethno-religious this is a Sinhala Buddhist country. You call malpractices and it should continue to voice its a coconut plantation a coconut plantation. concerns on these issues irrespective of the We don’t identify it by the other small regime. Some Sri Lankans, and this is certainly plants that have grown there. (Jayasuriya true of Sinhalese Buddhist nationalists, will not 2013) appreciate their island being placed under a United States microscope, but a United States It is in the United States interest to recognize the that does not speak out in defense of democracy, extent to which majoritarianism has triumphed in human rights, religious tolerance, and good

82 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) neil devotta governance only emboldens the forces of against Sri Lanka’s Muslims remain a real sectarianism and violence. The more democratic possibility, and while this is more likely if a a country, the better it will treat its ethno- hardcore Sinhalese Buddhist nationalist takes religious minorities. Comparing the Rajapaksa power, the United States and the international regime with the current one alone proves that community should be prepared to deal with such point. The United States should therefore eventualities. continue to advocate forcefully when promoting Additionally, the United States, perhaps by a more democratic milieu in Sri Lanka. Doing so working through civil society and Muslim is not merely part of its avowed mandate, it is also leaders, should encourage Sri Lanka’s Muslims to in the island’s best interest. speak out against Islamist terrorism being Sri Lanka has a strong civil society whose rich perpetrated by the likes of ISIS and Al-Queda. history in the religious, cultural, and economic While Sri Lankan Muslims do not hesitate to spheres extends to pre-independence times speak forcefully against Islamist terrorism in (DeVotta 2004b; Saravanamuttu 1998). private, they appear fearful about doing so President Mahinda Rajapaksa may have sought to publicly. Countering Islamist extremism by emasculate civil society, but various organizations merely claiming Islam is a religion of peace (as nevertheless played a major role in deposing him. opposed to pointedly condemning violent jihad) Some of these leading organizations have long allows Sinhalese Buddhist nationalists to pillory promoted interfaith dialogue and they should be the community as enablers of terrorism. Muslims helped to scale up such activity. The present Sri must therefore be encouraged to draw a clear Lankan government also appears serious about distinction between solidarity with the umma and facilitating inter-religious dialogue through an disapproval of Islamist extremism. Inter-Religious Advisory Committee. The Ensuring meaningful accountability for alleged Maithripala Sirisena administration has sought war crimes is likely to be the most vexing issue for civil society expertise when creating oversight the United States when dealing with Sri Lanka. committees and to write a draft constitution, and The island’s own Lessons Learned and the government should be encouraged to liaise Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) with civil society to promote religious tolerance as recommended a number of reforms so minority well. Many Sinhalese Buddhists loathe the BBS grievances that led to, and were exacerbated by, the and its ilk but are especially averse to speak out ethnic conflict could be rectified. President against Buddhist monks. A government and civil Rajapaksa disregarded the LLRC’s society that is proactive against religious recommendations and this was a major reason the intolerance may empower them to oppose the United States and others had to work through the extremists who tarnish Buddhism. United Nations Human Rights Council Sri Lanka has robust ties to Pakistan and (UNHRC) to push for reconciliation and other Muslim-majority states in the Middle-East, accountability. The current Sri Lankan where hundreds of thousands of Sri Lankans government co-sponsored the UNHRC resolution work in various capacities. The United States that called on it to investigate alleged war crimes, should liaise with these Muslim-majority states to account for missing persons, facilitate reparations, lobby the Sri Lankan government to crack down and ensure such incidents will not recur. However, against anti-Muslim sentiments being spread. given the widespread opposition among Sinhalese While this is bound to look hypocritical given the to see military personnel and politicians held Islamophobic rhetoric the Republican accountable for crimes committed during the war, presidential primary campaign has unleashed, it is the government will most likely fail to fully satisfy imperative for the Sri Lankan government to the Tamils and international community in this realize that BBS-type anti-Muslim agitprop can regard. With former President Rajapaksa and only radicalize hitherto peaceful Muslims and Sinhalese Buddhist nationalists determined to use entangle Islamist extremists causing mayhem in the reconciliation and accountability process to South Asia and beyond. Riots and pogroms undermine the government, it becomes tricky to

the review of faith & international affairs | 83 engaging sinhalese buddhist majoritarianism and countering religious animus know how far to pressure Sri Lanka to meet its vast crowds that lined up to welcome him and UNHRC obligations. Soft-peddling the issue of the cordial interactions he enjoyed with accountability, especially after having pushed for it Buddhist and other religious leaders helped so forcefully, will allow Rajapaksa and the promote a much-needed sense of inter-religious nationalists to burnish their credentials as saviors of harmonyamongSriLankans.Whilethe the Sinhalese Buddhists even as it delays international community can try to build on transitional justice, without which meaningful this, it will need to do so amidst a majoritarian reconciliation is unlikely. But forcing the present milieu.ThisisbecausethenotionthatSriLanka regime to operate in a manner antithetical to is for Sinhalese Buddhists is now fully majority Sinhalese Buddhist wishes could very well embedded, and policies supporting it are fully topple the government, catapult Rajapaksa to the institutionalized. Trying to alter this is helm, and propel the island once more towards counterproductive and may only further sectarianism and authoritarianism. This is not a complicate minorities’ position in the island. scenario the United States wants to deal with once The reality is that Sinhalese Buddhist more. In any case, Asia’s oldest democracy most nationalism has triumphed. The challenge for certainly deserves better. the United States when dealing with Sri Lanka is how to promote ethno-religious tolerance in the Conclusion island amidst such triumphalism even as it Pope Francis visited Sri Lanka a few days after balances its geostrategic preferences in the Maithripala Sirisena became president and the region. v

Notes 1. The island is currently in the process of trying to create a new constitution. All major Sinhalese politicians and parties have made clear that the new document will continue to uphold Buddhism’s special status and the country’s political structure will remain unitary. 2. The conflict saw the LTTE, a group the United States proscribed as a terrorist organization in 1997, militarily defeated and the war crimes allegations stemming from the government’s victory has since complicated relations between Sri Lanka and especially western countries. 3. While Sri Lankan military sources have repeatedly said there is no ISIS presence in Sri Lanka, some reports claim that nearly three dozen Sri Lankans may have gone to fight for ISIS. If true, this has the potential to further aggravate religious tensions in the island. 4. Author interviews with Dharga Town residents, February 2015. 5. With the Sri Lanka constitution protecting religious freedom, the pastors usually get charged for disturbing the peace, not for preaching Christianity. Author interviews in February 2012 and February 2015. 6. The U.S. now also enjoys tremendous access to those at the highest levels of government, which contrasts with how the Rajapaksa regime cavalierly cancelled appointments with visiting U.S. dignitaries. 7. Some Dharga Town residents felt the ambassador’s visit forced President Rajapaksa to also subsequently make a visit. It appears that concerns expressed by the diplomatic corps representing Muslim countries also forced the president to visit the area. Author interviews in Colombo (June 2014) and Dharga Town (February 2015). References Aiyar, Mani Shankar. 2004. Confessions of a Secular Fundamentalist. New Delhi: Penguin Books India. Balachanddran, P. K. 1999. “Buddhist Monk Feels the Heat for Theory of Hindu-Muslim Takeover of Lanka.” Hindustan Times, August 30. Center for Policy Alternatives. 2013. Attacks on Places of Religious Worship in Post-war Sri Lanka. Colombo: Center for Policy Alternatives. Denham, E. B. 1912. Ceylon at the Census of 1911. Colombo: Government Printer. Department of Census and Statistics Sri Lanka. 2012. “Census of Population and Housing 2012.” Accessed February 15, 2016. http:// statistics.gov.lk/PopHouSat/CPH2011/index.php?fileName=Key_E&gp=Activities&tpl=3. De Silva, K. M. 1986. “The Muslim Minority in a Democratic Polity: The Case of Sri Lanka: Reflections on a Theme.” In Muslims of Sri Lanka: Avenues to Antiquity, edited by M. A. M. Shukri, 443–452. Beruwala: Jamiah Naleemia Institute.

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De Silva, K. M. 1998. Reaping the Whirlwind: Ethnic Conflict, Ethnic Politics in Sri Lanka. New Delhi: Penguin Books. DeVotta, Neil. 2004a. Blowback: Linguistic Nationalism, Institutional Decay, and Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. DeVotta, Neil. 2004b. “Sri Lanka: Ethnic Domination, Violence, and Illiberal Democracy.” In Civil Society and Political Change in Asia: Expanding and Contracting Democratic Space, edited by Muthiah Alagappa, 292–323. Stanford, CA: Standord University Press. DeVotta, Neil. 2007. Sinhalese Buddhist Nationalist Ideology: Implications for Politics and Conflict Resolution in Sri Lanka (Policy Studies 40). Washington, DC: East-West Center. DeVotta, Neil. 2016a. “A Win for Democracy in Sri Lanka.” Journal of Democracy 27: 152–166. DeVotta, Neil. 2016b. “China’sInfluence in Sri Lanka: Negotiating Development, Authoritarianism, and Regional Transformation.” In Rising China’sInfluence in Developing Asia, edited by Evelyn Goh, 129–152. Oxford: Oxford University Press. DeVotta, Neil, and Jason Stone. 2008. “Jathika Hela Urumaya and Ethno-religious Politics in Sri Lanka.” Pacific Affairs 81: 31–51. Dharmadasa, K. N. O. 1992. Language, Religion, and Ethnic Assertiveness: The Growth of Sinhalese Nationalism in Sri Lanka. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Guruge, Ananda. 1965. Return to Righteousness: A Collection of Speeches, Essays and Letters of the Anagarika Dharmapala. Colombo: Ministry of Education and Cultural Affairs. Haniffa, Farzana. 2008. “Piety as Politics among Muslim Women in Contemporary Sri Lanka.” Modern Asian Studies 42: 347–375. Imtiyaz, A. R. M., and Amjad Mohamed-Saleem. 2015. “Muslims in Post-war Sri Lanka: Understanding Sinhala-Buddhist Mobilization Against Them.” Asian Ethnicity 16: 186–202. International Crisis Group. 2015. Sri Lanka Between Elections (Asia Report No. 272). Brussels: International Crisis Group. Ivan, Victor. 2009. Revolt in the Temple: The Buddhist Revival Up to Gangodawila Soma Thera. Maharagama: Ravaya. Jayasinghe, J. A. L. 2006. “Population Decline Serious Threat: PM.” Daily Mirror (Colombo), February 24. Jayasuriya, Ranga. 2013. “‘We Are Not Extremists’—Kirima Wimalajothi Thera.” Ceylon Today, June 24. LankaNewspapers.com. 2008. “Country Belongs to the Sinhalese, Minorities Cannot Demand Says Sarath Fonseka.” September 26. Accessed September 30, 2008. http://www.lankanewspapers.com/news/2008/9/32834_space.html Little, David. 1994. Sri Lanka: The Invention of Enmity (Series on Religion, Nationalism, and Intolerance). Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace Press. McGilvray, Dennis B. 2008. Crucible of Conflict: Tamil and Muslim Society on the East Coast of Sri Lanka. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. National Christian Evangelical Alliance of Sri Lanka. 2013. Sri Lanka: Summary Report on Religious Freedom. Colombo: National Christian Evangelical Alliance of Sri Lanka. Peiris, Roshan. 1996. “Rahula Hits Back.” Sunday Times (Colombo), May 5. Accessed January 30, 2016. http://www.sundaytimes.lk/ 970921/news2.html Perera, Jehan. 2013. “Divisive Role of Religion Grows Despite Buddhist Teachings.” Island (Colombo). August 5. Accessed February 15, 2016. http://www.island.lk/index.php?page_cat=article-details&page=article-details&code_title=85201 Saravanamuttu, Paikiasothy. 1998. “Sri Lanka: Civil Society, the Nation, and the State-building Challenge.” In Civil Society and the Aid Industry, edited by Alison Van Rooy, 104–133. London: Earthscan. Shanthaudaya, Ajith Lal. 2012. “PM Fears the Sinhala Race May Fade Away.” Daily Mirror (Colombo), January 12. Thapar, Romila. 2013. “Redefining the Secular Mode for India.” Himal Southasian 26: 27–38. The Economist. 2013. “Fears of a New Religious Strife.” July 27. Thomas, Scott. 2005. The Global Resurgence of Religion and the Transformation of International Relations: The Struggle for the Soul of the Twenty-first Century. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Uyangoda, Jeyadeva. 2011. “Sri Lanka in 2010: Regime Consolidation in a Post-Civil War Era.” Asian Survey 51: 131–137.

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the review of faith & international affairs | 85 ENGAGING VIETNAM AND LAOS ON RELIGIOUS FREEDOM

By Hien Vu, Stephen Bailey, and James Chen

ietnam and Laos, as the two remaining to further deepening ties between the U.S. and Communist nations in Southeast Asia, the two nations. On the issue of religious freedom will always occupy a special place in in particular, significant differences remain over the hearts and minds of Americans due the role of religion in the public square. Due to Vto the complicated legacy of the Vietnam War. In their Communist heritage, Vietnam and Laos recent years, great strides have been made in the have traditionally viewed religion as a bilateral relationships between the U.S. and these phenomenon that is inimical to social two countries. Much of that springs from the development and the Party’s rule. Thus, desire on the part of many Americans to reconcile “religious freedom” is largely seen as a political with former foes and close a painful chapter in issue rather than a “human rights” one. As a history. result, the Vietnamese and Lao governments have In addition, there is a significant geopolitical strongly restricted the ability of citizens to engage factor at play. Vietnam and Laos have grown in religious practice. This has often led to harsh increasingly wary of China’s rising economic and persecution of religious believers as well as ethnic military power. As a result, they have both sought minorities, who often strongly identify with a to hedge against Chinese influence by building particular faith. relations with other regional powers. In However, during the past decade, Vietnam Vietnam’s case, it is the U.S. For Laos, it is and Laos have slowly shifted away from this Vietnam and, to a lesser extent, the U.S. approach. Much of this is due to the sustained This trend also coincides with ASEAN taking and constructive engagement of both the U.S. on a more important role in U.S. foreign policy, government and NGOs on this issue. There is particularly with the Obama administration’s also growing recognition amongst officials in “Rebalance to Asia.” This was demonstrated by Vietnam and Laos of the positive contributions the November 2015 ASEAN-U.S. Summit where that religious communities make to societal the relationship was elevated to the level of a “strategic partnership.” In addition, in February Hien Vu is the Vietnam Program Manager at the Institute for Global 2016 President Obama hosted a meeting of all Engagement. ASEAN heads of state in the U.S., the first ever fi standalone meeting between top leaders of the Stephen Bailey is the Laos Program Of cer at the Institute for Global Engagement. He is also a Professor of Intercultural Studies at U.S. and ASEAN. Simpson University. However, the status of human rights in Vietnam and Laos has long presented challenges James Chen is the Vice President for Programs at the Institute for Global Engagement.

© 2016 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License (http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way. 86 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) hien vu et al.

flourishing, particularly through charitable country to push for implementation of these endeavors and inculcating ethical norms through policies. At some level, these efforts eased religious education. As a result, both countries religious tension in certain areas. The CRA also have shown interest in learning more about continues to work with European and American positive models of governance of religion from organizations to conduct seminars on religious around the world. freedom issues (Governmental Committee on This presents a strategic window of Religious Affairs 2014). Nevertheless, many opportunity for the next U.S. president to religious leaders still encounter bureaucratic advance both religious freedom and bilateral resistance and negative attitudes from local relations with Vietnam and Laos. authorities when seeking to obtain official registration. Those who advocate for social Vietnam justice, religious freedom, or human rights face Vietnam’s Communist Party has had a spotted imprisonment, beatings, and house arrests. Most history with religion. Like other Communist of the outspoken advocates for religious freedom countries, the Marxist view that the ruling class in and human rights belong to one of the five largest the society will use religion as a tool to exploit and religious groups in the country: Buddhists, control the working class is still widespread Catholics, Protestants, Cao Dai, and Hoa Hao among Party officials. Although Vietnamese Buddhists. lawmakers have moved away from Marxist Today, there are contradictory reports on economics, they still hold a Marxist view of religious freedom from Vietnam. The degree of religion. Therefore, Vietnam’s religion policy has freedom in which religious groups operate is mainly been based on the perception of religion greatly influenced by relationships between as a threat to social and political stability. religious leaders and local authorities. While some As a result, Vietnam’s religion policy calls for religious groups enjoy more freedom to practice closely monitoring religious groups and strictly their faith, others still struggle. Some religious limiting religious practice in order to curb its groups have been able to gain a stronger voice, influence in the public square. There are often engage in charitable work, and participate in reports of religious leaders in rural areas being public life. For example, some religious groups arrested, beaten, and banned from performing were recently consulted by the government on their religious duties. Negative stereotypes, the topic of environmental protection. Religion’s misunderstandings, and lack of respect and trust contributions to society have also been recognized between government authorities and religious and encouraged, although this has been seen leaders have existed for decades. This tension has more in large cities and with registered groups as boiled over into violent conflicts, particularly in opposed to rural areas and unregistered groups. the Central Highlands in 2002 and 2004. The causes of these conflicts were multi-layered and Draft Law on Religion involved ethnic and religious minority, security, In 2015, the CRA presented a draft law on and public policy issues. religion. Policy-makers collected feedback and The violence, coupled with the desire for recommendations for the draft from domestic Vietnam to join the World Trade Organization, religious groups and academic institutions as well caused the Vietnamese government to issue a new as foreign legal experts and scholars. The law set of policies. From 2004 to 2005, the drafting process was more open than previous Vietnamese government seemed to signal an instances in which the government presented evolution toward a new approach toward religion draft ordinances and decrees on religion in 2004, when it issued the “Ordinance on Beliefs and 2005, and 2012. According to CRA’s Legislation Religion” and Decree 22/2005/ND-CP. In the Department, past decade, Vietnam’s Governmental Committee on Religious Affairs (CRA) has the proposed new law on belief and religion conducted hundreds of seminars throughout the aims to better protect the right to freedom

the review of faith & international affairs | 87 engaging vietnam and laos on religious freedom

of belief and religion for the people and term success in developing a legal structure and stipulate responsibilities of State and societal norms that will enable people of faith to competent authorities to ensure the right to participate and contribute to societal flourishing religious freedom. The draft law on belief as equal citizens. and religion has been drafted in line with the 2013 Constitution’s spirit on freedom Engaging Vietnam on Religious Freedom of religion and belief and is compatible “Religious freedom,”“human rights,” and with international agreements and treaties “democracy” have been taboo topics in Vietnam. to which Vietnam is a member. However, during the past decade, the Vietnamese (Governmental Committee on Religious government has started to provide trainings on Affairs 2016) religion and rule of law, religious freedom, and human rights for academic scholars, government However, many observers argue that the draft officials working on religious affairs, and public law does not provide adequate guarantees for security officials. The government has also religious freedom in Vietnam. Their concerns partnered with international NGOs and foreign include limits placed on the legal rights of governments to convene seminars on the positive religious groups, bureaucratic obstacles that role of religion in society (Institute for Global stymie religious registration, government Engagement 2015). interference of religious practice and the The U.S. has been the most active country in operations of religious groups, and the engaging Vietnam on religious freedom. The government’s lack of compliance with State Department’s International Religious international human rights standards Freedom office and the U.S. Commission on (Democratic Voice of Vietnam 2015). International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) issue Vietnam’s policy-makers and advisors are regular reports on Vietnam. The U.S. embassy predominantly Communist Party members. As a and consulate in Vietnam have also made result, there is very little understanding or religious freedom and human rights a regular part knowledge of fundamental concepts related to of their work (U.S. Department of State 2014a; religion and the rule of law among Party elites. U.S. Commission on International Religious This absence of research and scholarship is Freedom 2015a). When Presidents Obama and reflected in the religion law drafting process thus Sang announced in 2013 that the U.S. and far. It has only been during the past 10 years in Vietnam would enter into a Strategic Partnership, which Vietnam has gained greater access to issues such as human rights, freedom of assembly, international standards and embarked on efforts and freedom of expression were included in their to build a foundation of scholarship on religion meetings. The U.S. Congress has also held and the rule of law. numerous hearings featuring Vietnamese- As the draft law is revised, there are several American religious freedom advocates. key questions facing Vietnam. Which model will While some Vietnamese government officials it follow: the emerging international model of criticize the U.S. government for “interfering in religious freedom, or the Marxist one which sees Vietnam’s internal affairs,” there are actually religion as a threat to the state? Do lawmakers others who think that the U.S. government needs have access to lawmaking principles, religious to engage with greater intentionality the freedom norms, and knowledge on religion and Vietnamese government on these issues. rule of law in order to draft a law that would treat Accordingly, below are recommendations for the people of faith fairly? Are there channels available next U.S. presidential administration in engaging to state officials and religious groups to Vietnam. communicate openly and build trust? What legal First, the U.S. government should continue channels are available if religion-based conflicts to ensure that religious freedom and human cannot be solved by dialogue? The answers to rights are placed on the agenda in all dialogues these questions will determine Vietnam’s long- with the Vietnamese, particularly those involving

88 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) hien vu et al. economic and military issues. The U.S. the Vietnamese government and religious government should express concerns through communities to promote religious freedom. diplomatic channels whenever there are verified There is a critical need recognized by Vietnamese incidents of religious harassment, human rights officials for training Vietnamese policy workers, violations, and arrests of people who advocate for academics, religious affairs officials, and religious religious freedom and human rights progress in leaders on good governance and religion. Vietnam. The U.S. should also remind Vietnam Encouraging and supporting NGOs that can of human rights standards embedded in meet this need will lay the foundation for positive international bodies in which Vietnam is already and sustainable improvement of religious a member such as the United Nations Human freedom in Vietnam. Rights Council and the World Trade Organization. Laos Second, the U.S. government should ensure The upcoming visit of President Obama to the that American companies doing business with Lao People’s Democratic Republic, as it will be Vietnam operate in such a way that would hosting and chairing the ASEAN meetings, improve rather than harm rule of law, religious promises to make 2016 a historic year for Lao– freedom, and human rights. This effort will be a American relations. Already in recent months strategic investment toward building a more there have been unprecedented high-level visits to competitive, fair, and rules-based business Laos by deputy national security adviser for environment that will benefit citizens of both strategic communication for the President, Ben Vietnam and the U.S. With the Trans-Pacific Rhodes, Assistant Secretary of State, Daniel Partnership coming into force, this will take on R. Russel, and U.S. Secretary of State, John even greater significance. Kerry. As the first U.S. President to ever visit Third, the U.S. Agency for International Laos, Obama’s visit will mark a high point in Development’s efforts in Vietnam should seek to Lao–American relations. The visit is of course encourage or strengthen the role of local religious also part of the ongoing efforts to “rebalance” the groups, many of whom are marginalized by the role of the U.S. in the Asia Pacific Region local government. Community development (Davidson and Dickey 2015). Specifically the U. projects should also ensure that voices from S. seeks to slow the growing influence of China in affected religious and ethnic minority Laos and encourage Lao support for slowing communities are included in every project phase. China’sinfluence in the South China Sea (Malloy Not only will this improve the chances for 2016). The Lao may find this difficult given the successful outcomes, but it also has the added significant Chinese foreign assistance to Laos and benefit of building the capacity of marginalized China’s role as its major source of foreign communities and strengthening civil society. investment (Howe and Park 2015). Fourth, the U.S. government should provide Since the early 1990s the communist training for Vietnamese legal professionals and government in Laos has slowly opened up to judicial officials. In Vietnam, judges and international investment and bi-lateral prosecutors are not independent as the positions partnerships. For example, are all filled by Communist Party members. As a result, the legal system is incentivized to In 2012, Laos scored big wins maximize benefits to the Party rather than society internationally by hosting the 6th ASEAN as a whole. Offering opportunities to receive University Games and the 9th Summit of exposure to the American legal system and receive the Asia-Europe Meetings, joining the training in the U.S. will provide a helpful World Trade Organization, and receiving comparative lens for Vietnamese to evaluate and US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton on a reform their own legal system. visit to Laos. It was the first visit to Laos by Finally, the U.S. government should support a US Secretary of State in 57 years. (Bailey NGOs which are effectively working with both 2013)

the review of faith & international affairs | 89 engaging vietnam and laos on religious freedom

The economy has been growing quickly even in which religious freedom conditions do if unevenly. Of course Laos is one of many not rise to the statutory level that would nations wrestling with the economic inequalities mandate a CPC [Country of Particular that result from neo-liberal free market policies. Concern] designation but require close Nevertheless, the Lao People’s Revolutionary monitoring due to the nature and extent of Party is in firm political control and has brought violations of religious freedom engaged in stability and increasing prosperity to the nation. or tolerated by governments. The U.S. has been contributing to stability and prosperity through a number of assistance programs (approximately $26 million in 2012) Progress in Laos (U.S. Commission on International Religious But the USCIRF report must be placed within Freedom 2015b). Clearly both nations have a an important larger context if the U.S. great stake in the stability and prosperity of Laos government is to formulate a policy toward Laos and the region. As President Obama clearly that will enhance the environment for religious knows, protecting human rights in Laos will be a freedom and other human rights. The larger key factor in achieving these goals. As more and context is shaped by the fact that Laos has been more U.S. policy experts are realizing, making steady progress on these rights for the last establishing and protecting religious freedom will 15 years. If you ask leaders from all of Laos’ be key to the establishment of other human rights religious communities, they will tell you that and to internal and regional security (Farr and while there is still has a lot of work to do there is Hoover 2009). significantly more religious freedom today than Laos does not have a good track record with 15 years ago. human rights. Civil rights have suffered the most Over the past 10 years there have been fewer since 1975 when the Party took power, but and fewer arrests made for religious reasons. While religious freedom is also limited. U.S. State some people have been detained—in some cases Department reports on human rights and for several months—it has been several years since religious freedom state that Laos is still a long way anyone has been sentenced to prison for issues from being a nation “ruled by law” (U.S. related to religious belief. Every year there are more Department of State 2014b). Significant strides and more minority religious communities in Laos, have been made to increase the participation of and their relationships and communication with the people of Laos in electing local government the government is improving. Decree 92, the officials and members of the People’s Assembly. government’s policy document on implementing But too often the concerns of culture, religion, religious freedom, are being revised after extensive and Party politics infringe on individual human feedback from religious leaders from all over the rights and freedoms. As of this writing, there are country. While Decree 92 has come under three Hmong Protestant Christians being held criticism from some quarters such as USCIRF, the without trial in the village of Phonthong, District facts on the ground are there is more sincerity on of Muangkho, Hua Phan Province. They the part of the government than might first be appealed to the local courts and argued that their seen. The document has sometimes been right to religious freedom had been violated. The misinterpreted and used to refuse people their local court apparently agreed but the local police constitutionally guaranteed religious freedom, but subsequently beat the three men—one of it has also been used to defend those freedoms by whom is a 15-year-old student—because they officials working in the Department of Religious dared to make the appeal. Many other human Affairs at both the Lao Front and the Ministry of rights and religious freedom cases in Laos could Home Affairs. also be cited (see Amnesty International 2016; Christian Solidarity Worldwide-USA 2016). Challenges Indeed, the recent USCIRF report lists Laos The greater problem with regard to as a Tier 2 nation expanding religious freedom lies with the long-

90 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) hien vu et al. standing practice of interpreting law as leaders Specifically, this engagement needs to be done in see fit and the lack of an independent judicial such a way that empowers and fuels the system. Another equally important problem is momentum the Lao have already made on the lack of experience among government religious freedom. officials everywhere in the country with the rule The U.S. can empower Laos’ progress on and respect of law. But this is changing as more religious freedom by building the capacity of officials attend seminars on religious freedom government officials to (1) understand and and the laws and policies of the Lao government. implement the rule of law, (2) appreciate and This positive momentum on religious freedom protect religious freedom and diversity, and (3) must be the lens through which the ongoing learn the skills of peace building and conflict issues on religious freedom in Laos are resolution. This will require investment in interpreted. educational and training programs. While the Lao economy is growing quickly, The U.S. can fuel the momentum on the social and political transformation of Laos is religious freedom by partnering with the Lao happening slowly because the government government (specifically the Lao Front) to raise prioritizes a pace that protects the level of public awareness its place in power and the about religious freedom issues social stability of the nation. THE IMPLEMENTATION AND in Laos. This can be done by Stability in this context means PROTECTION OF HUMAN (1) creating international national unity and the RIGHTS LIKE RELIGIOUS religious exchanges between absence of political and FREEDOM ARE Laos and the U.S. that would religious conflict. This is not give religious leaders in both just the result of communist FOUNDATIONAL TO nations opportunities to see ideology. Rather, it reflects POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC and discuss how religious long-standing cultural values STABILITY freedom is implemented and and ideas of power. The U.S. experienced in other nations must be clear minded about (not only in the U.S.), (2) the need for the Lao government to make creating a public dialogue in partnership with the progress on human rights and religious freedom Lao Front and other state media departments on at a pace acceptable to its social context but religious freedom issues, and (3) publicly energetically motivated by engagement with the applauding Laos’ progress on religious freedom international community. while privately pressing their government to resolve specific cases in which religious freedoms Engaging Laos on Religious Freedom appear to be denied (and urging U.S. allies to do So how should the U.S. engage Laos on the same). religious freedom given its own geopolitical We can either focus on Laos’ failures in the concerns to mitigate China’sinfluence and past, or we can lean into its progress and help encourage economic prosperity? This question Laos build a sustainable social environment can be answered by taking the USCIRF (2015b) protecting human rights. We recommend that Report’s recommendations seriously: The U.S. the future presidential administration take the needs to integrate “concerns about religious latter approach. More specifically, the U.S. freedom into its bilateral agenda when engaging needs to more intentionally integrate religious with central government and provincial Lao freedom into U.S. policy as we realize that the authorities.” implementation and protection of human rights The U.S. should continue and increase like religious freedom are foundational to foreign assistance and do more to encourage political and economic stability at home and American business investment. But the U.S. also abroad. A new and positive engagement needs to ramp up its commitment to helping the between the U.S. and Laos could make all the Lao protect and implement religious freedom. difference. v

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References Amnesty International. 2016. Annual Report on Laos 2015/2016. Accessed February 2. https://goo.gl/YfZja6. Bailey, Stephen. 2013. “Laos and Religious Freedom Studies.” The Review of Faith & International Affairs 11 (2): 64–73. Christian Solidarity Worldwide-USA. 2016. “Laos.” Christian Solidarity Worldwide-USA. Accessed February 2. http://www.cswusa.org/ news/laos. Davidson, Janine, and Lauren Dickey. 2015. “America’s Rebalance to the Asia-Pacific: On Track.” The Diplomat, April 1. Accessed February 2. http://thediplomat.com/2015/04/americas-rebalance-to-the-asia-pacific-on-course-on-speed/. Democratic Voice of Vietnam. 2015. “Vietnam’s Draft Law of Religion – English Language Resources.” Democratic Voice of Vietnam. Accessed February 2. http://dvov.org/2015/10/26/vietnamdraftlor/. Farr, Thomas F., and Dennis R. Hoover. 2009. The Future of International Religious Freedom Policy: Recommendations to the Obama Administration. Washington, DC: Berkley Center for Religion, Peace and World Affairs and Institute for Global Engagement. https:// globalengage.org/content/IRFpolicyreport_final_lowres.pdf. Governmental Committee on Religious Affairs. 2014. “International Seminar: Law and Policy to Assure the Freedom of Belief and Religion: Sharing Vietnamese and European Experiences.” Governmental Committee on Religious Affairs. Accessed January 24. http:// goo.gl/46ceQa. Governmental Committee on Religious Affairs. 2016. “GCRA Receives US Lawyers Delegation.” Governmental Committee on Religious Affairs. Accessed January 24. http://goo.gl/9hH1pE. Howe, Brendan M., and Seo Hyun Rachelle Park. 2015. “Laos: The Dangers of Developmentalism?” Southeast Asian Affairs 2015: 165– 185, p.176. Institute for Global Engagement. 2015. Religion and Citizenship Dialogues and Reconciliation and Mediation Training in Vietnam. Institute for Global Engagement website. Accessed February 2. https://globalengage.org/news-media/press-release/religion- citizenship-dialogues-and-reconciliation-mediation-training-in-vie. Malloy, Daniel. 2016. “The prime minister of Laos has assured visiting US Secretary of State John Kerry that his small nation will help counter China’s assertiveness in the South China Sea.” U.S. News & World Report, January 25. Accessed February 2. http://goo.gl/ tnCyTa. U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom. 2015a. Annual Report, Vietnam. U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom. Accessed February 3. http://www.uscirf.gov/reports-briefs/annual-report. U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom. 2015b. Annual Report, Laos. U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom. Accessed February 3. http://www.uscirf.gov/reports-briefs/annual-report. U.S. Department of State. 2014a. International Religious Freedom Report for 2014 on Vietnam. U.S. Department of State. Accessed February 3. http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/irf/. U.S. Department of State. 2014b. International Religious Freedom Report for 2014 on Laos. U.S. Department of State. Accessed February 3. http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/irf/.

http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2016.1184452

92 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) VIOLENT RELIGIOUS EXTREMISM AND U.S.–AFRICA POLICY

By Robert A. Dowd

hile US policy-makers today Based on analysis of previous attempts to generally take religion and address religious extremism within and beyond religious actors more seriously Sub-Saharan Africa, it is becoming increasingly than they did two decades ago, clear that efforts which merely respond to Wthere remains a need for greater understanding of immediate threats, which rely almost exclusively what makes for an effective response to the on force, and which do not engage religious civil problem of violent religious extremism. Religious society are ineffective and even counter- extremism has become particularly acute in parts productive. All too often, the efforts of African of Sub-Saharan Africa over the past several years. governments to subdue murderous groups like Al Having already spread across national borders in Shabaab and Boko Haram have been rather some cases, it threatens to spread across sub- murderous themselves. Military and police action regions, wipe out some recent gains in human have been heavy handed and indiscriminate, development, and politically destabilize the often harassing, injuring, or killing people continent in ways that are harmful to US national unlucky enough to live in the vicinity of security. While the US has attempted to address suspected extremist hideouts or who share ethnic the problem, its efforts, like those of African and religious identity with extremists. As a result, governments, appear to be focused almost there is reason to think that such responses have exclusively on “hunting down and killing the bad made matters worse and played into the narrative guys.” Although force has its necessary place in promoted by extremists—namely, the narrative subduing insurgents and curtailing their that there is a religious war in Africa, and that activities, the US must ensure its policies are they are merely defending Islam against the US informed by the best available evidence. That and Christian-dominated governments or, as in evidence clearly shows that force is an inadequate the case of Nigeria, governments led by those solution to the problem of religious extremism they consider to be unfaithful Muslims. Several (Gompert and Gordon 2008; Campbell 2014; Christian religious leaders I have interviewed in Gompert, Binnendijk, and Lin 2014). It is of Kenya and Nigeria were of the view that overly paramount importance that the next US presidential administration develop a nuanced Robert A. Dowd is Assistant Professor of Political Science and strategy to deal with the problem of religious Director of the Ford Program in Human Development Studies and extremism in Sub-Saharan Africa, one that is Solidarity at the Kellogg Institute for International Studies, Keough comprehensive, pro-active, far-sighted, and School of Global Affairs at the University of Notre Dame, Notre Dame, informed by a more sophisticated understanding IN. He is author of Christianity, Islam, and Liberal Democracy: of religious freedom. Lessons from Sub-Saharan Africa (Oxford University Press, 2015).

© 2016 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License (http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way. the review of faith & international affairs | 93 violent religious extremism and us–africa policy violent and poorly targeted responses to groups including the Macina Liberation Front, like Al Shabaab and Boko Haram have Al-Mourabitoun, and Al Qaeda in the Sahel, for inadvertently boosted the efforts of extremist the sake of this essay I focus on the “Congregation groups to recruit.1 These same religious leaders of the People of Tradition for Proselytism and said they believe that such responses have Jihad” or Boko Haram (often translated as unnecessarily increased tensions between “western education is forbidden”). In East Africa, Christians and Muslims and that, in the long run, I focus on the “Movement of Striving Youth” or such tensions will make it more difficult to Al Shabaab. Despite recent successes by both promote good inter-religious relations and the Nigerian and Kenyan militaries and police communal resiliency necessary for longer term agencies, Boko Haram and Al Shabaab continue security and economic development.2 to wage successful attacks. In this essay, I argue that the next US While it is difficult to trace the exact origins president should develop a strategy for dealing of Boko Haram and Al Shabaab, both groups with religious extremism in Sub-Saharan Africa began as Islamist revivalist movements intended that focuses more on preventing extremism, to establish a Shari’ah-based society in Nigeria building resiliency, and supporting Christians and Somalia, respectively (Campbell 2014; and Muslims who are engaged in efforts to Hansen 2015; Smith 2015). Boko Haram most promote religious tolerance and freedom of likely began in Maiduguri, the capital city of religion. Further, the US should work with Nigeria’s Borno State in the far northeastern African governments to promote a more corner of the country, one of the most measured and precise use of force to subdue economically underdeveloped regions of Nigeria. extremists, recognizing that, as necessary as force The charismatic Muslim preacher Mohammed may be, in the long run it is not the solution to Yusuf gathered young Muslim men around his the problem at hand. In the long run, economic message of Islamic revival and strict adherence to development, inter-religious cooperation, and the Shari’ah. That message included a withering equal freedoms and responsibilities for all critique of the Nigerian state and Western culture religious and secular groups in civil society will (Comoli 2015). What has come to be called Al create conditions that allow for holistic human Shabaab is an offshoot of the Islamic Courts development, which in turn will help advance US Union in Somalia. It seems to have originated national security interests. around the year 2004. Al Shabaab largely began as This essay proceeds as follows. In the next a movement to fill the vacuum of central political section I review the problem of religious authority in a “failed state” (Hansen 2015). The extremism and how African governments have group gradually became more ambitious, as it responded, focusing in particular on efforts to sought to recruit from and establish its authority defeat Boko Haram and Al Shabaab. I continue by over northeastern Kenya, an impoverished area of briefly assessing how the US has and has not Kenya where the population is largely made up of responded to the problem. In the third and final Somali-Kenyans who are mostly Muslims. Al section of the essay, I put forward important Shabaab became increasingly violent and declared components of a more far-sighted US strategy. I war on Kenya after the Kenyan military invaded conclude by calling for research that would assist Somalia in 2011 as part of the African Union the US in preventing and not merely reacting to Mission in Somalia (AMISOM).3 religious extremism in the region. It is important to put both Boko Haram and Al Shabaab in their proper contexts. It is difficult The Problem of Religious Extremism to understand the growth of Boko Haram without in Sub-Saharan Africa considering inter-religious tensions in Nigeria In western and eastern Africa, religious over the past several decades and the perceived extremism has become an increasingly serious political and economic marginalization of the problem. While there are a number of groups that northeastern part of the country, where the group have arisen in recent years in West Africa, was born and continues to be most powerful.

94 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) robert a. dowd

While Christians and Muslims in most parts of northeastern and northern coastal areas of Kenya Nigeria get along quite well and there is a long (Hansen 2015). There is evidence to suggest that history of accommodation if not mutual respect, Al Shabaab would like nothing more than to inter-religious tensions have been of growing trigger something like a destabilizing “religious significance in Nigeria. Nigeria is roughly half war” between Muslims and Christians in East Christian and half Muslim and, since the late Africa, particularly in Kenya (see Mutiga 2015). 1970s and early 1980s, deadly violence between Both Boko Haram and Al Shabaab consider the Christians and Muslims has engulfed some governments of Nigeria and Kenya to be vehicles portions of Nigeria’s Middle Belt and northern of US and Western influence and by triggering parts of the country (Kukah 1993; Falola 1998; more violence in both countries and creating an Paden 2005, 2008). Boko Haram emerged in this economic and political crisis in each, they hope to context of inter-religious tensions and conflict, do damage to such interests in the region. and its attacks on Christian churches in and Nigeria’s President, Muhammadu Buhari, beyond its stronghold in the northeastern part of has claimed that the Nigerian government has Nigeria have fueled more inter-religious tensions wrested control a significant amount of and suspicions. territory from Boko Haram. However, there is As of August 2015, Nigeria’s National concern that the recent gains are ephemeral. Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) The government’s strategy has relied almost estimates that there were more than 1.5 million exclusively on force and there have been well- internally displaced persons (IDPs) as the direct documented reports that the Nigerian military result of religious conflict, and the vast majority has been guilty of violating the human rights of of the displaced have fled the advances of Boko local Muslim populations in the northeast (see Haram (Comoli 2015).4 There are 24 official Human Rights Watch 2014; Nossitier 2015; camps for displaced. Amnesty International 2016). These violations Persons.5 According to NEMA, there are also have played into the narrative promoted by as many as 200,000 Nigerian refugees, both Boko Haram—that it is defending northern Christians and Muslims, who have fled the Boko Muslims from Christians and unfaithful Haram insurgency into neighboring Chad and Muslims who care little about their well-being. Cameroon. It is estimated that Boko Haram has It is important to recognize that there have been responsible for at least 13,000 deaths since been attempts to adopt a more comprehensive the insurgency began, with about half of these strategy through working with local killings, 6,644, having occurred in the year 2014 communities and religious civil society to alone, which is more deaths than the Islamic State spread messages that counter those of the of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) is thought to be insurgents. For example, Nigeria’sCountering responsible for that the same year (Global Violent Extremism Programme has been a Terrorism Index 2015). vehicle for the federal, state, and local While the number of people who have been governments to engage traditional and religious killed or displaced by Al Shabaab in Kenya is leaders (Akilu 2015). However, such efforts lower than the number killed and displaced by have been relatively weak and under-funded. Boko Haram in Nigeria and surrounding They have not been important components of countries, the attacks waged by Al Shabaab have President Jonathan’s or President Buhari’s been sensational and have instilled a great deal of strategy. Several Muslim and Christian leaders fear, particularly among Christians, who have have expressed dismay that those in often been targeted for death by the group.6 As in government,thepolice,andthemilitarydonot the case of Boko Haram, it is important to put Al seem interested in their experience or in their Shabaab in context. It emerged in a failed state, opinion about the best way to respond to the Somalia, and has appeared to be rather successful insecurity in the northeast. “The government at recruiting Kenyans of Somali ethnic sends us the signal that they are sorry about the background in the long-impoverished problems we experience, but they do not need

the review of faith & international affairs | 95 violent religious extremism and us–africa policy our advice on how best to end the Boko Haram homeland and because of problems of corruption insurgency,” said one religious leader from in the Nigerian military, the US has appeared Nigeria’s Borno State.7 largely content to allow the Nigerian government Like the Nigerian government, the Kenyan to deal with the group (Campbell 2014). Al government too has claimed recent successes in Shabaab has been a greater concern to US officials foiling plots hatched by Al Shabaab and in since there is some evidence that the group has capturing and killing militants (see Ohikere successfully recruited US citizens to its ranks and, 2016). The question is, are such successes therefore, the US has been directly engaged in enough and, in the long run, will they efforts to subdue Al Shabaab.10 contribute to the end of religious extremism and While the US has provided assistance to help greater security in the region? Many of Kenya’s Nigerian and Kenyan authorities locate extremists Christian leaders, those who should ostensibly and has been directly engaged in the attempt to care most about subduing Al Shabaab,havetheir subdue Al Shabaab, and more recently Boko doubts. Based on recent conversations with Haram, the US response has been largely military Christian leaders in the coastal area of Kenya, and military-intelligence in nature (Campbell there are fears that the Kenyan government’s 2014). While the US may play a very helpful role responses have been overly violent, rather in assisting militaries and intelligence-gathering indiscriminate, and damaging to Christian– agencies to be more precise and effective, there is Muslim relations. Several Christian leaders good reason to think that a strategy that relies noted that they thought that any longer term solely or mostly on force is inadequate. Although solution to the anti-Christian violence along the building the capacity of Nigerian’s intelligence coast and in the northeast must involve efforts to and defense forces to detect and thwart violent increase economic opportunities for young attacks while they are still in the planning stages is people, whetherChristiansorMuslims,andin crucial to any comprehensive strategy, such greater inter-religious dialogue and capacity building does not get at the root of the cooperation.8 According to one of these problem of religious intolerance and Christian leaders who work along the north radicalization. coast of Kenya, Indeed, even if the use of force was more effective in killing militants and reclaiming There are people who want this to look territory, this would not be enough to end the more and more like a religious conflict. problem of extremism in Nigeria. In fact, even They encourage despondent youth to after military successes, Boko Haram has been attack Christians. Government’s tactics are responsible for several deadly bombings in playing into their hands. A religious war 2015 and 2016 (Guardian 2016). The same will be bad for us and bad for Kenya; it will goes for Kenya’sresponsetoAl Shabaab. As make defeating terrorists difficult.9 long as US efforts are mostly focused on assisting Nigeria and Kenya to be more effective in the use of force, they will be inadequate for How the US Has and Has Not addressing the longer term problem of religious Responded extremism in West and East Africa. Unless a The US responses to the problems of religious longer term and more comprehensive strategy extremism in Sub-Saharan Africa, and in to address the problem of religious extremism particular Boko Haram and Al Shabaab, have been in Sub-Saharan Africa is developed, the largely reactive and improvised. It is problems of religious extremism and inter- understandable that the wars in Iraq and religious violence will persist and likely even Afghanistan, Syria, and, more recently, the grow to become more serious and damaging; challenges posed by ISIS have been the focus of reversing recent advances in economic growth US policy-makers’ energies. Since Boko Haram and human development, destabilizing has not been considered a direct threat to the US fledgling democracies, providing havens for

96 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) robert a. dowd international terrorist networks, and damaging by religious militants in ways that are largely US security interests. respectful of human rights. Admittedly, it is difficult to do so. There is credible evidence that Toward a More Comprehensive and Nigerian military officers have committed gross Far-Sighted Strategy human rights violations as they have sought Boko It is important to note that there are limits to Haram militants, adopting something like what the US can do to address the problems of scorched earth tactics in areas where they suspect religious extremism anywhere, including western militants are hiding or where local populations and eastern Africa. US policy-makers must be are thought to have valuable information careful to observe the first principle to “do no (Human Rights Watch 2015). As noted earlier in harm” and not to involve the US in Sub-Saharan the essay, even many of those most threatened by Africa in a way that actually prompts more Boko Haram and Al Shabaab have complained extremism. If thoroughly informed by realities on that the use of force by Kenyan and Nigerian the ground, the US can play a role in preventing militaries has been indiscriminate and that in the and not just reacting to religious extremism. First, long run, such use of force is not promoting the next US presidential greater security for them. administration should Among other things, the next ANY SIZEABLE AND continue to work with US presidential African governments to NOTICEABLE US MILITARY administration should offer to provide military training and PRESENCE IN WEST AFRICA OR grow the International to enhance intelligence EAST AFRICA WOULD LIKELY Military Education and gathering so as to eliminate Training (IMET) program to TRIGGER A BACKLASH AND human rights abuses and support more precise, increase the accuracy of PUT LOCAL PEOPLE IN measured, and proportionate efforts to subdue extremists. DANGER use of military force. Further, Second, the next it should use the program to administration must find a teach search and questioning way of working with African governments to techniques that respect the human rights of promote economic growth and human populations in areas where militants are thought development in areas vulnerable to religious to take cover (Campbell 2014). extremism. Third, the next US presidential Because any sizeable and noticeable US administration should work with Africa military presence in West Africa or East Africa governments to engage with religious civil society would likely trigger a backlash and put local and support inter-religious efforts to promote people in danger, the US should continue to religious tolerance and freedom. In short, the US focus on training African governments’ security should work with its allies in Sub-Saharan Africa personnel and sharing certain types of military to develop a grander and more far-sighted strategy hardware and intelligence equipment/expertise. that (1) promotes respect for human rights and a However, the sharing of military hardware and more discriminate use of force, (2) focuses on intelligence equipment/expertise should be made economic growth and human development, and contingent on the training regimen that focuses (3) supports religious civil society in efforts to on respect for human rights and more promote inter-religious tolerance and greater discriminate use of force. Further human rights respect for religious freedom for all. violations should trigger an immediate suspension of further military or intelligence Promote Respect for Human Rights and assistance. Without doubt, there will be those a More Discriminate Use of Force who will disagree with such strict conditions on The Obama Administration has not effectively US military and intelligence support, claiming encouraged Nigerian and Kenyan governments that suspending US support in response to such and their militaries to respond to attacks waged violations will mean more advances by groups like

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Boko Haram and Al Shabaab. However, I would health, and basic infrastructure in the argue that US support for military activities that northeastern parts of each country. The US are abusive of human rights would, in the long should consider funding programs in areas that run, make efforts to contain religious extremism have been most successful at boosting health all the more difficult. Further, the US must work indicators and educational outcomes. Such with African governments to diversify their programs would be best run through government strategies and to consider the longer term and trusted non-governmental organizations. consequences as well as the short-term objectives Any comprehensive strategy to root out the in the struggle to subdue extremist groups. All too problem of religious extremism should involve often, the ways of achieving shorter term non-governmental organizations that are objectives, such as capturing or killing individuals religiously based, particularly those that are responsible for violent attacks or those thought to rooted in local communities and that bring be planning violent attacks, undermine longer Christians and Muslims together. term goals of creating conditions that make extremism less likely. The US should focus on Support Religious Civil Society to partnering with its allies in Africa, such as Nigeria Promote Tolerance and Religious and Kenya, to find ways of achieving both short- Freedom term objectives without undermining the longer It is clear that African governments have not term goals. focused a great deal of energy on engaging religious civil society in their efforts to address Focus on Economic Growth and Human religious extremism. An essential component of Development a more comprehensive and far-sighted strategy An important component of a more intended to inhibit the rise of religious diversified and far-sighted approach to tackling extremism is support for groups that bring the problem of religious extremism is an effort to Christians and Muslims together in the region. promote economic growth and human There are Christian and Muslim leaders in East development. While we know that poverty and and West Africa who work hard at promoting political marginalization do not necessarily lead to equal rights and responsibilities for Christians religious extremism, such conditions may and Muslims. An example of such efforts contribute to the rise of and attractiveness of includes those of the Catholic Archbishop of extremist movements. It is no accident that Boko Jos, Nigeria Ignatius Kaigama, and the late Haram and Al Shabaab have emerged or recruited Grand Khadi Kanam, as well as those of Pastor successfully in impoverished regions of Nigeria James Wuye and Imam Muhammed Nurayan and Kenya, respectively. It is hard to imagine Ashafa, based in Kaduna. The Interfaith such groups emerging and/or thriving in contexts Mediation Centre, founded by Wuye and where people enjoy greater access to education Ashafa, is an example of an institution that has and public health, where there is a greater degree proven effective at bringing Christians and of opportunity. Religious extremists are able to Muslims together to encourage mutual respect make compelling arguments to local populations and freedom of religion (Paden 2012, 2005). where the state has largely failed to provide basic Recently, the Kukah Centre in Abuja, Nigeria, order and public services. The next US has brought people together across the religious presidential administration should redouble divide to defuse religious and political conflicts. efforts to promote economic growth and human Named after Catholic Bishop Matthew Hassan development in those parts of Sub-Saharan Africa Kukah who is widely respected for his work that are most vulnerable to religious extremism. with Muslims and Christians, the Centre has In the short term, this means urging the devoted considerable energy to issues of faith governments, like those in Nigeria and Kenya to and public policy.11 Present at the grassroots invest to a much greater degree in education, level and led by religious leaders who have the

98 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) robert a. dowd respect of Christians and Muslims, the efforts Conclusion of these groups and organizations serve to build Ultimately, it is important to recognize that resiliency to withstand the rumors and there remains a great deal that we do not yet innuendo that all too often fan the flames of understand about the causes of religious religious conflict. While the Nigerian extremism, let alone the most effective ways to government has recognized the importance of address the problem. Therefore, the next US grassroots community engagement, it has not presidential administration should devote sufficiently engaged with such groups and considerable resources to monitoring and supported their efforts. evaluating any strategy that it employs. It should ThesameistrueofUSpolicy-makers. also seek to support rigorous research devoted to While many of them note the importance of more fully understanding why extremism engaging religious civil society, at the end of the emerges where and when it does, and the most day, efforts that focus on religious civil society effective means to counter the narratives used by have been relegated to the margins of US religious extremists to attract followers. In Sub- strategy.12 Perhapsthisispartlyduetothefact Saharan Africa, the stakes are high. While there is that the US does not know how to support such much we do not know, it is becoming clear that a groups without harming their reputations strategy that relies largely on force is inadequate at among populations that are already suspicious best and counter-productive at worst. Any US of the US. If people already suspicious of US strategy to address the problem of religious activities were to learn of US government extremism in Sub-Saharan Africa should be support for inter-religious activities designed to predicated on a mindset of long-term prevention. prevent extremism, such activities may be Such a strategy should certainly include a focus discredited. The reluctance to support religious on promoting human development and on civil society may also be due to a lack of engaging with religious civil society to promote patience. Yet, impatience typically leads to religious tolerance and respect for religious mistakes that end up undermining the ultimate freedom. v objective of societies free of religious extremism and serious threats to US national security Funding interests. Efforts to engage religious civil society The interviews referenced in this article were may take years to pay off. Nonetheless, there is conducted as part of the Under Caesar's Sword good reason to think that an effective effort to research project, made possible by a grant from subdue religious extremist groups and make the Templeton Religion Trust (Grant number religious extremism less likely in the future TRT0066). This research was also supported by requires such long-term engagement. The next grants from the Kellogg Institute for International US administration should make such Studies and the Institute for Scholarship in the engagement central to its strategy. Liberal Arts at the University of Notre Dame.

Notes 1. These interviews were conducted in Kenya in July 2015 and in Nigeria in August 2015. For example, one Christian leader from Kenya’s coastal region said, “It’s not easy, but we have had to work hard to prevent violence and seek restraint. Al Shabaab and others are trying to draw a violent response.” Interview conducted by the author, August 12, 2015. 2. One Nigerian Christian leader in Maiduguri said he witnessed human rights abuses committed by Nigerian soldiers. “People were dragged out of their houses, stepped on, and beaten within an inch of their lives. I do not think they had anything to do with Boko Haram.” Interview conducted by the author July 18, 2015. 3. Ugandan and Ethiopian troops also make up the AMISOM force. 4. Boko Haram has also attacked Christians outside of Nigeria’s northeast. In August 2011, Boko Haram claimed responsibility for Christmas day bombings of several churches throughout Nigeria. 5. These statistics are taken from the Nigeria’s National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA). For more on the camps, see Offiong 2015. 6. The deadly attacks that have received the most attention are those on the Westgate Shopping Mall in Nairobi in September 2013 and on Garissa University, in northeastern Kenya, in April 2015.

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7. Interview conducted August 13, 2015. 8. Interview conducted by the author on July 16, 2015. 9. Interview conducted by the author on July 29, 2015. 10.See Council on Foreign Relations Backgrounders at http://www.cfr.org/somalia/al-shabab/p18650. Accessed February 23, 2016. 11.I attended a workshop on responses to the Boko Haram insurgency that was sponsored by the Kukah Centre on August 12, 2015. For more on the work of the Kukah Centre, see http://www.thekukahcentre.org/. 12.See the US State Department’s 2014 Report on International Religious Freedom at http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/irf/2014/frontmatter/ 238178.htm. References Akilu, Fatima. 2015. “Hope, Challenges, and Opportunity: Nigeria’s Strategy to Counter Violent Extremism.” In How to Prevent: Extremism and Policy Options, edited by Khalid Koser and Thomas Thorp, 32–35. London: Tony Blair Faith Foundation. Amnesty International. 2016. “Annual Report 2015/16.” Accessed March 1, 2016. https://www.amnesty.org/en/countries/africa/nigeria/ report-nigeria/. Campbell, John. 2014. U.S. Policy to Counter Nigeria’s Boko Haram. Council on Foreign Relations Special Report No. 70. New York: Council on Foreign Relations. Comoli, Virginia. 2015. Boko Haram: Nigeria’s Islamist Insurgency. New York: Hurst. Falola, Toyin. 1998. Violence in Nigeria: The Crisis of Religious Politics and Secular Ideologies. Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Press. Global Terrorism Index. 2015. New York: Institute for Economics and Peace. Gompert, David C., Hans Binnendijk, and Bonny Lin. 2014. Blinders, Blunders, and Wars: What America and China Can Learn. Santa Monica, CA: Rand Corporation. Gompert, David C., and John Gordon IV. 2008. War by Other Means: Building Complete and Complete Capabilities for Counterinsurgency. Santa Monica, CA: Rand Corporation. Guardian. 2016. “Boko Haram: Children among Villagers Burned to Death in Nigeria Attacked.” Guardian, February 1. Accessed February 22, 2016. http://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/feb/01/boko-haram-attack-children-among-villagers-burned-to-death-in-nigeria. Hansen, Stig Jale. 2015. Al Shabaab: The History and Ideology of a Militant Islamist Group. New York: Oxford University Press. Human Rights Watch. 2014. “World Report 2014: Nigeria.” Human Rights Watch. Accessed March 1, 2016. https://www.hrw.org/world- report/2014/country-chapters/nigeria. Human Rights Watch. 2015. “World Report 2015: Nigeria.” Human Rights Watch. Accessed January 12, 2016. https://www.hrw.org/ world-report/2015/country-chapters/nigeria. Kukah, Matthew. 1993. Religion, Politics, and Power in Northern Nigeria. Ibadan: Spectrum Books. Mutiga, Murithi. 2015. “Are the Terrorists of Al-Shabaab about to Tear Kenya in Two?” The Guardian, April 4. Accessed February 1, 2016. http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/apr/04/kenya-university-massacre-shabaab-divisions. Nossitier, Adam. 2015. “Abuse by Nigeria’s Military Found to be Rampant in War Against Boko Haram.” New York Times, June 3. Accessed March 1, 2016. http://www.nytimes.com/2015/06/04/world/africa/abuses-nigeria-military-boko-haram-war-report.html?_r=0. Offiong, Vanessa. 2015. “Inside Nigeria’s Heartbreaking IDP Problem.” Daily Trust, June 20. Accessed February 1, 2016. http://www. unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/refdaily?pass=52fc6fbd5&id=5588f1b95. Ohikere, Onize. 2016. “Kenya Attacks Al-Shabaab from the Air, High-Level Terrorists Reported Dead.” World, February 18. Accessed February 28, 2016. http://www.worldmag.com/2016/02/kenya_attacks_al_shabaab_from_the_air_high_level_terrorist_reported_dead. Paden, John. 2005. Muslim Civic Cultures and Conflict Resolution. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution. Paden, John. 2008. Faith and Politics in Nigeria: Nigeria as a Pivotal State in the Muslim World. Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace. Paden, John. 2012. Postelection Conflict Management in Nigeria: The Challenge of National Unity. Arlington, VA: George Mason University School of Conflict Analysis and Resolution. Smith, Michael. 2015. Boko Haram: Inside Nigeria’s Unholy War. New York: I.B. Tauris.

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100 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) ESSAY

WOMEN AND ISLAMIST EXTREMISM: GENDER RIGHTS UNDER THE SHADOW OF JIHAD

By Farahnaz Ispahani

under greater attack by radical Islamists who seek y 2050 there will be 2.8 billion to reshape societies in the mold of how things Muslims in the world, of whom almost stood in earlier centuries of what they deem to be half will be women. If women are pristine Islam. For decades Islamists and integrated in efforts to confront violent traditionalist Muslims have questioned the Bextremist ideology, through equal opportunities Western ideal of full and equal participation of and participation in social, political, and women in public, especially political, life. economic life, this demographic could positively According to the Islamist worldview, the role alter the future of the Muslim world. Currently, of women is clearly defined in the Qur’an and traditional, conservative, and patriarchal societies elaborated further in Hadith and tradition. This in most Muslim-majority countries tend to definition rejects the notion that women have the ignore women’s education, their participation in right to an equal say in all matters that have an the workforce, and their rights. This enables impact on their lives. In the initial phase of Islamist groups, which reject the concept of modernization of most Muslim-majority women’s rights being equal to men’s rights, to countries, there was great resistance by religiously target women as potential recruits for their conservative elements against giving women extremist cause. Personal, cultural, and societal equal rights, with some clerics going to the extent factors, along with the broader grievance culture of denying the right to women to sit in legislative amongst Muslim populations, have contributed bodies or to even vote. to some women supporting and joining Islamist In recent years, a few political Islamist groups extremist groups. (such as the Muslim Brotherhood in the Arab Women’s participation in the workforce, in world, Iran’s revolutionary regime, and the national parliaments, and even in schooling lags Jamaat-e-Islami in Bangladesh and Pakistan) have behind in countries geographically as far apart as embraced the idea of “democracy” at least as a Egypt and Indonesia, which share Islam as the means of acquiring power through mobilization religion of most of their population. Women’s inclusion and status in Muslim-majority countries does not necessarily improve with enhancements ’ Farahnaz Ispahani is the author of the recently released book in a country s economic standing. Gender Purifying The Land of The Pure: Religious Minorities in Pakistan inequality affects richer Muslim-majority countries (Harper-Collins, India). In 2015, she was a Reagan-Fascell Scholar as well as poorer ones (World Bank n.d.). at the National Endowment for Democracy, in Washington, DC. Women’s rights, already challenged by Ispahani was a Public Policy Scholar at the Woodrow Wilson Center tradition and social conservatism, are coming from 2013 to 2014.

© 2016 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License (http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way. the review of faith & international affairs | 101 women and islamist extremism of popular support. The objective of acquiring by many of the same forces as men: adventure, such power for them, however, remains to inequality, alienation, and the pull of the cause.” establish an Islamic State. These groups seek The women of ISIS feel no compunction in women’s votes in elections but remain committed violence against other women. The all-female Al- to rolling back women’s rights upon seizing Khansa Brigade of ISIS enforces the group’s power. morality codes for women, requiring modest Women are not only part of Islamist groups dress and segregation of the sexes. They operate that have embraced electoral politics, but also checkpoints and participate in home raids in play a role in groups that have chosen the path of addition to being recruiters, trainers of women terrorism, such as Al-Qaeda and ISIS. There are suicide bombers, wives and homemakers, fund- also a number of women’s Islamist social raisers, and propagandists. conservative movements that work with, but are Author Mia Bloom in her book Bombshell: not part of, the Islamist political groups. Women and Terrorists puts forth the “Four R plus In a majority of Islamist and jihadi groups, One” framework to explain why women become women’s roles were traditionally limited to the terrorists. The four Rs are revenge, redemption, spread of propaganda and incitement of husbands relationships, respect, plus rape—the death of a and male relatives to jihad. In the last few years, relative (revenge), relatives being involved with the leadership has been responding to both the jihad (relationships), respect for female martyrs in change in context as well as to Islamist women’s patriarchal societies (respect), need to avenge a requests to play a larger role in offensive combat. personal or familial shame (redemption), and This is reflected in the fact that between 1985 sexual exploitation by jihadis (rape) (Bloom and 2010, there were over 230 suicide bombing 2011, 234). attacks by women belonging to Jihadi groups Other existing motivations include the (Bloom 2011). perception of the Muslim community being There are many reasons why these groups use under attack all over the world, the feeling of women operatives. Women provide structural contributing to a cause, as well as personal support which varies from teaching their children incentives such as the allure of marriage and how to be “defenders of the pure faith,” transition into adulthood. The feeling of maintaining the household for the fighters, community, sisterhood, and identity within the encouraging other women to join them in their jihadi groups and larger community are a huge task, and, in the case of educated women, even draw. For some female jihadists, Western translating extremist propaganda. When women feminism may be found unfulfilling or participate in an act of violence, they provide an disappointing, and Jihadi groups provide an element of surprise. Experts say that female alternative of sorts, when personally chosen, as a terrorists have a four times higher kill rate than path they interpret as a chosen way to avoid their male counterparts (Bloom 2011). discrimination and abuse. These women see In “When Women Become Terrorists,” Jane women’s roles as complementary to men’s, rather Huckerby (2015) points out the challenge of than equal. The growth in numbers of women Islamist women’s role in public life. About ISIS, living in the Western world who join these groups she writes, “While the group oppresses many can be traced to factors such as grievances about women, many also flock to its ranks.” Almost 10 Muslim-majority regions being under siege, belief percent of ISIS recruits from Western countries that joining these groups gives them a goal in life are female, “often lured by their peers through and a way to contribute to a cause in which they social media and instant messaging.” An believe deeply. There are also motivations like the estimated 63 of the 350 French nationals believed desire to marry a true Muslim, bonds with other to be with the group are women, just under 20 women who have joined these groups and are percent. According to Huckerby, “despite friends and provide sense of community, and stereotypes about their domesticity and passivity, finally a theological/doctrinal belief in an women are drawn to groups like the Islamic State obligation to provide support for jihad.

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ISIS has succeeded in the recruitment of world’s greatest exporters of ISIS recruits. More women because of underlying causes within Tunisians join ISIS in terms of percentage than Muslim communities both in the West and in citizens of any other country (Byrne 2014). Muslim-majority countries. Even in relatively The recruitment tactics of the Islamic State tolerant Muslim societies, patriarchy and have also been groundbreaking in social media. paternalism are widely embraced, leading women From Facebook pages to Twitter and Tumblr, the to accept gender roles assigned to them. Polls outreach has had an enormous impact on women indicate, for example, that a majority of women all over the world—particularly in MENA and the in several Muslim-majority countries feel it is West. Magazines, letters, and stories by women their duty to obey their husbands and that wanting to join active jihad and mothers’ proud spousal abuse is acceptable because it is allowed in remembrances of martyred sons have all been Islam (NPR 2015). Extremists take this utilized in the Al-Qaeda affiliated al Shamikha and “submission to the will of God” one step farther in Tayyabiat, which is linked to Hizb-u-Tahrir. and convince women that engaging in acts of The ISIS magazine Dabiq in a recent issue featured violence is also divinely ordained. a message from the wife of the Paris supermarket In the West, Muslim gunman, advising women to diaspora communities from study religion and support ISIS HAS SUCCEEDED IN THE Paris to Toronto have seen an their jihadi husbands. This upsurge in anger and RECRUITMENT OF WOMEN feeling of a community of alienation from the broader BECAUSE OF UNDERLYING believers, a group of community. One of the CAUSES WITHIN MUSLIM acceptance, and a social attackers linked to the experience is available in this COMMUNITIES BOTH IN THE November 2015 blasts in online world of Jihadi women. Paris was a woman, Hasna WEST AND IN MUSLIM- Unlike Al Qaeda, ISIS, or Aitboulahcen, as was one of MAJORITY COUNTRIES Daesh do not just want to the two San Bernardino eliminate Western allies in the attackers, Tashfeen Malik. region and attack Western Muslims, particularly youth and women, have systems. They have already put down the felt ignored, hated, and apart from the larger foundations of a state alongside the old states. society. Women, whether young girls or adults, The imposition of Sharia has begun in the regions feel that they are the easiest, most visible targets they control. A barbaric form of warfare and because of the hijab, and we have seen the control which puts all women—especially backlash against it in places like France. women belonging to minority religious groups Within schools in Western countries, like Yazidis, Shias, and Christians—at greater risk Muslim teenagers, because of their religious of death or debasement. demands, often feel or are made to feel According to Ravina Shamdasani of the different. Teenagers growing up in Muslim United Nations, “educated, professional women, households—fasting for the month of Ramadan, particularly women who have run as candidates in wearing the hijab, not dating or being able to elections for public office, seem to be particularly drink alcohol—start feeling like “outsiders.” at risk” under ISIS rule. The revival of the slave ISIS and other extremist recruiters often tap trade of women from areas conquered by ISIS has into such feelings of alienation, especially at increased the physically and sexually violent impressionable ages. crimes against female children and women. The In Muslim-majority countries, other forces rise of ISIS has rolled back gains women made are at work: easily-understandable triggers like under secular governments like in Iraq and Syria unemployment in Tunisia and unhappiness with (Shahabian and Sonenshine 2016). A similar fate the nascent democracy’s inability to deliver, as awaits women and religious minorities in parts of well as forced secularity by dictatorial regimes. other Muslim-majority countries that might fall Today, Tunisian women and youth are the under control of extremist groups.

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TheUnitedStatesneedsacomprehensive It is here that the foreign policy of the United policy to deal with these developments in Muslim States can be proactive by placing women at the societies and beyond. Former Under-Secretary of heart of its policies. This includes more aid for State for Public Diplomacy Tara Sonenshine women’s education and scholarships for women acknowledged in a February 2016 op-ed article in students to study both in their countries and in The Hill, co-written with Leon Shahabian, that the the U.S. Support from the United States, both United States has still not comprehensively defined monetary as well as symbolic, for women activists “Countering Violent Extremism” or “Counter- in majority-Muslim countries will be further Extremism.” The next president of the United boosted if a global network of such activists is States must define both the problem and its created and sustained. If the president takes the solution in clear terms. As Sonenshine points out, lead, policy confusion can be replaced with a several government agencies currently deal with comprehensive strategy that rebuts the culture of countering violent extremism, often working in a Muslim grievance—a grievance culture which vacuum and with different institutional agendas. enables extremists to recruit and operate. Instead Moreover, violent extremism in the Muslim of interacting just with clerics in token gestures, world cannot be dealt with without addressing the United States must embrace Muslim the broader issues of religious freedom and modernizers including human rights activists, women’s rights. Strategic considerations have lead scholars, and writers. Moreover, U.S. officials U.S. policy to ignore marginalization of religious must stop assuming that modernist Muslim minorities in Muslim countries and to accept women are somehow unrepresentative. Despite limitations on women as cultural or traditional. A oppression and persecution, they remain as much more robust linking of U.S. foreign assistance and part of Muslim societies as conservative women. arms sales with policies on women’s rights and Women must, in particular, be the religious freedom could force governments in cornerstone of the anti-extremist effort. There are Muslim countries to tackle these issues. many positive historical and modern day The problem stems from the gender gap in the examples of women and Muslims that can be Muslim world, with low levels of literacy and low used to show positive role models. It is imperative levels of labor force participation by women in all to make a distinction between Islam and its spheres of life. It also stems back to the traditional extremist distortions. It must be understood, Muslim societies that have resisted what they see as moreover, that the consequences of inattention to Western human rights including rights for combating extremist Islamist ideology would not women. Instead of military dictators, orthodox be different from the results of ignoring the rise of ulema, and jihadis defining what are women’s totalitarianism in Europe before the World rights, women should have the right to do so. War II. v References Bloom, Mia. 2011. Bombshell: Women and Terrorists. London: Hurst. Byrne, Eileen. 2014. “Tunisia Becomes Breeding Ground for Islamist Fighters.” The Guardian, Douar Hicher, October 13. http://www. theguardian.com/world/2014/oct/13/tunisia-breeding-ground-islamic-state-fighters. Huckerby, Jane. 2015. “When Women Become Terrorists.” New York Times, January 21. http://www.nytimes.com/2015/01/22/opinion/ when-women-become-terrorists.html?_r=0. NPR (National Public Radio). 2015. “Alarming Number Of Women Think Spousal Abuse Is Sometimes OK.” NPR, March 18. http://www. npr.org/sections/goatsandsoda/2015/03/18/392860281/alarming-number-of-women-think-spousal-abuse-is-sometimes-ok. Shahabian, Leon, and Tara Sonenshine. 2016. “What’s at Stake for APPLE – and America.” The Hill, February 22. http://thehill.com/ blogs/pundits-blog/homeland-security/270226-whats-at-stake-for-apple-and-america. World Bank. n.d. “Development Indicators Data for Muslim-Majority Countries.” http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.POP.TOTL.FE.ZS/ countries/PK?display=default. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2016.1184445

104 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) ESSAY

ADVICE FOR THE NEXT AMERICAN PRESIDENT: COMMONWEALTH COLLABORATION, COOPERATION, AND CONCERN ON FREEDOM OF RELIGION OR BELIEF

By Robert Joustra

he Commonwealth is such a sprawling, Canadian Office of Religious Freedom and its cosmopolitan group that its sheer special relationship with Pakistan—especially the diversity makes it startling that a late Shahbaz Bhatti, who was assassinated on common thread on freedom of religion March 2, 2011 while serving as Pakistan’s Tor belief (FoRB) could actually unite such a Minister of Minorities Affairs—I aim to show disparate group. Herein lies a group of countries how religious freedom policy is often downstream from Belize to the Cyprus, India to South Africa, of culture. Long-term, sustained advocacy for Nigeria and Pakistan to Canada, from whom it FoRB abroad begins with its prize at home. Paper would be hard to extract coherent, simple lessons laws, for example, in countries like Pakistan, are for the next American President on FoRB. From only that, apart from the public will and cultural the shores of Australia’s Gold Coast or Canada’s pressure to enforce those laws. Bay of Fundy, we may, for example, see some This is why, second, Commonwealth liberal democratic modeling worth emulation and countries represent a kind of partnership that can engagement on human rights. Would we find appeal to the sorts of historic and cultural bonds similar models in Nigeria? Or Pakistan? Clearly the Commonwealth is a hub for both Robert Joustra teaches politics and international studies at collaboration, cooperation, and concern. It is not Redeemer University College (Canada), where he is director of the a simple group to engage for anyone, least of all Centre for Christian Scholarship. He is author or co-author of several an American President. books, including most recently The Church and Religious This article draws upon the Commonwealth Persecution (2016) and How to Survive the Apocalypse (2016). He is to offer two pieces of advice for the next American a fellow with The Center for Public Justice and an editorial fellow President. First, based on a case study of the with The Review of Faith & International Affairs.

© 2016 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License (http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way. the review of faith & international affairs | 105 advice for the next american president that durably root FoRB. That cultural backing, promotion agency that would help emerging however, may appear very different from the democracies build institutions and support American experience. Domestic rationales will peaceful democratic change in repressive look very diverse. But such rationales are countries. The government’s focus on the rise of indispensable. repressive and undemocratic laws around the The Commonwealth is pioneering a few world was in part the result of consultations with models of diplomacy on FoRB that leverage those like Bhatti. common cultural bonds, and the United States Then Immigration Minister Jason Kenney, could do much worse than be a like-minded who was also the Conservative party’s point man collaborator. The next president should follow for outreach to immigrant Canadians, said Mr after and encourage the models of Bhatti made a major impression on Mr Harper in parliamentarians, parties, and civil, religious, and that February 2011 meeting: academic associations that are putting FoRB at the top of their agenda. FoRB needs not only the The Prime Minister was deeply affected by legal frameworks, but the political and cultural this as was everyone who had the chance to will that enables those frameworks. The meet him. His visit to Canada shortly Commonwealth may well be the kind of fertile before his assassination helped to galvanize forum that proves catalyst and collaborator for within the government the reality of this FoRB. kind of persecution. … Just before I brought Shahbaz to meet the Prime The View Downstream: Political Minister, I told the Prime Minister it Culture and FoRB would be a miracle if the man he was about “Top-down” international covenants are to meet would be alive in a few months’ indispensable. They are often the most important time. (Chase 2012) work that states and foreign offices can do. But they are also inherently limited. The political Minister Kenney is said to have counseled Mr culture that enables legal covenants is inescapably Bhatti against returning home. “Shahbaz was very important. This is one of the lessons that should conscious that in returning to Pakistan he would be learned from the assassination of Shahbaz be facing not just the possibility but also the Bhatti, and the special case his death makes for likelihood of assassination,” the minister said political culture in FoRB advocacy. Politics must (Chase 2012). He was shot and killed visiting his lead, but a political agenda that gets too far ahead mother in Islamabad the very next month. of the culture can run up against dangerous Al-Qaeda and the Pakistan Taliban limitations of the state. Weak states and strong Movement in Punjab claimed responsibility in religions still make up much of the world. leaflets left at the scene. In Pakistan, few When Bhatti was an appointed Minister of convicted of blasphemy and apostasy have been Minorities Affairs of the government of Pakistan, judicially executed, partly because of the length of he had a stated priority to change its blasphemy trials, but also because mobs and vigilantes have laws. But when President Musharraf signaled killed hundreds of the accused. Paul Marshall such a change in the blasphemy and apostasy describes the culture of blasphemy as one of laws, militants warned, “If the government tries systematic intimidation, in which during to finish it, the government itself will be finished” elections, “the vast majority of Pakistanis rejected (Marshall and Shea 2011, 100). radical parties,” but freedom of press, debate, and This was the topic of conversation when religion are repressed by this terrorizing minority Stephen Harper, then Prime Minister of Canada, (Marshall and Shea 2011, 100). and other Ministers met with Bhatti in Canada in The problem in Bhatti’s homeland, as those February of 2011. The meeting was part of a like Marshall have argued, is far more intractable broader strategy to fulfill a 2008 election platform than extremists that may be contained and promise for a new, non-partisan democracy eliminated. The problem is, precisely, this

106 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) robert joustra political culture of silence, a culture of truth of the matter is that the protection of intimidation and fear that tries to eliminate minorities, Christian or otherwise, will come in reformist practice and interpretation. countries like Pakistan, and others, only when Bhatti’s case had a major effect on the Prime reformers with credibility, enlisting the best of Minister, and on his decision to launch what their faith to defeat the worst of religion, have would become the Canadian Office of Religious both the courage and support of the international Freedom in 2013. One of the primary goals of community. We need top-down, but we cannot that Office became not only profiling and do without bottom-up advocacy either. And that resourcing the issue of FoRB politically, but a bottom-up rationale for FoRB may look different modest investment fund to work with local actors than it does in America, or Canada. The and nongovernmental partners in growing roots Commonwealth is simply one more example of for a political culture of FoRB. The insight is common culture and historic bonds that can and exactly that there are limits to what states can do. should be used in building partners around When their ministers are shot down in their own political culture. family homes, it is the political culture—of Advocacy strategies in Commonwealth intimidation, of silence—that must be countries have already begun to focus on transformed. parliamentarians. Several formal and information This is a daunting challenge, but there is real networks already exist. A few examples follow. reason for hope too. The seeds of such The International Panel of Parliamentarians transformation exist. On March 9, 2011, for Freedom of Religion or Belief (IPPFoRB) Pakistan’s embassy in the United States held a includes a range of parliamentarians including memorial service for Bhatti, at which then significant representation from Commonwealth Ambassador spoke: countries, who are committed to advancing religious freedom issues abroad from their own Those who would murder a Salman Taseer platforms. Their Charter1 was signed in Oslo, or a Shahbaz Bhatti deface my religion, my Norway in November of 2014 and mainly prophet, my Qur’an and my Allah. Yet reaffirms Article 18 of the Universal Declaration there is an overpowering, uncomfortable, of Human Rights as well as committing to and unconscionable silence from the great promote the issue through their own work. majority of Pakistanis who respect the law, Current leadership includes David Anderson, a respect the Holy Book, and respect other Canadian MP, and Elizabeth Berridge, of the religions. … This silence endangers the British House of Lords. future of my nation and to the extent the Baroness Elizabeth Berride herself is silence empowers extremists, it endangers responsible for leading the Commonwealth the future of peace and the future of the Initiative for Freedom of Religion or Belief civilized world … When Shahbaz Bhatti is (CIFoRB), hosted by the Edward Cadbury murdered, and we remain silent, we have Centre for the Public Understanding of Religion died with him. (as quoted in Marshall and in Birmingham University’s Department of Shea 2011, 100) Theology & Religion. This group describes itself as an answer the question: “How can parliamentarians be effectively equipped to make Track 1.5: Partners in Political Culture a significant contribution to reversing the global The exchange between Canada and Pakistan, decline in freedom of religion or belief?” The and the development of Canada’s own Office of group’s funding and work are very new, and very Religious Freedom, is just one example of the little other than a website and some preliminary kind of possibility that exists in the job postings are available, though some strategic Commonwealth. Real, systemic, top-down goals do appear. These include an emphasis on reformation is absolutely necessary. But so is research, training, mentoring, and developing as building up domestic rationales for FoRB. The well as the establishment of a Commonwealth

the review of faith & international affairs | 107 advice for the next american president

Commission on FoRB to support and encourage Canada, shortly after the Liberals came to power). parliamentary activity. FoRB advocacy may be broadening Inside the United Kingdom itself, the All internationally yet remain shallow, lacking Party Parliamentary Group for International expertise and credibility needed to really Freedom of Religion or Belief is an effort to build operationalize policy, and easily assailed as a broad partisan support. Here, too, is an effort the culturally offensive “import” from abroad (read: American President can glean some advice from. America). Building Commonwealth capacity and credibility—intellectually, publically, religiously The President must work to overcome the —should be a priority for the incoming American increasingly polarized way that FoRB is President. Even small seeds of “capital received not only abroad, but also at home. investment” in FoRB advocacy in other countries can bear significant fruit in the long-term. FoRB is not a Republican or Democrat issue, nor is The first two groups, think tanks/public it a “conservative,”“Christian,” or “American” intellectuals/journalists and academics, have issue. Framing FoRB as much as possible within come a very long way in the United States vis-à- all-party or bi-partisan contexts, and doing so as vis FoRB advocacy and scholarship. But the much as possible within the context of things like contrast with Commonwealth contexts is Commonwealth collaboration, may help to lift revealing, including even closely allied countries some of this stigma (especially abroad; see Hurd like the United Kingdom and Canada. No 2012; Saunders 2012; Sharma 2011). Regardless of mainstream think tanks in either the UK or American election outcomes, narrowly partisan Canada have made FoRB a top priority, and those levers, powerful as they may be, must be resisted think tanks that have talked about it tend to be on this issue. Branding FoRB as a “Republican” religious in origin or outlook, and for that reason issue, for example, is not only intellectually and their motivations tend to be “suspect” in the culturally disingenuous, it is politically dangerous. dialogue. The list of public intellectuals in both Commonwealth collaboration may be one way the countries who speak regularly and persuasively to American President can actually get Americans this issue needs no more than two hands to count, thinking beyond their own narrow political and journalists themselves have only barely gotten definitions, and—probably more importantly— beyond the skeptical narrative of FoRB being a build the kind of international coalition that equips policy to court immigrant or ethnic minorities. political actors with the data and training they need Most difficult of all, perhaps, is that when to move the issue forward in their own contexts. experts are sought, whether academics or not, it is But coalition and advocacy building, diverse Americans who normally show up to lecture halls as it may be among parliamentarians, cannot end of Commonwealth diplomats and bureaucrats. In with the political class. At least three other groups Canada, almost no major scholarly research has in the international nongovernmental sector need been done on FoRB as it relates to Canadian sustained support and attention, even from the foreign policy. Organizers, in other words, can be American President: (1) think tanks, public forgiven for inviting their American compatriots, intellectuals, and journalists; (2) academics; and world renowned scholars on FoRB, because the list (3) religious groups. All three of these groups have of domestic experts is so thin. Small wonder, then, made major progress on understanding and that places like Canada betray a shallow depth of engaging FoRB in the last decade inside the enthusiasm for issues that few intellectuals, think United States, but have made much more limited tanks, and journalists have made a priority. progress in Commonwealth countries. Without What may be mistaken for hostility on an issue the underlying intellectual and social architecture, may often be simple ambivalence. Building policies on FoRB in these countries risk being international coalitions of experts on FoRB is niche interests, disposed of easily when the therefore necessary to sustain even the modest governing party loses (see for example the recent gains that countries like Canada and the United closing of the Office of Religious Freedom in Kingdom have begun to make on this issue. If

108 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) robert joustra

Americans are to share leadership on religious suffers from too much “top-down” will miss the freedom abroad with other Commonwealth story of “bottom-up,” the political culture that collaborators, they must have the capacity to take can enable and enforce legal and judicial rights for it. That question is, for now, in doubt. religious minorities. Religious groups, finally, are a key stakeholder But, second, this is tied to a good news story: that the American President continues to the American government does not need to “do it recognize. This is, naturally, one of the less direct all.” Not only are Commonwealth countries areas in which the American President can provide coming online on the issue of FoRB, but leadership, being a political, not religious, leader. emerging models, like those among But through things like the State Department’s parliamentarians, show real promise for providing Office of Religion and Global Affairs, international global leadership. This is a key reason why the summits of religious traditions can be encouraged President should take every measure possible to and supported, if not directly, at least rhetorically. encourage sustainable advocacy on FoRB in places Again, here is a model where American leadership, like Canada and the UK. This means prioritizing by engaging Commonwealth partners, may pay diplomatic tracks further downstream of politics, larger dividends for already ongoing projects. building expertise amongst Commonwealth public intellectuals, journalists, academics, think Conclusion: Advice for the Next tanks, and, of course, religious leaders. President of the United States FoRB is not a narrowly American, Christian, The office of the American President is “just” a or conservative concern. The next American political office, and so there are real limits to what President has the opportunity to show that by it can accomplish on complex, multi-level issues working proactively with an emerging like FoRB. However, there are some key areas international coalition, and supporting the where the American President can and should already ongoing growth of domestic experts and make significant contributions to the emerging leaders around the world, especially in international concern on this issue, a key example Commonwealth countries. This is a small, but of which is the Commonwealth. critical, step for American leadership. It is subtler, First, the President should take seriously the more instrumental work, but work that in the limits of religious freedom advocacy from formal long run will pay dividends badly needed to platforms, including his or her own. The case of combat the growing crisis of religious persecution Shahbaz Bhatti makes clear that a President who and religious violence in the world today. v

Note 1. http://ippforb.com/charter-for-freedom-of-religion-or-belief/. Accessed January 20, 2016. References Chase, Stephen. 2012. “Conservatives Laying Groundwork for Office of Religious Freedom.” The Globe and Mail, January 2. Accessed February 26, 2013. http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/conservatives-laying-groundwork-for-office-of-religious-freedom/ article1357558/. Hurd, Elizabeth Shakman. 2012. “The Hegemony of Religious Freedom.” Globe and Mail, October 17. Accessed February 25, 2013. http:// www.theglobeandmail.com/commentary/the-hegemony-of-religious-freedom/article4617004/. Marshall, Paul, and Nina Shea. 2011. Silenced: How Apostasy & Blasphemy Codes Are Choking Freedom Worldwide. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Saunders, Doug. 2012. “Religious Freedom Sends the Wrong Message to the Wrong People.” Globe and Mail, October 6. Accessed February 25, 2013. http://www.theglobeandmail.com/commentary/doug-saunders-religious-freedom-sends-the-wrong-message-to- the-wrong-people/article4591927/. Sharma, Arvind. 2011. “Religious Freedom, Compliments of the West.” The Mark News, December 6. http://www.themarknews.com/ articles/7670-religious-freedom-compliments-of-the-west/#.UJp01MXoSUK. Accessed February 25, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2016.1184446

the review of faith & international affairs | 109 ESSAY

KEEP THE FAITH: HOW AMERICAN DIPLOMACY GOT RELIGION, AND HOW TO KEEP IT

By Judd Birdsall

ny discussion of post-Obama U.S. the Bush Administration. I served in the IRF international religious freedom (IRF) Office under Bush and Obama, so my reflections policy needs to acknowledge two basic here are based largely on my own first-hand structural realities. First, the State experience—as well as on the research I ADepartment’s IRF Office is arguably the strongest conducted for my doctoral dissertation, A New and healthiest it has ever been. Second, the State Beginning: Barack Obama and Reshaping of Department as a whole is more institutionally American Religious Diplomacy (Birdsall 2014). attentive to religion than at any time in living During the Bush Administration, the IRF memory. The next administration will have the Office grew rapidly—from a handful of staff to duty and opportunity to consider afresh where over 20—but it struggled to capitalize on its size IRF fits—conceptually, practically, and and its status as the Department’s only “religion bureaucratically—within the State Department’s office.” The office’s potential was limited by greatly expanded architecture for religion and significant conceptual, practical, and bureaucratic diplomacy. impediments. Let’s briefly examine each of these I will try to justify these two rather bold three impediments. claims regarding the IRF Office and the State Conceptually, the IRF Act of 1998, the Department, and then offer a series of legislation that created the office, framed U.S. recommendations for how the next promotion of religious freedom as a humanitarian administration might best leverage existing objective largely disconnected from broader momentum to further enhance U.S. IRF strategic goals. The opening line of the act states promotion. its purpose: “To express United States foreign policy with respect to, and to strengthen United States advocacy on behalf of, individuals IRF in the Bush Administration First, the IRF Office is the strongest it has been since its creation in 1998. Despite the Judd Birdsall is the Managing Director of the Cambridge Institute on torrent of criticism that Obama and his Religion & International Studies (CIRIS) at Clare College, administration have received for supposedly Cambridge. He is also the executive director of the Transatlantic giving short shrift to international religious Policy Network on Religion and Diplomacy. He holds a BA and MA freedom, Obama’s record on the issue, especially from Wheaton College and a PhD from the University of Cambridge. during his second term, has actually been fairly He serves as an editorial fellow with The Review of Faith & good. And it looks all the better in comparison to International Affairs.

© 2016 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution- NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License (http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way. 110 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) judd birdsall persecuted in foreign countries on account of The position of ambassador at large, their religion.” A noble cause, for sure. But why is created by the act as “principal advisor to it in American interests to pursue this objective? the president and secretary,” is viewed at The act grounds U.S. IRF promotion in the State Department as a mere deputy in America’s historical experience, international the human rights bureau, itself perceived human rights documents, and the gruesome within the building as outside the realities of persecution in the modern world. But diplomatic mainstream. (Farr 2006) it does not detail why assisting persecuted individuals might advance other U.S. goals such As for the ambassador’soffice, Farr lamented that as democracy, civil society, economic it is “still viewed within State as custodian of a development, or counter-radicalization. special interest issue imposed by Congress.” To be fair, at the time of the act’s drafting, scholarly and policy attention to religion in international affairs was still in its infancy. But IRF in the Obama Administration then as scholarship raced forward in the ensuring During the Obama Administration, the IRF years—propelled, in no small measure, by scholars Office has continued to face these challenges, but mining the data in the Department’s annual IRF significant progress has been made on each front. Report—the IRF Office remained saddled with a Conceptually, the IRF Office has in recent congressional act that fossilized a 1990’s vision of years articulated, for internal and external religious freedom. As Thomas Farr, IRF Office audiences, a much broader understanding of director from 1999 to 2003, argued, the State religious freedom and its relation to strategic Department’s promotion of religious freedom was foreign policy goals. The Introduction to the one of “reacting to the outrages of persecuting 2009 IRF Report, the first issued during the governments,” and thus “The religious freedom Obama era, framed the issue this way: office has nearly no input into our broader democracy strategy” (Farr 2006). Despite the varied conditions religious Practically, the office’s potential was limited communities encounter around the globe, by a lack of religious diversity among its staff and the principled and practical reasons for the perception of pro-Christian bias. Many of us safeguarding their freedom remain the “IRFlings,” as we called ourselves, did actively same: religious freedom is a fundamental engage and advocate on behalf all religious right, a social good, a source of stability, communities, but most of the high-profile cases and a key to international security. (US that consumed the office’s time, attention, and State Department 2009) political capital involved persecuted Christians. It did not help that the administration’s “War on Many other statements by Obama, Clinton, Terror” was widely perceived by Muslims as an Kerry, and a host of other senior administration anti-Islamic campaign. officials have expounded the strategic relevance of Bureaucratically, the IRF Office’s religious freedom. marginalization within the State Department Practically, the IRF Office has diversified its structure militated against its success. The IRF staff and greatly expanded its engagement with Act established the IRF Office, but did not religious communities around the world. The specify where the Department should place the current IRF ambassador, David Saperstein, is a office within its vast bureaucracy. The Clinton Jewish rabbi who brings an extensive network of Administration, which had vigorously denounced new contacts to the job. Having spent 40 years as the IRF Act for creating a so-called hierarchy of the director of the Religious Action Center, human rights, placed the new office within the Reform Judaism’s political and legislative arm, existing human right bureau. This arrangement Saperstein is supremely well connected and set up an inherently awkward dynamic. As Farr respected around Washington and indeed around noted, the world. the review of faith & international affairs | 111 keep the faith

Bureaucratically, the IRF Office remains in imperatives of religious doctrine blend intimately DRL, as is appropriate, but it enjoys much more with those of politics and economics” (Johnston congenial relationships with colleagues inside and and Samson 1994, 3). outside its bureau. Life within a bureaucracy is Former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright complex, but a reputation for competence, concurred with Johnston’s assessment and even fairness, and collegiality goes a long way. Also, the commended many of his policy recommendations office now has added firepower as the in her 2006 book The Mighty and the Almighty: institutional home of the first-ever Special Reflections on God, America, and World Affairs. Advisor for Religious Minorities in the Near East Albright frankly admits that she was trained to and South/Central Asia. In September 2015, the avoid religion in polite company and applied that Obama Administration tapped veteran religious mind-set to her diplomacy. Not wanting future freedom advocate Knox Thames for the new role. diplomats to make the same costly mistake, she Even with all this conceptual, practical, and urges them to “learn as much as possible about bureaucratic progress, promoting religious religion, and then incorporate that knowledge freedom is of course still an uphill battle. into their strategies” (Albright 2006, 73). Authoritarian governments In the decade since the and extremists movements publication of Albright’s fiercely oppose efforts to DIPLOMATS INCREASINGLY book, American diplomats advance international respect UNDERSTAND THAT RELIGION have been on a steep learning for religious pluralism and IS A FACTOR WHOSE curve with respect to religion. toleration. Closer to home, RELEVANCE EXTENDS FAR At a conceptual, practical, and Obama’s first term was a bureaucratic level, Albright’s reputational nightmare for BEYOND OBVIOUS ISSUES message has been taken to the IRF office. The position LIKE RELIGIOUS FREEDOM, heart. of IRF ambassador remained RADICALIZATION, AND FAITH- Conceptually, American vacant for two years and then BASED CHARITY diplomats increasingly was filled for two years by understand that religion is a someone spectacularly factor whose relevance unqualified and ineffective. With Saperstein’s extends far beyond obvious issues like religious arrival the office has thoroughly rebounded. But freedom, radicalization, and faith-based charity. it now has the blessing and curse of needing to It touches on nearly every major issue. Religious navigate a much more complex religion groups have unique capability, credibility, and bureaucracy at the State Department. constituencies to bring to bear on issues of concern to the United States government. Thus, The State Department Got Religion John Kerry signaled in 2013 that religious That leads us to my second claim, that the engagement would be a signature priority of his State Department as a whole is more time as Secretary of State: institutionally attentive to religion than at any time in living memory. This claim is even easier So I say to my fellow State Department to substantiate than the first. employees, all of them, wherever you are, I For years, seasoned practitioners and want to reinforce a simple message: I want knowledgeable observers of American diplomacy you to go out and engage religious leaders criticized the State Department’s religion and faith-based communities in our day- deficient. In his seminal 1994 edited volume, to-day work. Build strong relationships Religion, The Missing Dimension of Statecraft, with them and listen to their insights and Douglas Johnston argued, “Foreign policy understand the important contributions practitioners in the United States … are often that they can make individually and that inadequately equipped to deal with situations we can make together. (Kerry and US State involving other nation-states where the Department 2013)

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Practically, the State Department, along with freedom around the world? In keeping with the other foreign affairs departments, has developed a schema of the conceptual, practical, and range of new tools for understanding and bureaucratic, let me offer a series of engaging religion overseas. In 2010, President recommendations under each of those headings. Obama commissioned the Religious Engagement Report to assess how every U.S. overseas post was Conceptual Recommendations engaging faith communities. In 2011, the The next administration will need to give Foreign Service Institute launched an excellent serious attention to both religious freedom and new course on Religion and Foreign Policy that it religious engagement. It must articulate and then continues to offer periodically. The Working demonstrate a compelling account of how the Group on Religion and Foreign Policy, a two intersect. George W. Bush came to office community of eminent outside experts, has with a keen personal interest in religious freedom advised the State Department on a range of but not until 9/11 did he give much thought to religion-related issues for the past several years. broader religious engagement—and his Bureaucratically, there has been a dramatic administration struggled mightily to proliferation of religion-related institutions conceptualize a coherent approach to Muslim within the State Department. When Johnston outreach. Obama was just the opposite. He came wrote in 1994 the State Department had no to office having pledged to restore America’s religion-focused office. When Albright wrote, relationship with the Muslim world, but he there was only the IRF Office.1 But in the last initially gave little attention to religious freedom decade we have seen the creation of the Special and some of his White House aides were quite Envoy to Monitor and Combat Anti-Semitism, skeptical of the IRF Office. Given the urgency of the Special Envoy to the Organization of Islamic persecution and other religion-related global Cooperation, the Special Representative to crises, the next administration must attend to Muslim Communities, the Special Representative religious freedom and engagement from the get- for Religion and Global Affairs, and the go. aforementioned Special Advisor for Religious But how are the two related? As I see it, Minorities in the Near East and South/Central religious freedom and religious engagement are Asia. All these “specials,” save for that last one, distinct yet overlapping, and they can be now reside within the Office of Religion and mutually reinforcing. They need each other and Global Affairs, itself situated within the Office of build off of each other. Some modicum of Secretary on the State Department’s rarefied 7th religious freedom is necessary for any meaningful floor. religious engagement. There is no possibility of Between the RGA Office and the IRF Office, genuine engagement with faith groups in North the State Department now has over 50 employees Korea, for instance. If done well, engagement working full-time on issues at the nexus of with diverse religious communities on any given religion and foreign policy. Hundreds of other issue can help to foster the understanding, trust, State Department officials in Washington and at and relationships required for pluralism and overseas posts work on portfolios that regularly freedom to take root. And more freedom brings intersect with religious actors and factors. more opportunities for engagement. And on it Religion is no longer the missing dimension goes. of statecraft—or at least it is more findable than it That does not mean the two activities are once was. easily synchronized in practice. It can be awkward to pursue proactive engagement and Recommendations condemn abuses in the same meeting in a So, how should the next administration religiously restrictive country. For that reason, leverage the Department’s enhanced religion- the two functions should be coordinated but attentiveness in the service of advancing religious not combined. There is currently a good deal

the review of faith & international affairs | 113 keep the faith of communication between IRF and RGA Republicans and Democrats. And he is new in the staff, and the next administration should position and still carving out his diplomatic ensure that this communication continues. niche. Thames is not a political appointee, so he When selecting appointees for RGA and IRF does not need to tender his resignation in January leadership positions, the next administration 2017. The next administration would do well to should look for individuals who share a strong keep him on. commitment to collaboration and who see their particular role as part of the larger whole Bureaucratic Recommendations of religion and foreign policy. The next administration should undertake a serious review of the vast bureaucratic apparatus Practical Recommendations that has evolved around religion and foreign There are any number of practical steps the policy. There are many questions to ask. Does the next administration can take to advance religious State Department now have too many or still too freedom, but the first order of business is this: few specialized religion envoys? Does it make appoint an IRF ambassador immediately. Even sense to have all religion-related offices, other before the inauguration in January, the incoming than IRF, consolidated within RGA? Is it best to administration should identify a person for the keep RGA within the Office of the Secretary? post, and then announce that nomination within Above all, how can institutional religion-related weeks of announcing the next Secretary of State resources best be arranged to facilitate and other senior diplomatic positions. The Bush collaboration on advancing American foreign and Obama administrations both took an policy objectives in a pervasively religious world? inexcusably long time—14 months and 17 The model for such a review process could be months, respectively—to nominate an IRF Obama’s Advisory Council on Faith-based and ambassador. That need not and should not Neighborhood Partnerships. The council, which happen again. convened in early 2009, included a taskforce What is the rush? Three primary reasons. focused on reform of the faith-based initiative First, religious persecution is an urgent and that had developed throughout the George escalating problem. Second, an expeditious W. Bush Administration. After a year of research appointment signals America’s commitment to and discussion, the taskforce issued a 34-page advancing religious freedom. Everyone knows report detailing 12 policy recommendations for low priorities get slow appointments. Third, of all reform, as part of the Council’s overall report to the “specials” with religion portfolios, the IRF the president. In 2017, the State Department ambassador is the only one who requires Senate could initiate a similar review process regarding confirmation—a process that can take several the bureaucratic architecture for religion and months. As length of service is an important diplomacy. Such a review should build on the element within the State Department’s formal work of the Religion and Foreign Policy Working and informal hierarchy, an IRF ambassador who Group, especially its consequential 2012 white is sworn in long after his or her colleagues in RGA paper. will be at a distinct disadvantage. I should add that if a Democrat wins the Conclusion 2016 presidential election, they should consider We are not in the 1990s anymore. Back then keeping Amb. Saperstein in his post until the the State Department deserved its reputation for Senate confirms his replacement, so as to avoid an avoiding religion. There is still plenty of room ambassador-less interregnum. for improvement, but we must appreciate the That leads me to one further practical fact that an institutionally cautious and highly recommendation: keep Knox Thames as the secular agency has in a relatively short time span Senior Advisor for Religious Minorities in the created an impressive array of resources for Near East and South/Central Asia. Thames is a engaging religion in international affairs. And globally respected expert and is well liked by the IRF Office, after a rough patch in Obama’s

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first term, has rebounded and reached new opportunity to review, consolidate, and extend heights of influence and impact. The next the gains made on religion and diplomacy administration will have the important during the past decade. v

Note 1. The Office to Monitor and Combat Anti-Semitism was created by the Global Anti-Semitism Review Act of 2004, but the State Department did not announce its appointment for anti-semitism special envoy until May 22, 2006—a few weeks after the publication of The Mighty and the Almighty.

References Albright, Madeleine. 2006. Mighty and the Almighty: Reflections on God, America, and World Affairs. New York: Harper Perennial. Birdsall, Judd. 2014. A New Beginning: Barack Obama and the Reshaping of American Religious Diplomacy. Unpublished dissertation, University of Cambridge. Farr, Thomas. 2006. “The Diplomacy of Religious Freedom.” First Things, May 2006. Accessed February 29, 2016. http://www.firstthings. com/article/2006/05/003-the-diplomacy-of-religious-freedom. Johnston, Douglas, and Cynthia Samson, eds. 1994. Religion, the Missing Dimension of Statecraft. New York: Oxford University Press. Kerry, John, and US State Department. 2013. “Remarks at the Launch of the Office of Faith-Based Community Initiatives.” Accessed February 29, 2015. http://www.state.gov/secretary/remarks/2013/08/212781.htm. President’s Advisory Council on Faith-based and Neighborhood Partnerships. White House. 2010. A New Era of Partnerships: Report of Recommendations to the President. Accessed February 29, 2015. https://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/docs/ofbnp-council- final-report.pdf. Religion and Foreign Policy Working Group. 2012. White Paper. October 16, 2012. Accessed February 29, 2016. https://globalengage.org/ content/1300_Religion__Foreign_Policy_Working_Group_Submitted_WP_16Oct2012.pdf. US Congress. 1998. International Religious Freedom Act of 1998. Accessed September 14, 2013. http://www.state.gov/documents/ organization/2297.pdf. US State Department. 2009. Annual Report on International Religious Freedom. October 26, 2009. Accessed February 29, 2016. http:// www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/irf/2009/.

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Ioana Cismas, Religious Actors and International Law (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014). 384 pp., hardcover $125.00.

cholars and practitioners of international of legitimacy alter their rights, duties, and law are constantly faced with the obligations under international law. conundrum that international legal First, a large portion of the book is devoted to regimes designed to mitigate some of the the task of developing the analytical category of Sinternational system’s worst problems are religious actors. Most generally, Cismas considers frequently circumvented when it suits state any state, non-state, or interstate actors that grant interests to do so. The plot thickens when you religion a special place in their functioning to be consider the role of religion in international law, religious actors (51). More specifically, state especially in the international human rights religious actors like the Islamic Republic of Iran regime. Are universal human rights compatible assume the authority to interpret religion and use with religious convictions, or do they undermine that interpretation as a primary source for making religiously particular communities? For example, and enforcing laws (52). Non-state religious can the Convention on the Rights of a Child, actors like the Russian Orthodox church or the which grants children the right to an education Jehovah’s Witness use religion, and the authority that supports the charter and principles of the to interpret religion, as a tool for governing their United Nations (Article 29) be compatible with members (53–54). Finally, intergovernmental private religious education? Should religious religious organizations like the Organization of communities, or religious states, be exempt from Islamic Cooperation use religious authority to international legal human rights standards that govern interactions between member states. The conflict with their convictions? analytic rigor of her typology of religious actors Ioana Cismas’ recent book, Religious Actors not only clarifies her following analyses, it and International Law, seeks to sidestep the provides future researchers with an innovative debate about whether religion is compatible with analytic method of considering the intersection of international law, instead focusing on whether religion and international law that does not rely religious actors—including states, non-state on theological exposition. actors, or international organizations—enjoy Second, her three extensive case studies apply special protection under international law. From this analytical category to non-state religious my perspective, she makes two notable organizations (chapter 3), the Holy See as a state- contributions to the body of literature concerned like entity (chapter 4), and the Organization of with understanding the universal applicability of Islamic Cooperation as an international international law, and prompts us to ponder organization (chapter 5). Of the three case whether religious actors’ claims to unique sources studies, the chapter on the Holy See was clearly

© 2016 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License (http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way. 116 | volume 14, number 2 (summer 2016) book review the most analytically challenging, and from my I did not find this class of actors sufficiently perspective the most perplexing and interesting. addressed to provide a satisfactory answer. She demonstrates how the dual personality that And second, I hope future work more the Holy See claims, both as a state that commits extensively addresses the discrepancy between to international treaties and as the official how the international legal regime works in government of the Roman Catholic Church, theory, treating religious and non-religious actors prevents it from fully acknowledging and the same, and the special circumstances that implementing its international legal obligations. undermine this claim. Cismas demonstrates She claims that the Holy See shifts between these consistently that any difference in legal treatment two personae “at will according to need,” so that stems from the fact that religious organizations are it can have the privileges typically restricted to essentially collectives of religious rights-bearing states, but denying that it has the corresponding individuals (151). Yet chapter three provides obligations of states (237). numerous examples of surprising rulings that seem To build on these contributions, there are to undermine this claim to equal treatment under two issues I hope Cismas devotes more time to the law. This tension is also present in the addressing in future works that build on this challenging analysis of the dual nature of the Holy seminal piece of scholarship. First, I hope to see See. Cismas claims that some states and certain greater attention given to a class of actors who treaty bodies have “only recently recognized that were largely undiscussed in the book—NGOs the human rights obligations of the Holy See are and other private organizations with religious legal, not merely moral” (238). In the conclusion, affiliations. I anticipated that these organizations Cismas again reiterates that the Holy See is would be discussed in the chapter on religious consistently recognized as a special actor, and the organizations, but that chapter was more focused method of holding the Holy See accountable to on what we could typically consider church-based their treaty obligations is still in flux (309). I look organizations and/or denominations. For forward to seeing how her future work will further example, my own work investigates how delineate these difficult inconsistencies in the religiously affiliated adoption agencies set application of international law. standards for international adoptions and This book is an excellent choice for legal influence state behavior as they consider whether scholars who will undoubtedly be impressed with intercountry adoption can provide a solution to the sophisticated legal analysis and the in-depth their domestic child welfare crisis. These case studies. It should also intrigue political organizations do not have members, per se, nor scholars who are interested in the intersection do they focus on interpreting scripture. Rather, between international law and religion. But they serve as religiously affiliated service because the book is targeted to a specialized providers. Yet I am interested in how Cismas audience familiar with the particularities of might classify their relationship with international legal research, and uses specialized international law. For example, is it permissible legal jargon, the book is probably less accessible for under international human rights law for a a non-scholarly audience. Despite this challenge, religiously affiliated adoption agency to limit the book is an important contribution to the body adoption service provision exclusively to of literature addressing the twin problems of heterosexual couples based on religious facilitating religious actors’ commitment to and conviction? Does international law treat such compliance with international law. v organizations differently from their non-religious counterparts? Although I anticipated being able BECCA MCBRIDE to answer this question through Cismas’ research, Calvin College

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