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Transnational Reception and Early Modern Women’S “Lost” Texts Marie-Louise Coolahan

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Transnational Reception and Early Modern Women’S “Lost” Texts Marie-Louise Coolahan Early Modern Women: An Interdisciplinary Journal 2012, vol . 7 Transnational Reception and Early Modern Women’s “Lost” Texts Marie-Louise Coolahan ecent publications have begun to map the contours of early modern Rwomen’s transnational networks and communities of knowledge.1 This article examines the transnational reception of women’s writing by exploring what happens to texts that are received, and even translated, but whose original is apparently lost. The translation of a woman’s writing into another language constitutes proof of a text’s reception and penetration of the literary field beyond the author’s country of residence. Hence, transla- tion is a useful mechanism by which to measure the international reception of women’s writing. In the early modern period, religious communities were particularly rich in transnational reception networks. The urgency of the issues at stake in religious polemic propelled the translation and circulation of Catholic and Protestant texts across Europe; confessional allegiance was transna- tional as well as local. Such transmission networks prioritized common ground and shared beliefs over difference, sustaining and promoting reli- gious cultures that transcended the national. These imperatives facilitated the circulation of women’s texts, which is most evident from cases where 1 Kate Chedgzoy, Women’s Writing in the British Atlantic World: Memory, Place, and History, 1550–1700 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007); Julie D. Campbell and Anne R. Larsen, eds., Early Modern Women and Transnational Communities of Letters (Farnham: Ashgate, 2009); Anke Gilleir, Alicia Montoya, and Suzan van Dijk, eds., Women Writing Back / Writing Women Back: Transnational Perspectives from the Late Middle Ages to the Dawn of the Modern Era (Leiden: Brill, 2010). 261 EMW12.indb 261 8/28/12 12:30:41 PM 262 EMWJ 2012, vol . 7 Marie-Louise Coolahan such texts were read and repackaged but not, apparently, preserved in their original form. Two examples are the focus for discussion here: the biography of Father John Cornelius authored by the English Catholic, Dorothy Arundell (1560–1613); and the chronicle history of the Irish Poor Clare nuns, composed by their third abbess, Mary Bonaventure Browne (fl. 1632–71). In both cases, the originals do not survive, but we have ample evidence of their contemporary reception. This essay will explore how and why the now-lost originals were transmitted, received and re-used, argu- ing that such cases enrich and recalibrate our understanding of women’s literary history. Dorothy Arundell was the daughter of a leading recusant family in the southwest of England. Born in Cornwall, the Arundells lived in London during the 1580s but — following the death of her father, Sir John Arundell, in 1590 — his second wife, Lady Anna Stourton moved the family to Dorset, where they sustained a Catholic community at Chideock Castle from 1591–94. Their priest, Father John Cornelius, had been a protegé of Dorothy’s father. He was educated in the Arundell household, leaving for Oxford and later taking religious orders at the English College in Rome. On his ordination, he returned to the Arundells and ministered to the Chideock community. In April 1594, the castle was raided by the authorities. Dorothy and her sister, Gertrude, were among those appre- hended. Cornelius was executed later that year, announcing his recently performed Jesuit vows on the scaffold. Dorothy and Gertrude went into exile, becoming founding members of the English Benedictine convent at Brussels in 1598.2 Dorothy wrote a biography of her spiritual mentor. 2 She had initially planned to join the Bridgettines. She entered the Benedictine convent at Brussels on 11 July 1598, professed on 21 November 1600, and died there in 1613. Gertrude entered and professed on the same dates, dying in 1636. Their sister Cecily (Cycyll) joined the Bridgettine order in Rouen and died at the Bridgettine convent in Lisbon in 1623. “Who Were the Nuns?” accessed February 2, 2012, http://www.his- tory.qmul.ac.uk/wwtn/database.html; Kate Aughterson, “Arundell, Dorothy (1559/60– 1613),” accessed October 19, 2011, http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/68019; Thomas McCoog, “Cornelius, John (c.1557–1594),” accessed October 19, 2011, http:// www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/6322. EMW12.indb 262 8/28/12 12:30:41 PM Transnational Reception 263 This was composed between 1595 and 1599 (either in England following Cornelius’s execution or in the Brussels convent), sent to the Jesuit archives in Rome, and subsequently lost.3 Arundell’s narrative was quickly absorbed by Jesuit historians across Europe and used as a source for their Counter-Reformation martyrolo- gies. Its importance was affirmed as late as the nineteenth century when Henry Foley paid tribute to its influence: “Dorothy Arundell . wrote the acts of Father Cornelius, which form the main groundwork of the various histories of this martyr.” Whether Foley himself actually read Arundell’s manuscript is uncertain. Despite numerous claims to direct quotation and his citation of the “MS. written by Dorothy, the daughter of Lady Arundell, preserved in the Archives at Rome” at the end of his own narra- tive, this is only one of many sources cited.4 Moreover, Foley’s account leans heavily on Daniello Bartoli’s contemporary Dell’istoria della Compagnia di Giesu: L’Inghilterra (Rome, 1667; Bologna, 1676). Given that Bartoli cites Arundell as his authority for the very same passages, it is possible that Foley’s text is a translation from Bartoli rather than a transcription from the original manuscript. The particular value of Arundell’s account lay in its status as eyewit- ness testimony. Her commitment to her faith attested by profession at an exiled convent, Arundell was known to have been Cornelius’s spiritual daughter. Indeed, she is described as such as early as 1599 in the first printed account of Cornelius’s life. The Spanish Historia particular de la persecucion de Inglaterra (Madrid, 1599) was produced by Diego de Yepes, confessor to Philip II and bishop of Tarazona. This substantial compila- tion of English recusant narratives was created in collaboration with the English Jesuit, Joseph Creswell, who was based at the Spanish court in the 1590s. Creswell was likely personally acquainted with Cornelius; both men studied at the English College in Rome during the early 1580s. He 3 For a discussion of this text and its provenance, see Elizabeth Patton, “Dorothy Arundell’s ‘Acts of Father John Cornelius’: ‘We Should Hear from Her, Herself — She Who Left a Record of It in These Words’,” ANQ 24 (2011): 51–62. 4 Henry Foley, Records of the English Province of the Society of Jesus (London: Burns and Oates, 1878), 3.437, 474. EMW12.indb 263 8/28/12 12:30:41 PM 264 EMWJ 2012, vol . 7 Marie-Louise Coolahan exploited his network of contacts to obtain accounts of persecution in England, including Elizabeth Sanders’s report of the Bridgettine nuns’ expulsion from Syon Abbey.5 Arundell is discussed in Yepes’s history as the eldest daughter of the household, intending to join the Bridgettine order. She is singled out and praised for her disregard of personal safety in pro- tecting and hiding the priest. A letter from Cornelius to Dorothy, written on the brink of his execution, is reprinted here but there are no references to her manuscript biography.6 Bartoli’s Italian version of Cornelius’s life, then, appears to be the first to cite Arundell’s text as a source. Bartoli is particularly concerned to emphasize his fidelity to Arundell’s original when describing two miracu- lous events associated with Cornelius: his vision of Dorothy’s deceased brother in Purgatory and Dorothy’s vision of a crown of light illuminating the executed priest’s head. Bartoli’s narration of both these episodes is pre- sented as direct quotation from Arundell.7 This insistence on authenticity is rooted in the need to establish the stories’ credibility. Elizabeth Patton (whose work first brought Arundell to my attention) points us to the Catholic practice, with regard to martyrs, of gathering “eyewitness records in anticipation of future petitions for canonization.” As she observes, this is 5 For Creswell’s role, see Albert J. Loomie, The Spanish Elizabethans: The English Exiles at the Court of Philip II (New York: Fordham University Press, 1963), 206–7. 6 “la hija mayor de aquella señora, que se llamaua Dorothea, que muchos dias antes auia cō voto prometido a Dios castidad, y ser religiosa de la orden de santa Brigida, quiso to mar sobre si todo el peligro, por librar del a los de su casa, y constantemente confesso, que ella auia trahido escondido, y sustentado aquel sacerdote”: Diego de Yepes, Historia particular de la persecucion de Inglaterra (Madrid, 1599), 634, also 637–38. For later translations, see Richard Challoner, Memoirs of Missionary Priests, 2 vols. (London, 1741–42), 1.311–12; Foley, English Province, 469. Cornelius’s biography circulated among Catholic and Jesuit circles throughout the seventeenth century. It appears in Philippus Alegambe and Ioannes Nadasi, Annvs diervm illvstrivm Societatis Iesv (Rome, 1657), 193–96, and Henry More’s work, The Elizabethan Jesuits: Historia Missionis Anglicanae Societatis Jesu (1660) of Henry More, trans. Francis Edwards (London: Phillimore, 1981), 217–28. However, neither of these works refers to Arundell by name. 7 Daniello Bartoli, Dell’istoria della Compagnia di Giesu: L’Inghilterra (Bologna, 1676), 387, 383–84. Foley follows him in this emphasis: English Province, 445, 472–73. For a discussion of the second of these events, see Patton, “Arundell’s ‘Acts’,” 57. EMW12.indb 264 8/28/12 12:30:41 PM Transnational Reception 265 a “compelling reason to accept [Bartoli’s] work as a fair approximation of its acknowledged source.”8 Herein lies the significance of Arundell’s account for the transnational Catholic community: its witness to the martyred status of the male priest.
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