The Similarity Trap: Engineering the Greater-Caribbean, a Perspective from the Isthmo-Colombian Area

THE SIMILARITY TRAP: ENGINEERING THE GREATER-CARIBBEAN, A PERSPECTIVE FROM THE ISTHMO-COLOMBIAN AREA

Alexander Geurds Faculty of Archaeology Leiden University P.O. Box 9515 2300 RA Leiden The Netherlands [email protected]

Laura N. K. Van Broekhoven National Museum of Ethnology Steenstraat 1 2300 AE Leiden The Netherlands [email protected]

Abstract Macro-regional studies, such as the proposition to investigate mobility and exchange in the pan-Caribbean are dominated by an emphasis to study stylistic similarity in material culture. For the specific case of the Isthmo-Colombian area we argue in this paper that observed lack of stylistic comparability, culture historically invariantly interpreted as sociopolitical disunity, is in fact far less determining than previously assumed. By drawing on localized social dynamics from synchronic perspectives in central Nicaragua, and a discussion on recent interpretations of the semiotic form, opportunities for future explorations of the pan-Caribbean thesis are created.

Résumé Les études macro-régionales, comme les travaux sur la mobilité et les échanges pan- caribéens, sont dominées par l’étude impérieuse des similitudes stylistiques dans la culture matérielle. Dans le cas spécifique de la région Isthmo-Colombienne, nous démontrons dans cet article que l’absence de comparabilité stylistique observée, généralement interprétée dans la tradition historique culturelle comme une désunion socio-politique, est en fait beau- coup moins déterminante que ce que l’on a pu penser jusqu’alors. En s’appuyant sur la dy- namique sociale locale, du point de vue synchronique, dans le Nicaragua central, et grâce au débat sur les interprétations récentes de la forme sémiotique, de nouvelles perspectives d’analyse de la thèse pan-caribéenne émergent.

Resumen Estudios macro-regionales, como la proposición para investigar la movilidad y el intercambio en el pan-Caribe son dominados por un énfasis en estudiar la similitud estilística dentro de la cultura material. Para el caso específico de la zona Isthmo- Colombiana se argumenta en este ensayo que la observación de la falta de comparabilidad

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication #3 2010 52 The similarity trap Geurds and Van Broekhoven estilística, tipicamente interpretado dentro del marco de la historia-cultural como falta de unidad socio-política, es en realidad mucho menos determinante que anteriormente pensado. Apoyándose en la dinámica social localizado desde la perspectiva sincrónica de la región central de Nicaragua, y una discusión sobre interpretaciones recientes de la forma semiótica, se crean oportunidades para futuras exploraciones de la tesis del Pan-Caribe.

Introduction areas seemed a-historical and depersonal- ized. As a result, periodic reformulations of “We must not forget that an object is the culture area divisions of for example the best messenger of a world above Central America have resulted in many that of nature: one can easily see in names and minimally as many debates. an object at once a perfection and an absence of origin, a closure and Most recently a new refinement, the a brilliance, a transformation of life Isthmo-Colombian area, was proposed and into matter (matter is much more expanded upon in a few publications by magical than life), and in a word a John Hoopes and Oscar Fonseca (most silence which belongs to the realm relevant are Hoopes and Fonseca 2003; of fairytales.” Hoopes 2004, 2005). This proposal is (Barthes 1972:88 [1957]) based on multiple lines of evidence, principally linguistics, genetics, art history and For decades, the definition of culture areas archaeology. Ideas on structures in Isthmo- has held a commanding conceptual grip on Colombian oral traditions are also invoked the study of the pre-Columbian Americas. in the analysis. The renewed regional defi- Almost all archaeological studies make ref- nition has enabled the inclusion of North- erence to it; symposia invariably use it in ern and Central Colombia as well as West- their titles; colleagues are identified by the ern Venezuela in the analysis, following Society for American Archaeology on the earlier suggestions by Helms (1979). This basis of their culture area of expertise; and model then makes a conscious effort to journals validate their raison d'être by fo- analyze Isthmo-Colombian iconography by cusing on a specific region (e.g., Revista bridging regions and periods to identify del Área Intermedia, Ancient Meso- several basic themes. It is an important america, Mesoamérica, and, albeit some- push forward in advancing our findings for what less explicit, the Journal for Carib- this region, but what remains problematic bean Archaeology). In short, the culture is that after identifying similarities and in- area is arguably the foundation on which terpreting them as indications of interaction studies rest seeking to understand the mo- or a mutual cultural background, a daunt- bility and exchange of material culture in ing amount of differences in material cul- the past. Archaeologists, however, have ture style and object categories remains to struggled to explicitly validate culture ar- be discussed. Seldom though are these dif- eas in light of the processual as well as ferences in material culture the focus of post-processual new directions that the dis- comparisons in Isthmo-Colombian ar- cipline took in the last four decades. When chaeological studies. We propose here that attempting to understand social meaning lack of similarity in material culture is not from material things, discussions of culture a reason to adjust or abandon definitions of

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication #3 2010 53 The similarity trap Geurds and Van Broekhoven culture areas. Rather, it is our contention thematic overlap in oral tradition. Empha- that these differences were fundamental to ses are on links between northern and social interaction in the pre-Columbian southern Middle America (Cooke 2005), as Greater-Caribbean. Merely explaining sty- well between the insular Caribbean and the listic similarity in material culture as a re- tropical Lowlands of South America sult of sociopolitical and economic rela- (Boomert 2000). But other vectors of inter- tions of power is insufficient. Differences action are included as well. For example in material culture are actively maintained. comparative study of political complexity This point will be demonstrated, using the is a frequent topic of investigation (Cooke semiotic concept of abduction, through the et al 2003; Haller 2004; Helms 1979; Red- analysis of a local case study from central mond 1994). This may take the form of Nicaragua. Stylistic and formal homogene- settlement pattern analysis; examples can ity would be expected as a consequence of be found throughout the area, but with par- the close spatial distribution settlements in ticular abundance in Costa Rica, Panama, this local setting, yet instead significant and Colombia. Lastly, iconographic analy- differences are observed. This in turn holds sis is represented as well through studies implications for explorations of a Greater- that have looked at the identification and Caribbean thesis. By using a local focus in interpretation of painted and sometimes order to argue macro-regional interaction, incised or carved symbols on signifiers we conclude that the premise of inferring such as pottery, carved stone, metals as identity and social interaction out of simi- well as semi-precious stone.1 Additionally, larity in form is not only inconclusive, but lithics can be mentioned as an object cate- also incomplete. gory that still holds considerable potential for evidencing direct contact through com- Boundaries positional data analysis, that is, physically Approaches to contact and exchange in attested presence and directionality of ob- the wider Central American and Northern ject movement. The high contrasting geog- South American region have been designed raphy and ecology of Central America will principally by means of three foci: (a) ex- have co-determined how raw materials change patterns, including mobility of ma- were procured and to what degree technol- terial culture and agricultural practices ogy and exchange would have been locally throughout the area); (b) political complex- circumscribed. Central Nicaragua, the case ity, being development and contrast in hier- under review here, is exemplary in this re- archies of leadership throughout the area); gard, consisting of plains with rolling hills and (c) iconography and form of material as well as rugged mountainous terrain, culture, that is semiotic comparison of roughly following a southeast to northwest decorated ceramic and stone material). pattern. Combined, these foci feed into studies at- As mentioned, macro-regional studies on tempting to understand pre-Columbian in- the pre-Columbian past of Central America terregional connections in this southwest- have underscored a concern with interre- ern rim of the Caribbean Sea. Exchange gional ties, influences and interactions. analyses have generally indicated some Nicaragua has featured for some time in form of interaction within spheres of the this debate, starting with Julian Steward circum-Caribbean, based on similarity in including Nicaraguan indigenous cultures material culture, at times complemented by among the Circum Caribbean Tribes in his

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication #3 2010 54 The similarity trap Geurds and Van Broekhoven sociopolitical model (Steward 1948; also exception of recent work on the Caribbean Strong 1948 in the same volume). Since coast by Gassiot and Clemente (2007), then, numerous scholars have debated, re- based on early work by Richard Magnus futed, modified and nuanced this proposal, (1974, 1975).4 predominantly based on archaeological Combinations of ethnohistoric and ar- data (Baudez 1967, 1970; Coe 1962; Gra- chaeological data have also been applied to ham 1993; Haberland 1957; Healy 1980; define north-south boundaries, most re- Hoopes 2004; Hoopes and Fonseca 2003; cently by Robert Carmack and Silvia Lange and Stone 1984; McCafferty and Salgado (2006). They argue that Post- Steinbrenner 2005; Magnus 1974; Salgado classic period Pacific Nicaragua formed Gonzalez 1996; Sheets 1992; Willey 1959, part of the Mesoamerican world system 1984), or ethnohistorical data (Fowler (Smith and Berdan 2003), whereas the 1989; Ibarra 2001; Incer 1990; Newson southern Pacific coast in Costa Rica made 1987; Stone 1966) or an explicit combina- up part of an extra-systemic area what they tion thereof (Carmack and Salgado 2006; call the Mesoamerican frontier (Carmack Tous Mata 2002; Van Broekhoven 2002). and Salgado 2006). Their analysis includes The archaeological investigations were the political systems and economic ex- mostly aimed at identifying culture change patterns, known through early colo- boundaries by describing differences in nial documents and archaeological find- material culture, or to confirm ties by de- ings. For both cases the presence or ab- scribing similarities in material culture. sence of exchange of material culture Nicaragua is generally recognized as hav- northward, in combination with descrip- ing one of these boundaries in its modern tions of particular cultural elements by the territory, formed by the subculture area of Spaniards, are the fundamental motifs to Greater Nicoya. This southernmost exten- deduce levels of integration and exchange. sion of Mesoamerica holds boundaries Carmack and Salgado induce some of the which are seldom speculated on, but it is well-known cultural features such as assumed to have involved Central Nicara- ranked chiefdoms versus status based city gua to some degree.2,3 The uncertainty of states, marriage systems, the use of gold as this boundary is addressed by taking the currency, the nature of formalized rituals, better known Pacific and Caribbean coastal and the presence of iconographic systems areas as two opposites from which this cul- of communication, and last but not least ture boundary is extrapolated to lie roughly differences in cosmological beliefs. northeast or southwest of respectively. Ar- As such, Central Nicaragua is periodi- chaeological investigations in Nicaragua cally appropriated by archaeological and historically predominate on the Pacific ethnohistorical projects focusing on the side, including the Rivas region, the greater Pacific side, and to a lesser extent on the Managua-Granada area (Healy 1980; Caribbean side. Archaeologically, this ex- Lange et al. 1992; McCafferty and Stein- tensive watershed area is poorly known; brenner 2005; Salgado Gonzalez 1996). In the nature of interaction across this area contrast, the extensive northern and north- thus also remains to be considered.5 central areas (Fletcher et al. 1994; Kühl 2010) as well as the northeastern part of Nicaragua have hardly seen any systematic archaeological research, with the notable

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The similarity trap in Isthmo-Colombian unaffected. As John Hoopes notes that iconography “considering iconography over a broad We put forward some considerations area defined by multiple variables, holds here as to how interaction might be ana- the potential to facilitate in a holistic man- lyzed without falling into, what we call the ner, the interpretation of the role of actors ‘similarity trap’. The similarity trap is as dynamic agents in the modification or found in research that analytically struc- resignification of ideologies and behav- tures semiotic form to emphasize homoge- ior” (Hoopes 2004:143, own translation neity in social dynamics. The workings of and emphases). Here, Hoopes addresses the this trap go at the expense of variability in multiplicity of meaning, highlighting not form and the assertive generation of mean- only the arbitrariness of the sign but also ing. The emphasis on ‘sameness’ inherent the Saussurian arbitrary relation of sign to herein, is mentioned by Martin Wobst in the signified. Even though his discussion his influential conceptualizations of style in rests on a structural basis of power and ide- archaeology (Wobst 1977, 1999). By in- ology by means of his identification of the stead accepting difference as potentially particular ‘tradition keepers’, his proposi- just as meaningful, we are taken away from tion contributes to the research agenda for ‘tradition’ and move more toward the prac- the interregional study of variability and tical dependency and historicity of mean- heterogeneity in semiotic form. Following ing in what is read (or ‘seen’ if one prefers) up on identifying the continuous reinterpre- in the known iconographic complexes of tation of iconography in the past, Hoopes this region. and Fonseca discuss the term ‘diffuse This focus on practice continues to le- unity’ as a working model to broach the gitimize style as that element of material complexity of similarity and difference culture which is the clearest window to the (Hoopes and Fonseca 2003:53). This model social human choice: “Style is seen as the is argued on the basis of a deep historical key to the social” as Boast (1997) describes genetic and linguistic origin. The purpose it. This does therefore not necessarily im- of this concept is to enhance the identifica- ply that style can merely communicate tion of specific themes in Isthmo- coded information, as can be drawn from Colombian iconography (e.g., the Medita- some structuralist approaches. It is recog- tive Shaman, double-headed saurians, beak nized that perceived meanings of styles and birds, spiral ornaments, the Crocodile Man, objects are very much contingent upon so- and the Bat Man) whilst arguing the stylis- cial and historical contexts, thus the mean- tic variation these themes may assume.6 ing and purpose of objects will be open to This concept of diffuse unity is an argu- interpretation and prescription as they ment to see material culture as indexical change owner in exchange relationships. signs; what is depicted has in some way Engaging with this potential of “stylistic something in common with what it refers form that interferes with humans” (Wobst to (Charles Pierce, as discussed in Preucel 1999:125), archaeologists using post- 2006). To see Isthmo-Colombian material structural theoretical approaches have be- things as indexical restores the importance gun to see style as actively involved in dis- of social and historical dimensions and course, power and so forth (Boast 1997). asks for the archaeological investigation of These developments have not left concrete circumstances which lead to this Isthmo-Colombian iconographic studies continuous process of signification. This is

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication #3 2010 56 The similarity trap Geurds and Van Broekhoven the rationale for avoiding the similarity pressions of meaning. Specifically pottery trap. If meaning is open-ended and in a has traditionally been approached as a cul- way ‘questionable’, that is, readings of turally de-contextualized object. Evidence meaning are contingent, then the diversity of this is found in studies throughout and apparent dissimilarities observed in circum-Caribbean region where, to varying Isthmo-Colombian material things are not degrees, pottery specimens have for dec- per se a sign of socio-political fragmenta- ades been analyzed in typological schemes tion or even a looming failure of the inter- (e.g., Rouse 1986); leaving aside for a mo- action sphere thesis. Rather, it indicates the ment whether any knowledge of the physi- presence of meaningful interpretation cal context is available to begin with or through what Alfred Gell refers to as ab- not. Style is often seen in these analyses as duction, the ‘hypothetical inference of a non-discursive, its role as a mediator of the non-semiotic kind’ (Gell 1998:14). material and immaterial in the social habi- It is likely that the identity of people in tus seldom emphasized (following the Greater-Caribbean was shaped by fre- Bourdieu 1977). For example, in past stud- quent and impacting forms of interaction. ies of decorated ceramics from the Conclé But rather than assume that this would be site in central Panama, one can reflect on ideally evidenced by expecting the adop- analyses that were (a) classificatory, and tion of encountered differences in material- fundamentally non-interpretative (e.g., ity leading to the adaptation or assimilation Lothrop 1942); (b) interpretative from a of one’s own, the real social tension is in self-reflexive standpoint (e.g., Linares the moments where knowledge of others 1977); and (c) semiotic studies aimed at did not lead to these similarities. Abduction understanding the symbolic codified nature of a sign’s meaning would then speak for of the decorations (e.g., Cooke 1998; resistance, made explicit through reifying Helms 1995, 2000, 2006). one’s own identity, say, through continued Given the rich variety in form, decora- production of a particular style of material tions, appendages and so forth that charac- culture. This conceptualization of interac- terizes a significant part of Central Ameri- tion may indeed have profound effects on can pottery, the interpretation of pottery the parties involved, but this is then not has tended to fetishize some of these indi- channeled through a resulting similarity, vidual aspects at the cost of viewing the pot but rather through the continued represen- as all of the above. It is essential to look at tation of existing differences whether in the social context of pottery: the practice of degree (signifier) or kind (signified). production, the practice of use, the practice The approaches to exchange and contact of discard etc. This focus toward practice in the Isthmo-Colombian area revolve to a would allow us to move away from the significant degree on stylistic comparabil- sticky equation of pots which are people’s ity in iconography. Old habits die hard in identities and shift the emphasis to the archaeology. This is true for many post- practices that constitute these subject iden- structuralist inspired orientations that still tities to begin with.7 Not only does this seem to reify the distinction between things bring the social more under scrutiny, but and ideas. Binford regarded ideas as analytically it will also allow us to better epiphenomenal in comparison to the real understand semiotic differences in the stuff; those at the other side of the spec- circum-Caribbean region instead of being trum view material forms as singular ex- forced to search for similarities.

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication #3 2010 57 The similarity trap Geurds and Van Broekhoven

Central Nicaraguan archaeology Misumalpan and Rama (Constenla 1991; An example from the archaeology of Newson 1987; Incer 1985, 1990; Van Central Nicaragua will illustrate the men- Broekhoven 2002). This linguistic diversity tioned social complexities of similarity and makes it likely that mother tongues may difference in relation to the local spaces of have differed from community to commu- this study (Figure 1). nity, not unlike parts of the Amazon Basin. Ethnohistorical and linguistic research It is here in this central Nicaraguan water- describes a less than straightforward situa- shed area where the problematic nature of tion in the area, and in fact stress cultural spatial distributions of culture manifests difference rather than similarity. The only itself,8 where it is viewed as the spatial clear division that can be made during the limit (referred to in terms of ‘break’, early colonial period is between the intru- ‘border’, ‘periphery’ or ‘frontier’ etc.). sive Nahuatl speakers on the Pacific side Central Nicaragua seemingly is a frag- and Misumalpan language family speakers mented region, to which past research into to the north, northeast. Linguistic maps of interactions and material culture has con- the watershed area project different and tributed. overlapping language realms of Nahuatl,

Figure 1. General map of Nicaragua and its mountainous watershed interior.

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication #3 2010 58 The similarity trap Geurds and Van Broekhoven

Archaeological findings indicate differ- gua, pervasive contact would have been ent cultural affiliations, both on different likely, however, synchronic distinctions sides of the watershed, but also changing can be observed in the material culture and through time. In general, artifact distribu- thus merely recognizing relations of inter- tions do not correlate to the language data action through similarities is at best a par- available for the sixteenth century. Richard tial analysis.9 Magnus’ surveys and test excavations yielded nineteen sites in the early 70s, both Central Nicaragua on the Caribbean coast (i.e., Bluefields, To address Magnus’ observations on Pearl Lagoon, Kukra Point and Italia) and questions of interaction in central Nicara- four years later in the Chontales highlands gua and to be able to insert them as part of (i.e., Cerna, Copelito and Sabana Grande) a much larger debate on the interpretative (Magnus 1974, 1975). His findings at the value of similarities in material culture, we coast established a ceramic sequence as briefly illustrate here the results of recent well as initial knowledge on subsistence archaeological activity on the western side patterns. An analysis of the material col- of the watershed. The Central Nicaragua lected during the subsequent Proyecto Ar- Archaeological Project aims at gaining a queológico de la Meseta Central in the general understanding of the pre- Chontales department of the watershed, Columbian settlement patterns and material was never published, with the exception of culture in a topographical cross-cut of the a later study of lithics found at Sabana central mountainous watershed area, char- Grande (Gerstle 1976). Magnus’ finds re- acterized by floodplains near Lake Nicara- lated ceramic types both on the coast as gua and foothills leading to increasingly well as in the eastern watershed, princi- mountainous terrain cut by several river pally for the Late Formative period (300 drainages, and ultimately the mountainous BC – AD 300). His interest for Central cordilleras overlooking the Caribbean Nicaragua lies in part in testing the hy- plains to the northeast. The project aims to pothesis of the regional line of develop- look specifically at spatio-temporal dynam- ment during the final pre-Columbian pe- ics along this presumed frontier of culture riod, for a particular decorative style, Luna areas, as such providing information on the Polychrome, which has been proposed to ways in which the local river valley land- originate on the Caribbean coast (Magnus scape was used and modified by indige- 1974:15). In his conclusions, Magnus of- nous settlers. To gain insights into mobility fers a remarkably clear perspective: “One of material culture and potential links to must ask why all of Lower Central Amer- and fro the eastern half of Nicaragua, the ica is not a zone of South American influ- principal drainage system on the western ence and Upper Central America a zone of side of the watershed, the Mayales River Mesoamerican influence, the two grading valley was investigated by means of a full- into each other gradually. […] The answer coverage field prospection (Geurds 2008). is quite simple: all other things are not The survey was conducted by walking in equal in Central America” (Magnus teams diagonally or perpendicular to the 1974:218). Despite the sins of the time of sloping angle of the terrain at intervals of to equating change with diffusion, the 25-40 meters, exploring and when needed overall argument is straightforward: In this recording cultural features on the surface. relatively localized area of central Nicara- The general topography of the terrain con-

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication #3 2010 59 The similarity trap Geurds and Van Broekhoven sisting of relatively flat areas used for agri- Libertad, approximately 25 kilometers cultural purposes, allowed maintaining the northeast. The majority of sites in the main systematic walking patterns. Where foot- survey area are habitational sites smaller hills began to slope at steep gradients, than 0.5 ha. In addition to these habita- probability walking along ridges and paths tional settlements, four hill top sites were was chosen. All surrounding hill tops, recorded. ridges and spurs were covered. With the Settlement behavior generally, but not exception of the immediate urban sur- exclusively, favors the low banks in close roundings of Juigalpa, we covered the sides proximity to river courses. Most habitation of the river with a width of at least 1 km on sites were recorded at distances of 1.5 kilo- both sides. On average we covered around meters or less from the river. Hilltops 3 km on a side depending on topography higher than 350 meters never showed any (Figure 2). traces of cultural use and were used here as Following the Mayales river valley a topographical limit of the survey area. southward, 38 pre-Columbian sites and 59 These preferences show up in other sectors findspots dating from AD 400 to 1521 of the watershed as well (Gorin 1990). were identified.10 Additionally, five sites Given the compact character of most multi- on the outskirts of Juigalpa were visited as component sites, spatially delimiting occu- well as a local museum collection in La pations of specific time periods proved im-

Figure 2. Surface surveying in progress near the Mayales river.

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication #3 2010 60 The similarity trap Geurds and Van Broekhoven possible. Furthermore, characteristics of ing up the cavities. Additional research into individual sites revealed moderate varia- the constructive nature of this monumental tion, the majority of sites lack mounded architecture is needed, but there does seem structures (32 of 38) and were most likely to be clear distinction between this area habitation sites, and a minority displays and the nearby Granada and Pacific coast extensive amounts of generally low beyond, where monumental mounds are mounds of unworked stone (6 of 38). The predominantly built of earth instead of the smallest of these six sites featured seven unworked stone observed here (see Lange low stone mounds and the largest over 200 et al. 1993, for similar observations). A re- (Figure 3). markable correlation appears to exist be- The mound architecture is often round tween the monumental sites and a scarcity and at times rectangular in shape and up to of materials on the surface (see, for exam- three meters high. The hilltop locations fa- ple Gorin 1990 and Lange et al. 1993:261). vored for these mound complexes often Our investigation remained inconclusive as forces arrangements of mounds along the to the reasons why this was so. Suffice it to linear axis of the hill. Mounds predomi- say that it does present a significant im- nantly consist of piled up loose stones, with pediment for the analysis of regional devel- remarkably little constructive material fill- opments when the monumental sites can

Figure 3. El Salto site, a monumental site featuring four mound platforms. Note the worked stele fragment fallen over in the foreground.

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication #3 2010 61 The similarity trap Geurds and Van Broekhoven only tentatively be assigned to a temporal Twenty-six ovaloid burials, many of phase of use. which in linearly arranged, were placed on The habitation sites are often found in a small embankment close to the Mayales open fields and consequently with distur- river. Individual burials are characterized bances, and exist in varying states of pres- by slight elevations on the surface ranging ervation, depending on agricultural activi- from 5 cm to about 25 cm which are cov- ties that may have contributed to leveling ered by rocks along the extremities. The of the contours of these low earthen top area of the burial seems to have typi- mounds. This made site size determinations cally been left uncovered by rocks. Exca- only approximate; in such cases we pre- vation contexts of similar cemeteries in ferred conservative estimates. Chontales have revealed secondary indirect Considering the relative richness of eth- burials in large urns (Gorin 1990:643-654). nohistoric as well as ethnographical data on The practice of locating this type of ceme- burials in Central America, nature and lo- tery away from communities is observed in cation of burials was of particular interest other locations of the Isthmo-Colombian to us, at least as far as they were marked on area, and though the meaning of this prac- the surface. Our findings indicate that buri- tice has been viewed differently, a domi- als were at least partially if not exclusively nant thought is that these locations served placed in clusters and away from nearby as communal areas, socially and spatially habitational areas. Site M3 is an excellent bonding the surrounding villages (McKee example of this (Figure 4). et al. 1994). In addition, cultural analogy

Figure 4. Site M3 featuring twenty-three linear aligned burials, marked on the surface.

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication #3 2010 62 The similarity trap Geurds and Van Broekhoven from later ethnographic data reflects simi- Collected surface materials12 lar practices. The Bribri in Costa Rica ar- A total of 722 ceramic sherds were col- gued their practice of burying the deceased lected from 17 sites, of which 169 (24%) at a distance from settlements so as to keep were classified following existing typolo- the living and the dead separated, thus fit- gies (Baudez 1967; Bonilla 1990; Gorin ting the settlement data we find in the Ma- 1990; Lange et al. 1992). The sequence yales river valley (Stone 1962). proposed by Gorin based on ceramic vari- Lastly, two sites with petroglyphs were ability (1990:658-670), is by and large con- registered, one on isolated basalt boulders sistent with the types from the Mayales without any habitation associated to it, and river valley. The diagnostics from the earli- a second extensive group of petroglyphs on est three periods in this sequence (Mayales one of the largest sites in the area (Figure I and II, Cuisalá, 500-200 BC / 200 BC – 5), San Isidro (referred to in Rigat 1992 AD 400 / AD 400-800) show significant and Lange et al. 1993:49-50 as Agua differences in form and decorative patterns Buena). How these latter petroglyphs, their when compared to materials in all known specific locations and depicted themes, re- surrounding areas. Some imports from the late to the site lay-out is unclear, as often is Pacific coast are present, but consistently the case with this type of feature.11 form a minor segment in the inventory. The following Potrero period (AD 800-1200)

Figure 5. Detail of zoomorphic petroglyph at Site M13 (Aguas Buenas).

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication #3 2010 63 The similarity trap Geurds and Van Broekhoven begins to demonstrate more ceramic types tribution is bounded almost to the individ- with a consistent presence on the Pacific ual community level, is mirrored by the coast, which Gorin concludes to be imports local ceramic distribution zones on the Pa- from that region. The concluding Monota cific coast (Lange et al. 1992:58-62) and Cuapa periods overlap in the sequence (Figure 6). (respectively AD 1200-1550 and AD 1400- 1600) and this is explained through assum- As Figure 6 shows, the western watershed, ing: “the arrival of a new population which represented by Zone 4, is analyzed as shar- does not merge with the residing ing minimal similarities to Zones 2 and 3, one” (ibid: 669, our translation). The west- which are located adjacent to Zone 4 on the ern side of the watershed was thus charac- northern edge of Lake Nicaragua. Overall terized by two coeval ceramic traditions thus, we find relatively little similarity in that lasted for at least a century. The con- ceramic form and decoration in a very re- clusion of Gorin that the ceramic style dis- duced spatio-temporal period. The lithics recovered represent a substantial part of the total inventory; the den- sity at some sites approached that of the ceramics, and allows for a few general observations. Andesite axes and porphyry bifaces represented the bulk of the specimens, with a small amount (< 0.8 per- cent) of obsidian blade fragments completing the sam- ple. Regional refer- ence material is based on the study of the lithic material from the Sabana Grande excavations by Richard Magnus (1975; subsequent analysis in Gerstle 1976) and the study by Dominique Rigat (1992). The richness in igneous rocks in Figure 6. Locations of Ceramic Zones in Central and Pacific Nicaragua (modified this volcanic area from Lange et al. 1993:59).

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication #3 2010 64 The similarity trap Geurds and Van Broekhoven leads to similar patterns in the types of means of introduced ceramic types. Subse- chert used in the lithic industry. The minor quently this development reverses, with role for obsidian, on the other hand, is ex- principally ceramics showing a stylistic plained by the absence of sufficiently large pattern distinct from that of neighboring nodules to exploit a substantial core-blade areas, a development we cannot adequately technology, and the subsequent emphasis explain at this time. Certainly seeing these in developing technical knowledge to proc- changes as being caused by: “Principally ess the chert into different types of bifaces men, warriors, whose women they [locally] (Lange et al. 1992:163-176). marry, would continue to make vessels ac- The existence of obsidian sources more cording to their traditions, with little or no to the northeast towards the mountains was change”, as suggested by Gorin (1990:668) mentioned several times by local guides, based on Samuel Lothrop’s orginal pro- but sources were not registered. Moreover, posal, does not seem like a particularly so- the existing Sabana Grande data analysis cially informed analysis anymore. by Gerstle does not indicate any presence It is fair to say that the Nicaraguan Wa- of significance for obsidian tools to be tershed, and Chontales specifically, are a found in future investigations. Even if ob- blank spot on the map in terms of settle- sidian cores would be traded into the Chon- ment patterns, diversity in site morphology tales area, the existing advanced techno- and intra-site characteristics. This is not to logical skills to work the locally abundant mention the total absence of any form of lithics would have made it unlikely for spe- household archaeology. What can our ini- cialists to switch to obsidian or even incor- tial investigation add to the analysis of lo- porate it in their workshop production. The cal processes of interaction, and what in data show that the procurement and use of turn can this reveal about the viability of lithic materials such as andesite and por- the macroregional Greater-Caribbean the- phyry, contrast to a minimal working of sis? obsidian cores into prismatic blades, First, our data point to a rather consistent whereas the latter material abounds in the dispersal of communities across the foothill northwestern extremity of Nicaragua or landscape of Western Chontales. We see southern Honduras and El Salvador. this lack of nucleation of villages throughout the pre-Columbian sequence as a strong Community relations indicator for networks of contact across the Based on the preceding general analysis, landscape. Although the precise nature of complemented by data from past surveys these inter-community relations in the area along neighboring watercourses (Espinosa cannot be precisely evidenced at this time, and Rigat 1994; Gorin 1990; Rigat 1992), one can speculate that a likely scenario the archaeology in this geographical fron- would have been social ties through mar- tier region indicates relative stability in the riage. Relationships were established material culture until AD 400, after which through intermarriage, kinship ties, and the first significant cultural developments exchange. These all are likely candidates take place. Marked by exchange relation- and the short distances between communi- ships to the Pacific coast that shift in inten- ties, would strongly argue for these link- sity through time, the material culture in ages. Moreover, aside from a small per- the Chontales region begins to show influ- centage of significantly larger settlements, ence from the western Pacific coast by the strikingly small size of the bulk of these

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication #3 2010 65 The similarity trap Geurds and Van Broekhoven communities (we would estimate no more did not result in comparable material cul- than 50 occupants in these individual loca- ture. tions), would have needed to establish and The archaeology of Central Nicaragua maintain marriage alliances with members presents significant potential for under- of different communities to support the standing regional dynamics beyond the Pa- small number of inhabitants in these indi- cific coast and toward the potential interac- vidual villages. This thus would speak to a tion with the Eastern part of Nicaragua and closer knit network of interaction than the the Caribbean coast and beyond. Obviously dispersed pattern perhaps initially might controlled excavation and more extensive indicate. surveying are needed in order to further Second, the exchange of objects would address interaction on a regional or even also be an anticipated pattern in the ar- macro regional scale. chaeological record, considering the role it is deemed to play in building and maintain- Discussion ing these intercommunity relationships. Past syntheses concerned with the ar- Yet this does not seem to be the case. The chaeology of Central America were de- ceramic inventory of the Chontales region fined largely by structuring data into ho- vis-à-vis directly neighboring regions, such mogenous types, i.e., the identification of as the Granada area between the two lakes, complexes of stylistic similarities indicat- and the Rivas area on the other side of ing regular interaction across this vast geo- Lake Nicaragua, is distinctly different. The graphical area. As our research in Nicara- same can be concluded for the lithic assem- gua indicates however, a great deal of vari- blage. The paradox is that these differences ability in social, political, and economic persist in a landscape in which distances organization is noticeable on the local are never more than one days walking dis- level. Much of this observed variability tance. This makes contact and knowledge appears to be related to basic differences in of others an arguable scenario. All the indi- adaptive strategies and spatial organization, cations are that the individual village and and can be seen as characteristic for deal- the landscape of the western watershed in ing with the mosaic pattern of environ- which it was located, would have been a mental diversity that characterizes Central space of contact and exchange. The simi- America. Against these kinds of social and larity trap, however, argues primarily for economical backgrounds, contrasts in ma- contact through similarity, reversing the terial culture can arise, but what kind of burden of evidence in cases of morphologi- dynamics are at play between them is one cal and stylistic differences in material cul- of the questions that certainly still needs to ture. Looking at the comparability of the be addressed more profoundly. What the material culture complexes though, pre- localized archaeological example from sents only a partial picture and most likely Central Nicaragua has shown, is that on the an erroneous one at that. What our findings inter-community level, where interaction in Central Nicaragua indicate, combined and the mobility of people would have with the outcome of previous investiga- been the rule rather than the exception, dif- tions in neighboring regions, is that the es- ferences in settlement pattern and structural tablishing and maintaining of interaction dissimilarity in the material culture can still on the community and inter-community be seen. These differences are so stark as to regional level, appears to have been a nec- warrant the earlier mentioned denomina- essary and common practice, but that this tions of ‘frontier’, ‘periphery’ and so forth.

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The literature on the archaeology of We argue that this change is not to be Lower Central America is practically de- recognized as difference and thereby as fined by definitions of self, that is, consid- lack of interaction. We can briefly address erable attention has been given to exploring this through two arguments. Firstly, the what historically united it, and how it dif- oral tradition, as invoked by Hoopes and fered from Mesoamerica and the Andean others (Bray 2003; Helms 2000; Hoopes regions (Sheets 1992). Remarkably similar 2004) in ongoing discussions on princi- observations can be made for the insular pally Costa Rican, Panamanian and Colom- Caribbean region. The Greater-Caribbean bian material culture, is adaptive over time thesis goes beyond this and we this edited and when we assume a relation between volume represents a further and significant this orality and a visual expression thereof, next step in this teleology of territory. In we should not be discouraged by the seem- previously proposed definitions, analyses ingly overwhelming diachronic and as well of the visual, iconographic aspects of mate- as synchronic plurality in iconography but rial culture in the Isthmo-Colombian area in fact encouraged by it. Following have taken center stage searching for a pro- Hoopes, we can say that the semiotic read- found form of sameness; the “the essential ings of this iconography will indeed also unity of the esthetic products” as Lothrop change (Hoopes 2005:143). Secondly, re- referred to it more than 80 years ago as gional or inter-regional synchronic diver- (Lothrop 1926:105). This notion of essen- sity in iconographic expression is also not tialism in Isthmo-Colombian art is still ech- as problematic as perhaps traditionally per- oed today as reconsiderations of universal- ceived in studies in sub-regions of the ism have tentatively resurfaced (Helms Greater-Caribbean. The evidencing of in- 2006). Anthropology has by now exten- teraction and contact through analysis of a sively critiqued this form of categorizing of symbolic system, as is the case from exam- material culture. The implicit assumptions ple in Hoopes’ ‘diffuse unity’ concept, in these essentialist studies regard cultures need not solely take place through the es- as isolated, the emphasis is on the collec- tablishment of links through similarity. tive instead of on individuality and the re- When comparing localized predominance lation between time and material expres- of one form of iconic expression, as op- sion is largely excluded in studies of this posed to another in a neighboring region, universalist kind (e.g., Fabian 1983).13 the implicit supposition is that the producer Therefore, instead of searching for similari- or consumer of expression A would be un- ties in semiotic expressions of Isthmo- able to interpretatively bridge to under- Colombian material things, we propose to stand expression B, thus leading to a pessi- consider these objects (whether painted mistic conclusion regarding potential inter- ceramics, sculpted stone or jadeite) as cata- action. This however disregards all social lysts of social activities. The identities cre- embeddedness that this ‘strange encounter’ ated depended on particular contexts and would have accompanied. It is to be ex- should thus not solely be judged on equa- pected that transmission of meaning would tions of stylistic similarity. The interpreta- have resolved many of these problems, tions given to these objects did not neces- opening up a radically different view on sarily favor and certainly not exclude dif- the recognition of interaction in the ar- ference. chaeological record.

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Conclusion broad spatio-temporal analyses on the basis In light of the foregoing, the Greater- of local contextualized projects. Caribbean thesis of this issue may in fact The reflections on discussions of Central seem oddly out of place for Central Amer- American data sets, and certainly the find- ica. Weren’t we just moving toward reval- ings presented for Central Nicaragua, only orizing this latter geographical area in represent a fraction of the Greater- terms of its proper cultural significance, Caribbean area. This surely requires further and changing the long-standing negative testing and comparison to other regions. comparative perspective, voiced famously Whilst the currently available data may still through Michael Coe’s view that: “The In- be too limited to properly tackle some of termediate Area itself, remained a cul-de- the mentioned issues, our present findings sac open at both ends, within which civili- may be used to problematize research sub- zation never appeared” (Coe 1962:181). jects relevant to the Greater-Caribbean the- This in reaction to a generally felt senti- sis. We recognize here that “the generalist ment of an ‘Intermediate Area’ that is be- is always in danger of being criticized by twixt and between the Mesoamerican and the specialist because of the exceptions to the Andean regions, as Robert Drennan the rule” as Jeffrey Quilter recently put it (1996) analyzed it not too long ago. How (Quilter and Miller 2006:10), but at the can these two seemingly conflicting views same time we acknowledge the irony that be meaningfully united in a research hy- criticism is indeed also what brings re- pothesis such as the Greater-Caribbean searchers together. area? In the majority of the sub-regions of the In their introduction to this issue, Hof- pan-Caribbean it has become increasingly man and Bright optimistically signal stud- apparent that the analysis of social interac- ies that show indications of contact be- tion, be it mobility of material or immate- tween various areas around the Caribbean rial things, must include, as an integral Sea, but at the same time warn that “the part, an appreciation of localized processes available information is too fragmentary to of development at the level of technology, unravel the intricacies of human mobility, material procurement and semiotic patterns regional communication networks and the before the regional system can be eluci- mechanisms behind them. Furthermore, the dated. In this regard, Hofman et al. (this articulation of engagements between socie- volume) convincingly argue for the neces- ties of different socio-political complexity sity to move away from non-explanatory and the role played by the sharing of ideas understandings of exchange of material in the realm of cosmovision in the wider culture as somehow resulting from migra- region through time remain to be eluci- tory movements as argued in the past dated” (Hofman and Bright 2008). Our (Rouse 1986), and instead adjust the ana- sense is that their description of potential lytical lens to focus on the movement of for cross-regional study in a field where the material things, however thereby not deper- specificity of the data sets at times still sonalizing the process. This indeed seems a leaves to be desired, is probably a good more fruitful way to generate insights in judgment on the current situation. To be the ambitiously vast area under scrutiny for sure, lamenting the fragmented nature of this symposium and is in tune with current the archaeological field is a commonplace, evolutionist convictions from linguistic and and should not discourage from seeking genetic research, both of which favor a sce-

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication #3 2010 68 The similarity trap Geurds and Van Broekhoven nario of relatively little population move- where exchange processes are studied for ment, at least for the Isthmo-Colombian singular time periods. It is a truism that the area (Constenla 1991; Barrantes et al. culture area concept is a much castigated 1990). product of our discipline. But contemplat- The emphasis on discrete data sets, ing the Greater-Caribbean requires this which is an integral tenet in any archaeo- type of generalization, and as long as the logical project and certainly for investigat- theoretical emphasis is on constructing it ing the Greater-Caribbean, will inevitably and not on ‘finding’ it there is little theo- entail the de-emphasizing of others. Once retical concern needed. Therefore we the material mobility analyses are begin- should not look with too much comparative ning to show patterns, the questions as to concern to Mesoamerica (cf. Hoopes and how this is to be understood must also be Fonseca 2003); Mesoamerican scholars posed. What does the sharing of icono- overwhelmingly use the culture area as graphic themes mean? To paraphrase Mary heuristic shorthand, and it is never intro- Helms (2006), are we firm on why the duced to serve as the ultimate base to homological comparison of differences in which material things can be reduced. In similarity, takes precedence over the ana- this regard we can follow Clifford’s opin- logical comparison of similarities in differ- ion for whom culture is “a deeply compro- ence? Does this sharing, from the archae- mised idea I cannot yet do with- ologists’ perspective, confirm some form out” (1988:10). A Greater-Caribbean per- of closer ties between two communities or spective can continue to utilize proven suc- groups? How will we address the question cessful subheadings of culture area studies, of meaning in these objects? Certainly one such as social organization and ecological of the principal social questions to be in- settings. When combined with studies of vestigated should be how these moving ob- materiality of the objects we encounter, a jects were perceived and valued, and study of meaning construction in space and thereby not stopping at equating semiotic material culture emerges that will shed similarity with understanding, and dissimi- light on how different peoples in the larity with strangeness. Our goal here was Greater-Caribbean represented themselves to provide archaeologists with a tool in the through objects in social interactions. project of answering some of these questions and advancing our understanding of Acknowledgements uniformity and difference of spatially The following institutions and individu- widespread iconographic expressions in the als are gratefully acknowledged for their Greater-Caribbean. contributions to this research: the Nicara- In sum, we see the evidence of interac- guan Institute of Culture, the Archaeologi- tion not as an end in itself. The goals cal Museum Gregorio Aguilar Barea in should not be to establish outmoded trait- Juigalpa, Jorge Zambrana, Carlos and lists that would prohibit a diachronic per- Gustavo Villanueva as well as their family. spective. Rather, the Greater-Caribbean A Leiden University Fund Research Grant thesis is best understood as a spatial model enabled the 2007 field season. We thank perhaps most resembling that of the old Carla Jones and Arthur Joyce for fruitful favorite interaction sphere (e.g., Abdel- discussions on material culture. Vidor 1981; Freidel 1979). This model allows for thinking about a geographic area

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1. Regarding the latter category it is problematic to worst case by means of technical reports leading merely involve designs and other morphological phantom lives at local institutions in Nicaragua. characteristics as the only aspects of material cul- 5. This is not to mention the Northwestern and ture that are able to inform the archaeologist. Tech- Northern parts of Nicaragua, which are largely left nological features are similarly culturally specific, out of the regional boundary discussions. The great and technological pottery studies have neglected majority of the area is still lacking extensive re- this finding in favor of viewing the procurement and gional and site-specific investigation to establish manufacturing of ceramics a ‘technique’, seemingly ceramic sequences, or minimally gain insights into devoid of cultural value, and determined by envi- the characteristics of local material culture. ronmental constraints and functional requirements. 6. In this setting, diffuse unity is rather comparable This critique has been voiced for other regions (Van to the concept of ‘common difference’ proposed by der Leeuw 1991), and we propose to follow it for Richard Wilk (2004). Common difference describes the Greater-Caribbean. practices that delimit the expressions of an icono- 2. The Pacific side of Nicaragua has seen many graphic style through agreed upon standards and relations being drawn between archaeological se- rules. As such, it also echoes Hoopes and Fonseca’s quencing and ethnohistorical accounts. The specific concern with power, in asking who the agents are data by itself as well as how these sources can be that steer these systems of common difference. fitted together, has been the focus of some interest 7. As mentioned, particular care should be adminis- in the recent past (e.g., Fowler 1989). These tered in equating style – that is, the way and form in sources, speaking of two primary migrations of eth- which material culture is made and decorated- with nic groups, the Chorotega around the 8th century ethnic identity. Although style has been an attrac- AD and the Nicarao around the 12th century AD, tive signifier for archaeological interpretations of have frequently been regarded as being related to interaction on a regional scale for many decades changes in the ceramic sequence (Coe 1962; Healy (Plog 1983), a clear definition of what constitute the 1980, but see Baudez 1976 for a differing analysis). extremities of such interaction is often lacking. Recent advances in verifying the sequence through 8. The statuary of the central Nicaraguan watershed C14 dating, have problematized this correlation of receives similarly ambiguous interpretations as to ethnohistoric mention of social groups and decora- their form. Samuel Lothrop in the synthesis on the tive patterns (McCafferty and Steinbrenner 2005). archaeology of Central America for the Handbook 3. In terms of geographical diversity, Central Amer- of Middle American Indians, points to the slight ica demonstrates considerable variability. Whereas “South-American” bas-relief style carvings, but also it is marked by volcanic activity on the Pacific lat- emphasizes the presence of animal companions on eral side, the regions beyond the mountainous area this statuary as being indicative of Mesoamerican of the central watershed area, and outlining the Car- traits (Lothrop 1966). ibbean coast are largely flat, and humid, defined by 9. Magnus ascertains that Luna Polychrome does dendritic systems of rivers that cross-cut these flats not originate on the Caribbean side of Nicaragua before discharging into the Caribbean Sea. The ter- (judging by the fact that he does not recover ceram- ritory of Nicaragua is no exception to this; topog- ics of the Luna type), but many other problems re- raphic and climatic diversity seems the rule rather main unresolved to this day: The Preceramic is un- than the exception and this makes archaeological known for the Caribbean side; on subsistence pat- reflections on a geographical unit of this kind par- terns we only have scanty data, and burial practices ticularly challenging. await detailed study. 4. Other than the journals Vínculos and Ancient 10. Findspots were designated as such, based on Mesoamerica, publications reporting on archaeo- low quantities of surface materials (< 10 artifact logical research in Nicaragua are extremely rare in fragments per square meter). any of the major journals. For example, American 11. Several of the petroglyph complexes at San Antiquity’s most recent article is a one-page report Isidro appear to have suffered extensive damaging by Matthew Stirling dating back 44 years (Stirling in recent years due to looting activities. Looters 1964:500-501). Now in its 19th volume, Latin have apparently intended to remove, to varying lev- American Antiquity is still looking for its first con- els of success, the upper layers of the protruding tribution from archaeology conducted in Nicaragua. bedrock, destroying the petroglyph when they failed Partly as a consequence of this, a significant part of in their attempts. published data consists of grey literature, at best in 12. Materials collected at sites were selected based the form of circulating conference papers, and in the on potential diagnostic features; representative sam-

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication #3 2010 70 The similarity trap Geurds and Van Broekhoven ple collections were not established due to the low Costa Rica. Travaux et mémoires densities that were many times encountered at sites. 18. Paris: L’Institut des Hautes Étu- The still insufficient grip on site lay-out characteristics in the region and therefore population size, may des de l’Amérique Latine. well be an important factor in this matter. The re- Boast, R. covered materials, analyzed by Geurds and Zam- 1997 A small company of actors: a cri- brana are stored at the Museo Gregorio Aguilar tique of style. Journal of Material Barea in Juigalpa. Apart from ceramics and lithics, Culture 2: 173-198. surface collections yielded some evidence of typical household appliances, such as corn grindings Bonilla L., M. Calvo, J. V. Guerrero, S. stones, but by and large the quantities are rather Salgado and F. W. Lange limited. 1990 La Cerámica de la Gran Nicoya. 13. Calls of this kind, for more attention to time Vínculos 13(1–2): 1–327. related issues such as development and scales of Boomert, A. change, should be particularly well received by archaeology, considering its needed grasp on the tem- 2000 Trinidad, Tobago and the lower poral, as recently has been argued once more (Lucas Orinoco interaction sphere: an ar- 2005). chaeological / ethnohistorical study. Ph.D. dissertation, Faculty of Archaeology, Leiden University. References cited Alkmaar: Cairi. Abdel-Vidor, S. Bourdieu, P. 1981 Ethnohistorical approaches to the 1977 Outline of a theory of practice. archaeology of Greater Nicoya. In Cambridge: Cambridge University Between Continents / Between seas: Press. Pre-Columbian art of Costa Rica, Bray, W. edited by E. Benson, pp. 85-92. 2003 Gold, stone, and ideology: symbols New York: Harry Abrams. of power in the Tairona tradition of Barrantes, R., P. Smouse, H. Mohren- Northern Colombia. In Gold and weiser, H. Gershowitz, J. Azofeifa, T. power in ancient Costa Rica, Pa- Arias and J. Neel nama, and Colombia, edited by J. 1990 Microevolution in lower Central Quilter and J. Hoopes, pp. 301-344. America: Genetic characterization Washington D.C.: Dumbarton of the Chibcha speaking groups of Oaks. Costa Rica and Panama, and a tax- Carmack, R.M., and S. Salgado Gonzalez onomy based on genetics, linguis- 2006 A world systems perspective on the tics, and geography. American archaeology and ethnohistory of the Journal of Human Genetics 46: 63– Mesoamerican/Lower Central 84. American border. Ancient Meso- Barth, R. america 17(2): 219-229. 1972 [1957] Mythologies. Translated Clifford, J. by A. Lavers. London: Paladin. 1988 The predicament of culture. Twenti- Baudez, C. F. eth-century ethnography, literature 1970 Amérique Centrale. Collections Ar- and art. Cambridge: Harvard chaeologia Mundi. Geneva: Nagel University Press. editions. 1976 Recherches archéologiques dans la vallée de Tempisque, Guanacaste,

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