Robert Southey: Poetical Works 1793-1810; Thalaba the Destroyer

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THE PICKERING MASTERS

Robert Southey: Poetical Works 1793–1810

General Editor: Lynda Pratt Southey 3-prelim.fm Page ii Wednesday, March 31, 2004 3:21 PM

Robert Southey: Poetical Works 1793–1810

Volume 1: Joan of Arc, ed. Lynda Pratt Volume 2: Madoc, ed. Lynda Pratt Volume 3: Thalaba the Destroyer, ed. Tim Fulford Volume 4: The Curse of Kehama, ed. Daniel Sanjiv Roberts Volume 5: Selected Shorter Poems c. 1793–1810, ed. Lynda Pratt Southey 3-prelim.fm Page iii Wednesday, March 31, 2004 3:21 PM

Robert Southey: Poetical Works 1793–1810

General Editor: Lynda Pratt

Volume 3 Thalaba the Destroyer

Edited by Tim Fulford

with the assistance of Daniel E. White and Carol Bolton Southey 3-prelim.fm Page iv Wednesday, March 31, 2004 3:21 PM

First published 2004 by Pickering & Chatto (Publishers) Limited

Published 2016 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

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BRITISH LIBRARY CATALOGUING IN PUBLICATION DATA Southey, Robert, 1774–1843 Robert Southey : poetical works 1793–1810. – (The Pickering masters) 1. Southey, Robert, 1774–1843 – Criticism and interpretation I. Title II. Pratt, Lynda III. Fulford, Tim IV. Roberts, Daniel 821.7

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA Southey, Robert, 1774–1843. [Poems. Selections] Robert Southey : poetical works, 1793–1810. p. cm. – (The Pickering masters) Includes bibliographical references and index.

I. Title: Poetical works, 1793–1810. II. Pratt, Lynda, 1964– III. Fulford, Tim, 1962– IV. Roberts, Daniel Sanjiv. V. Title. VI. Series. PR5462 2004 821'. 7–dc22 2004000292

ISBN-13: 978-1-85196-731-5 (set)

Typeset by P&C Southey 3-prelim.fm Page v Wednesday, March 31, 2004 3:21 PM

CONTENTS

Acknowledgements vi Introduction vii Extant Manuscripts of Thalaba xxxii Thalaba the Destroyer 1801 1 Southey’s Preface 3 Book I 5 Book II 26 Book III 38 Book IV 55 Book V 74 Book VI 90 Book VII 103 Book VIII 116 Book IX 129 Book X 147 Book XI 162 Book XII 178 Southey’s Notes 193 MSS Drafts of Thalaba 301 Editor’s Notes 331 Appendix: Works Cited in Thalaba 353

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I am most grateful to the following for sharing their expertise with me: Mohsen Ashtiany, Ian Balfour, Anthony Bowen, Gavin Budge, Luisa Cale, David Chandler, Eddie Christie, Nora Crook, Robert R. Daniel, William Flesch, Michael J. Franklin, Bruce Graver, Michael Hanly, Paul Jarman, Peter J. Kitson, Parvin Loloi, Ian MacKenzie, Peter Manning, S. J. Mason, Tilar Mazzeo, Elizabeth Miller, Morton D. Paley, Diego Saglia, Willard Spiegelman, Lisa Vargo, Daniel White, Susan Wolfson, Steven Willett, Anne Williams. To Lynda Pratt, Carol Bolton and Daniel White my deep thanks for their intuition, perseverance and dedication.

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INTRODUCTION

Origins: A Male Joan Of Arc

Writing to his friend William Taylor in 1805, Southey made a comment that reveals much about the origin of the poem that would, in 1801, be published as Thalaba the Destroyer. ‘There is’, he wrote, ‘that moral mannerism which you have detected; Thalaba is a male Joan of Arc’ (Robberds, Vol. II, p. 82). The young poet who had published Joan of Arc (1796) had incautiously displayed, in its Preface, his belief that the ancient genre of the epic was passé and that he was destined to replace it with a new kind of long poem. Joan, the result, would reform the epic by incorporating more varied forms of metre, new subject-matter and a topical hero, a female hero derived from modern history, a hero, moreover, from Britain’s enemy in war, France. The hostile reaction that Joan received from readers who disliked its preten- sions and detested its politics did not deter Southey from again so explicitly attacking an ancient genre, though he was more careful how he allegorised contemporary politics. And he did not abandon his central interest, revealed throughout Joan and, indeed, in the medieval Welsh ‘epic’ that followed it, Madoc, in a military leader whose moral authority stems from his or her unswerving conviction that he acts out the will of an austere God. It was this interest that he developed, in an Islamic context, in Thalaba. Like Joan, the young hero sacrifices himself, believing it his divinely-appointed mission to destroy the idolatrous enemies of his religion. Unlike Joan, however, the youth is Eastern, an Arabian Muslim; his opponents, moreover, are not his fellow reli- gionists as were hers, nor are they even mortal. They are a crew of sorcerers and witches. Southey, in other words, had shifted the stage of his moral drama from Europe, with Europe’s relevance to contemporary Anglo-French enmity, to medieval Arabia. He had displaced the concerns of his French revolutionary years eastwards: Thalaba is the destination of his poetic journey from historical realism to Oriental romance. Like the Arabian Nights, Southey’s poem is romantic in the eighteenth-century sense that it dramatizes a world in which the evidence of our senses is constantly superseded, a world where the supernatural intervenes in the natural as a matter of course. And yet it is markedly different in tone from the Arabian Nights: Southey’s Arabia is not only romantic, it is also a strange blend of the spectacularly fictional with the factual – a mythological world as seen by

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someone who believes in that myth. As Taylor put it in a letter to Southey of September 1798, ‘it remained for you to assert a claim to a certain wildness of fancy – to what shall I call it? – to mythological imagination’ (Robberds, Vol. I, p. 227). Southey’s ‘mythological imagination’ presented as a total reality, as a matter of fact to which there is no alternative, the world as seen by superstitious eyes. The sorcerers and witches are apparently real: their ability to overcome time and space is taken for granted. Milton and Spenser had treated supernatural characters with realism in their great epics, of course, but they had done so in the framework of classical mythology and Christian scripture. Southey, radically, asked readers to take the same degree of moral interest in the spells and charms of Oriental stories as they were used to taking in Satan and Abdiel. And to further dismay traditionalist readers, Southey’s hero, whom they were supposed to admire because he destroyed superstition and idolatry, did so in the cause of a religion they were used to regarding as the enemy of Christianity – Islam. To his critics this was not only new but wrong, an aesthetic and moral error because it turned the world of the epic poem into the world as seen through the superstitious eyes of Orientals, a world then purged by a hero from an erroneous faith. As a radical opposed to the influence on society of established churches (both Anglican and, when he lived in Portugal, Catholic), Southey saw superstition as a product of the ignorance in which the self-serving clergy kept the people. He condemned it. But as a poet he was obsessed by investigating its power and portraying its effects. In Joan and Madoc he depicted its deleterious social effects in keeping the people in willing thrall to their priests. In Thalaba, he condemned superstition yet simultaneously made his story depend on readers believing in the supernatural power of sorcerers and demons. Unlike the Arabian Nights, but like Joan, Thalaba’s form, diction and metre insist, despite the explicit condemna- tions Southey included, on the moral gravity of the tale’s supernatural events and on its seriousness as a high cultural form. The result is an odd, and often uneasy, hybrid, a moralising epic in the dress of a romantic entertainment. Joan was one origin of the poem. What pushed Southey eastwards to his Ara- bian subject-matter, however, was his admiration of several recent Orientalist works in which conflict between good and evil took supernatural form. In the background was William Beckford’s Va t h e k , the 1786 Gothic tale in which the Arabian hero journeys down into the underworld caverns of Eblis to meet, as Thalaba does, his death. Southey took Beckford as his model, writing to Taylor that ‘the poem compares more fairly with Va t h e k than with any existing work, and I think may stand by its side for invention’ (Robberds, Vol. I, p. 371). This comment suggests that Southey valued Beckford’s Oriental tale for the variety of new motifs it contained, and it is certainly true that Thalaba matches it in grue- some Gothic details, often derived, like Beckford’s, from the author’s research into the folk customs of Eastern Europe and the Orient. Many of these customs are described in the copious notes that Southey affixed to his text, in conscious emulation of the notes appended to Va t h e k by Henley. Thalaba became, as a result, the first of a new, Romantic, genre, an updated Oriental tale, now in verse

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Introduction

and with a weighty apparatus of factual footnotes to convince the reader of its historical veracity. Queen Mab (1813) and Lalla Rookh (1817) were to follow suit. Southey departed from Beckford in one respect. His hero, the male Joan, remained untempted by evil. Southey had no interest in portraying the corrupt- ing allure of evil, or in depicting the area in which moral opposites blur into ambiguity, guilt, and complicity. For this reason he was a less true successor to Beckford than was Byron, although Byron could not have written his Oriental romances without the example of Thalaba to imitate and depart from. Southey was, however, a worthy developer of a poet who later became his friend, Walter Savage Landor. It was Landor’s 1796 poem Gebir that impressed Southey, not least because it resembled his own Madoc and thereby reassured him that his own innovations were part of a new radical wave. Landor’s eponymous hero, like Madoc, comes from a corrupt, hierarchical old world – an Iberia that Southey 1 was not alone in reading as an allegory of Wiliam Pitt’s repressive Britain. Frus- trated at home, Gebir sails not west, as Madoc does, but east, invading an Egypt that displays many of the features Southey went on to make characteristic of the Orient in Thalaba. These include a tyrannical court that relies on witchcraft to maintain its power. Landor’s witch Myrthyr clearly inspired Southey’s demon Khawla: both reveal the poets’ like of Gothic imagery and dislike of powerful women. The two demonic females act as synedoches of a despotic Orient domi- nated by deceit. Indeed, their association with bodily corruption – the rotting flesh they procure for their spells – figures the corruption of the state (and other similar states by implication). Southey would later view the body of the self- styled prophetess Joanna Southcott, swollen by her phantom pregnancy with Shiloh, the returning saviour, as a sign of the decay of the British body politic. His misogynistic Orient prepared him for such statements, and was itself derived from Landor’s portrayal of the evil of feminised government. It was not just its witch that made Gebir a seminal text in the genesis of Thal- aba. Southey mined Landor’s work for motifs, including a journey to the underworld to encounter the confined spirits of former rulers, a meeting amid the broken buildings of a ruined city, a pastoral love affair with a lowly peasant girl and the death of one of the protagonists at their own wedding. Above all, Southey took Landor’s potent blend of Miltonic Latinisms and Gothic images as licence to combine his own predeliction for these traits in an Eastern setting that was clearly an allegory of politics and religion at home. It helped that Landor had attained what Southey desired for himself – the vatic role of a poet who fig- ured forth the state of the nations and predicted their future. No sooner had Landor published Gebir than it seemed to come true, as Napoleon invaded Egypt, seemingly the very Corsican liberator that the poet had foreseen. In Southey’s eyes, Landor had indeed renewed the Miltonic epic for a new age; he read Gebir again and again as he composed Thalaba, praised it highly in The Crit- ical Review and told Joseph Cottle that it contained ‘some of most exquisite poetry in the language’ (L&C, Vol. II, p. 24).

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If it was Beckford and Landor who persuaded Southey of the contemporary power of the narrative of the East, it was an older-style Oriental tale that gave him the idea he would work out in his plot. As he himself recorded in his Pref- ace, he came upon a continuation of the Arabian Nights stories (La Suite des Mille et Une Nuits, Contes Arabes, translated into English by Robert Heron as Arabian Tales, or, A Continuation of the Arabian Nights Entertainments (1792)). In this collection of Oriental tales, he found the scenario of the Dom Daniel cavern, in which dwelt the evil sorcerer Maugraby, chief of a ‘school of magic whose rul- 2 ers tyrannize over all the wicked spirits that desolate the earth’. This became the basis for Thalaba, – as is revealed by the fact that Southey titled his work-in- progress ‘the Dom Daniel’ until late October 1799, when the first five books were already complete. As was the case with Va t h e k , it was the orientalisation of the Miltonic plot that attracted him. In the tale of the Dom Daniel he saw a way in which the ancient conflict of evil with good could be rewritten with a dramatis personae that had about it, on the one hand, the sublimity that stems from importance in a mythological tradition (albeit an Oriental one) and on the other (at least for Western readers), novelty. Milton had his hell and Satan; Southey his Dom Daniel and Mohareb. Milton, of course, had the advantage that his readers were steeped in the biblical narrative, and believed it true. Southey’s knew little of the Dom Daniel, and believed less – but he hoped to educate them. His hopes were naïve. An epic romance depends on a degree of familiarity and acceptance of its materials. It is no place for giving a basic course in complicated foreign traditions. Worse still, the tale of Maugraby was not genuinely Oriental, for the La Suite des Mille et Une Nuits was a French faux-Arabian collection. Speaking no eastern language, knowing no Orientalist scholars, Southey developed Thalaba as an imitation of ‘Oriental’ tales that were already imitations made in Europe. His poem, that is to say, grew from western fantasies about the East and had at its root the desire to use the Orient as an exotic other – a stage on which the dilemmas produced in the west could be played out. As if in acknowledgement that his sources were European fictions, Southey, as he began writing the verse that became Thalaba, commenced collecting factual prose about the East. In other words, he had no pre-existing deep learning about the Orient (either about its societies or its religions) but undertook a crash course, even as he composed the poem, in an effort to give himself both plot materials and local colour. In September 1799 he was ‘gutting’ Exeter libraries for books; he also read renaissance texts in Hereford cathedral and had friends send him (western) commentaries on the Koran as he travelled around the West Country. This course of reading emerged, as Southey always meant it to, as notes to the published poem, allowing readers to undertake a shortened version of the course Southey himself had sat and assuring them that the fanciful events of the verse had a basis in factual prose (or, conversely, that if the events were too fanciful this was because Orientals shared a credulity that he, and the sober western commentators he quoted, did not). In this latter case, Southey’s notes tended to undermine faith in his story, producing a tension that has puzzled readers ever

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Introduction

since. It is, however, a genuine tension, an ambivalence stemming from Southey’s own uneasy mixture of admiration and distaste for the supernatural narratives he assiduously incorporated. Tension also stemmed from Southey’s own tacit participation in a newer European interest in the East than that which made the Arabian Nights Tales and their imitations so fashionable. This newer interest was bound up with the expansion of European colonialism: as Britain acquired more territory in India it began to collect and classify information about the history and beliefs of the people it governed, both in order to govern them more efficiently and because many of the governors developed a profound curiosity about the culture they ruled. None more so than Sir William ‘Persian’ Jones, whose learned commentaries on middle eastern poetry Southey cited as sources both for the imagery of his poem 3 and for its treatment of history. Citing other contemporary scholars on the region, Southey deliberately placed his poem as an example of the modern enquiry into the East – an enquiry frequently born of admiration but nevertheless one instituted in the wake of empire. The French attempted a still more systematic enquiry in the wake of Napo- leon’s invasion of Egypt and while most of the vast trawl of facts and artefacts that the savants brought back to Europe arrived too late for Thalaba, Southey was able to rely on the same texts that informed the savants’ enquiries. One of these was Constantin Volney’s Les Ruines (1791), which Southey quoted exten- sively in his notes. Volney’s text combined his firsthand impressions of the ruins and the customs he witnessed in Syria and Egypt with a Rousseauvian argument that organised religion assisted tyrannical monarchs in subduing the people. In the remains of ancient civilisations, Volney saw the traces of self-aggrandisement and imposition by kings and priests. The East, that is to say, taught the West an anti-clerical republican lesson, revealing, in its broken statues, the monstrosity and futility of despotism. Southey was to take exactly this attitude in Book I of the poem: Here, frequent in the walks The marble statue stood Of heroes and of chiefs, The trees and flowers remain By nature’s care perpetuate and self-sown. The marble statues long have lost all trace Of heroes and of chiefs, Huge shapeless stones they lie O’er-grown with many a flower. (ll. 270–8) Southey’s description, in turn, prompted Shelley’s ‘Ozymandias’. Thalaba did not only originate in Southey’s ambivalent response to aspects of eighteenth-century Orientalism. His eastern poem owed much to his continuing interest in the cultural forms of northern Europe. As early as 1794 Southey had become excited by the possibility that in the ancient folk poetry of the north he might find a model for a freer verse form than neo-classical tradition allowed the

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writer of a heroic poem. His model, however, was not as might be expected, Macpherson’s Ossian, but Dr Frank Sayers (1763–1817). Southey recorded his admiration for Sayers’s Poems, Containing Sketches of Northern Mythology (Lon- don, 1792) in a letter of 24 January 1794, to Horace Walpole Bedford (NL, Vol. I, p. 45). What he admired was Sayers’s abandonment of the neo-classical couplet. For Sayers, the heroic and the irregular could fit together and Southey concluded that the latter was a token of the heroic in the kind of rustic, oral society that he wished to uphold as a corrective to the despotic society in which he lived. Like his friends Coleridge and Wordsworth, whose Lyrical Ballads echo in Thalaba, Southey was developing, for reasons of social and moral reform, the trend for northern, rural verse forms that Hugh Blair, Thomas Percy and Robert 4 Lowth had helped establish. Unlike the Lyrical Balladeers, however, he needed a form – or several forms – in which he could write a long heroic narrative. Say- ers’s irregular lines helped him find one, and he was convinced that it was both new and groundbreaking, telling Cottle ‘from the success of its metre, [Thal- aba’s] publication may probably make an era in the history of English poetry’ 5 (letter of 12 October 1799). So too did another northern source: Gottfried August Bürger’s ‘Lenore’, a supernatural ballad featuring a thrilling chase narrated in fast-moving verse. Southey encountered it after its 1796 translation in the Monthly Magazine. At first, he assumed it had been rendered into English by Sayers, only to discover that the translator was Sayers’s friend, the hitherto-unknown William Taylor. The poem had an enormous impact on Southey, who later wrote to Taylor ‘You taught me to write English by what you said of Bürger’s language and by what I felt from your translations, – one of the eras in my intellectual history …’ (Rob- berds, Vol. I, p. 453). He visited Taylor and Sayers in May 1798, and by the autumn he had also begun to write a ballad in the ‘Lenore’ style himself – con- trasting it with Coleridge’s ‘Ancient Mariner’, which he called ‘a Dutch attempt 6 at German sublimity’. Southey’s ballad, ‘The Old Woman of Berkeley’, features in the notes to Thalaba and its style – Southey’s English attempt at German sublimity – is echoed by the last three books of Thalaba itself. Quick-moving narrative, rhetorical questions, repetitions of dialogue all derive from the Ger- man school as rendered by Sayers and Taylor: so does the subject-matter, for Thalaba pursues his goal across a snowy landscape by sleigh, following in Bürger’s tracks. Southey, however, eschews the archaisms that he disliked in the ‘Ancient Mariner’ and omits any exploration of the hero’s pysche: in the South- eyan ballad-style the whole narrative reads as if told by a witness who believes its supernatural events utterly. There is no frame narrative, no wedding guest to pro- voke readers into questions about the subjectivity of such belief.

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Introduction Composition

By April 1799, Southey, still composing Madoc, had nevertheless started actively to plan Thalaba. He declared that he was taking Taylor’s advice that his ‘Dom Daniel’ poem should be written in stanzas. By July, he had decided he would write it irregularly, without rhyme, and on the thirteenth of that month, the day after finishing his Welsh epic, he set to work. Southey was immensely industrious and single-minded, and he continued the poem through personal difficulties that would have led many to lay it aside. But to begin with, all went swimmingly, and by the nineteenth he was tackling the second book, having already concluded the description of the Domdaniel sorcerers and of the fallen city of Irem that occu- pies the first. Even as he wrote, he was mining travel narratives for information: the early books show the impression of Carsten Niebuhr’s Travels Through Ara- bia (1792) and of older narratives, including Richard Hakluyt’s The Principal Navigations, Voiages, And Discoveries Of The English Nations (1598–1600) and Samuel Purchas’s Pilgrimage (1614), from which he had copied passages the year before in Hereford. By August Southey was on a pilgrimage of his own, having left the house of his friend Charles Danvers in Bristol (where he’d begun the poem) for Mine- head, Nether Stowey and an attempted reconciliation with Coleridge, who had recently returned from Germany and was keen to renew old ties. After an exchange of letters the two met and by the twentieth Southey was, as in the Bris- tol days of 1795, writing at the same desk as his old friend. What he was writing was not only Thalaba but several joint works, including the comic political ballad ‘The Devil’s Thoughts’ and ‘Mohammed’ (see Volume 5 of this edition). The latter of these, especially, grew out of the same material Southey was using for Thalaba – George Sale’s translation of the Koran (1734), as well as D’Herbelot’s Bibliothèque Orientale (1697). An epic on the prophet’s life, it was to have employed the hexameters that Taylor admired in the German poets. It fell foul of Coleridge’s indolence and Southey’s scepticism about whether Mohammed himself believed his own claims. An epic on a male Joan of Arc, who believed his own inspiration even if others did not, Southey was prepared to write. One on an imposter, who pretended to an inspiration he did not feel, he was not. And so the failure with ‘Mohammed’ clarified the direction of the Islamic poem Southey did write. It also clarified Coleridge’s priorities: not for him a long historical narrative poem; instead, influenced by the extracts from travel narratives made available to him by Southey’s Commonplace Book and by the 7 early books of Thalaba itself, Coleridge wrote ‘Kubla Khan’. His great lyric, as 8 Elisabeth Schneider and Warren U. Ober have shown, is commonly misdated. He did not, as he himself later claimed, write it in 1798 but in the following year, when Southey introduced him to European stories about the artificial paradises of Aloadin and of Kublai Khan, and when, in August, the two poets walked together, past Porlock and Lynton, towards Coleridge’s birthplace in Devon. It

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must have been on this trip that Coleridge, indisposed, retired to a farmhouse and composed his fragment – his gnomic response to Southey’s sources, and an interiorisation of Southey’s poem of external action. Into September, Southey and Coleridge stayed together with their families in Ottery St Mary and then in Exeter. When Coleridge departed, Southey stayed on, ‘gutting’ libraries for notes and materials for Thalaba. Pleasant though the stay was, it did not obscure the fact that Southey had, at this time, no home to call his own. Thalaba’s wanderings within the poem reflect the author’s own: he intended to move into a cottage in Burton, near Christchurch in Hampshire, but when it was ready in October arrival simply precipitated a breakdown. A year of working intensely on poems and editions, of publishing piece after piece to meet his bills, left Southey unable to face any more mental effort. Though by 23 Octo- ber he had finished Book IV, November saw him prostrate with ‘nervous fever’. He moved back to Bristol at the start of December for treatment by Thomas Beddoes and Humphry Davy with the newly-isolated gas, nitrus oxide. The treatment saw an improvement, signalled by a returning enthusiasm for out of the way folklore and the poetic use he might make of it. He planned stories about vampires, and the materials he gathered emerged as notes to Book VIII of Thalaba. And he came to a significant decision that altered the status of the poem in his mind: he would go abroad for his health. Thalaba, because as an exotic Oriental tale it was the most likely of his pieces to be popular, would pay for the trip. Coleridge was to arrange publication, perhaps with Longman in London, and the poem must, therefore, be substantial. By 27 January 1800 he 9 had decided that it must reach twelve books – ‘two more than my first plan’. He had already written eight. With returning industry, Southey prepared for his voyage, fixing on Portugal, where he had travelled in 1796 and where his uncle, Herbert Hill, could smooth his way. He put Thalaba aside on 29 January and did not take it up again until April, when he departed for Lisbon. He told Coleridge he would take Lyrical Ballads and Gebir with him: these by-now familiar works would be his touch- stones as he tried to complete a modern work that would transfer the virtues of rustic life onto the grand historical stage. By mid-April, the arrangements were complete: Southey sent a transcript of Books I to VIII of the poem to Charles Watkin Williams Wynn and, on the nineteenth, travelled with his wife Edith to Falmouth to take passage to Lisbon. While waiting there, he began Book IX, reading Gebir and observing sea-anenomes on the beach. On board ship, he redrafted his plan for the poem’s conclusion and continued writing. By 28 May, Book IX was finished in Lisbon and, on 15 June, Book X. Southey had a tremen- dous determination to complete what he had begun, and writing the poem had become the laborious mainstay of an uncertain and peripatetic existence. Portugal influenced Thalaba because Southey deepened there his fascinated hatred of the appeal that Catholicism (especially southern European Catholi- cism) made to the senses. His journals record his disgust at the processions, relics and fake miracles by which the priests encouraged the faith of the common

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10 people. A long passage at the end of Book IX of the poem, dropped after the first edition, described such a procession, its Iberian setting simply transferred to the Orient (Book IX, ll. 560–662). The procession is witnessed by the impris- oned Thalaba, standing in for the horrified Southey – a foreigner watching with revulsion the superstitious rites of a sensual religion and despotic state. At this point of the poem the coincidence of Protestant poet and Muslim hero is especially close: both are monotheist, both abhor idolatrous representations of a God who communicates to them directly. Both relate such representations to a culture of cruelty. Having finished Book IX, Southey pressed ahead. Book X was finished by mid-June and on 23 July he was able to write to Wynn that he had finished the whole poem, was now correcting it and would send Books IX–XII to join those he had left with Wynn before leaving England. Publication was a nearing pros- pect: his friend John Rickman was to negotiate with booksellers. First at Lisbon, then in retirement at Cintra from the infections of the city, Southey was living a productive and bookish life. But it was not to last, for the final two books gave him more difficulty than the entire rest of the poem. His letter to Wynn turned out to have been premature: he had not finished the whole poem, at least not to his satisfaction, and had to recast its conclusion twice before he arrived at the version that eventually saw print – a process not concluded until spring 1801, eight months later. A series of letters to friends in England explained, in part, what occurred. On 25 August he sounded a depressed note: ‘Thalaba has taken up too much of my time and I am eager to send it off, and wash my hands of all that could have been written in England: it is finished, and half ready for the press. I am polishing and polishing, and hewing it to pieces with surgeon severity. Yester- day I drew the pen across six hundred lines’ (L&C, Vol. II, p. 108). In October he wrote again to Wynn: The four concluding books of Thalaba are transcribed for you and wait only an opportunity to embark for England. The conclusion of the eleventh and first half of the twelfth I have since rewritten – from the Simorg’s speech to the actual descent. I send you the lines as originally written, and will transmit the substituted ones by letter … And now Thalaba is off my hands completely; corrected – transcribed – annotated – and ready to be shipped off to market. Rickman whom you saw at Bristol is my agent (Cabral, pp. 115–17). This letter indicates that Wynn had still not been sent the last four books prom- ised in July, and suggests that the rewritten versions of the last two were so recent that there had not yet been time to transcribe them so that they might replace the older versions now being transmitted. In effect, Wynn was getting a packet of verse already out of date. The new ending would come to him bit by bit in later letters. So it proved, and the packet of four books and the later letters arrived separately: they now form parts of two manuscripts in the National Library of

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Wales (the packet catalogued as MS 1487A, the letters as MS 4819E: see below, pp. xxxii–xxxv for my discussion of the MSS versions of the poem). Meanwhile, another transcription had been prepared for Southey’s brother Thomas. Southey commented on this manuscript in a letter to his mother of 21 August 1800: ‘tell him [Thomas] that Thalaba has monopolised me; that by the King George, in her next voyage (about three weeks hence), I send over his copy, together with that for the press’ (L&C, Vol. II, p. 100). This manuscript, now in the Pierpont Morgan Library, is close to that of the packet sent to Wynn: the final books appear in their original, unrevised, state, as Southey himself suggested in a letter of 6 November to Danvers (NL, Vol. I, p. 230). Considerable effort had been made to transcribe the poem and send it to friends and family. Clearly, as late as autumn 1800, Southey was not expecting to make wholesale revision to the last books. Yet by October he had dropped his original ending and made a first attempt at revision. Another letter to Wynn (October 1800, Cabral, pp. 127–9) suggests that he did so in order to assuage his friends’ doubts about the hero’s inactivity, the narrative’s reliance on unlikely contrivance, and the moral’s obscurity: The value of the tenth B[ook] does not appear till its close – that it turns upon an equivocation is no fault … From the speech of the Simorg to the actual descent into the Domdaniel all is rewritten and the new lines may possibly reach you before the old ones. Those in the eleventh you will like – they excite that calm and unagitating expectation which is perhaps the th pleasantest state of mind that poetry can occasion. In the 12 the object of the new lines was to connect the overthrow of the Domdaniel with some obvious good, and not let Thalaba work so wholly in obscurity. The other Books are all corrected, and in some of them passages of some length are inserted. Should you wish to see the copy designed for the Press it will be within your reach. Rickman is my agent with the booksellers and he lodges at 33 Southampton Buildings, Chancery Lane, where a note from you may in five minutes reach him … I have just room for the contents of Thalaba The Extirpation. The Incantation. The Education. The Conversation. The Expiation. The Preservation. The Temptation. The Peregrination. The Salvation. The Explanation. The Navigation. The Consummation.

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The manuscript sent to Rickman is not extant, and the Latinate book titles never appeared in print, but sufficient manuscripts have survived for us to trace the revision process through its stages, as Southey responded to his friends’ criticism. The copy lodged with Rickman may, if Southey’s later recollection was correct, have been sent on to Bristol. He certainly gave that impression in 1837, writing: A fair transcript was sent to England. Mr. Rickman, with whom I had fallen in at Christ Church in 1797, and whose friendship from that time I have ever accounted among the singular advantages and happinesses of my life, negociated for its publication with Messrs. Longman and Rees. It was printed at Bristol by Biggs and Cottle, and the task of correcting the press was undertaken for me by Davy and our common friend Dan- vers, under whose roof it had been begun. If Rickman’s copy did go to Danvers for the printers, then it was probably out of date by the time the presses began to work, for the revisions of autumn 1800 were superseded by further changes. Certainly, Southey was sending a copy of the last book, revised a second time, to Danvers in early 1801, admonishing his friend on 28 March ‘You have not written, and I am rather anxious lest the new “Thalaba” book should not have reached you. I sent a copy to Wynn, to guard against the accident. Longman advertises it a poetical romance, – on the half-title you will take care to use the more proper word metrical’ (Cabral, p. 157). Wynn did indeed receive a transcription of the final book as revised a second time, with instructions to send it on to Danvers if necessary. He did not, which suggests that the copy about which Southey wrote to Danvers did in fact reach Bristol safely. In addition to the revised versions sent to Danvers and also, in letters, to Wynn a transcription of the whole poem now rests in the British Library. It is this manuscript that Southey describes in his 1838 Preface to Thalaba in his Poet- ical Works: The copy which was made from the original draught, regularly as the poem proceeded, is still in my possession. The first corrections were made as they occurred in the process of transcribing, at which time the verses were tried upon my own ear, and had the advantage of being seen in a fair and remarkably legible handwriting. In this transcript the dates of time and place were noted, and things which would otherwise have been forgotten have thus been brought to my recollection. Herein also the alterations were inserted which the poem underwent before it was printed. They were very numerous. Much was pruned off, and more was ingrafted. I was not satisfied with the first part of the concluding book; it was therefore crossed out, and something substituted altogether different in design; but this substitution was so far from being fortunate, that it neither pleased my friends in England nor myself. I then made a third attempt, which succeeded to my own satisfaction and theirs.

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Yet this third attempt is not quite the same as the text as printed: a few differ- ences indicate that the now-lost manuscript from which Biggs and Cottle set up the type (that sent by Southey to Danvers) was slightly different from the version he kept in his own possession. Nevertheless, the British Library manuscript is the most complete, and the closest to the published poem, that remains. And because it contains not only the original cancelled drafts of the last two books, but also both the second and third drafts, it allows us to observe the stages of revision. First, Southey cancelled a passage from Book V, in which Thalaba is tempted by a sophistical spirit to give up his faith in Allah and take a manicheistic view of good and evil. Southey moved much of the passage to Book IX, and transferred it to Mohareb, thus sharpening the central conflict between the sorcerer and his hero as the denouement and resolution of the poem approached. In Book XI, he also strove to remove lines that diverted attention from Thalaba himself and from his incipient showdown with the Domdanielites. Essentially, this entailed removing additional companions on Thalaba’s sleigh and boat journey towards the cavern. Ghostly boatmen and damsel disappeared, and with them went evidence that Southey, for all his denigration of Coleridge’s ‘Ancient Mariner’, was indebted to it. These cancelled lines (see draft 2 in MSS Drafts, below, pp. 301– 29) borrow quite clearly from the Lyrical Ballad: Four boatmen plied the oars, Another held the helm. No word they spake, but where the ready youth Stood on the shore they urged the little boat. The gleam of the northern sky, Fell on the faces of the oarmen strong, Each was a corpse, with deathy lips that breathed, And dull dead eyes that moved. The helmsmans face was shadowed, but the light Shone on his livid hand, & nails Purple with stagnant blood. (BL Add. MS 47884) Thalaba, itself an influence on ‘Kubla Khan’, was far more closely bound up with the innovations that Coleridge was introducing to English poetry than twentieth-century critics chose to remember. But Southey abandoned his Coleridgean lines in Book XI. He cut them because his presentation of Thalaba’s quest failed to arrive at a proper climax. In the text as originally written, the fight with the witch Khawla comes too soon and the hero is too dependent on the aid of his magic ring for his safety, making him passive and defeating Southey’s moral purpose – since Thalaba is supposed to be destroying the power of evil magic and undoing superstitious belief, not relying on it. So too in Book XII, where Thalaba’s triumph over evil relied too heavily for the taste of Southey’s friends on unlikely tricks rather than his own deeds. Wynn and Grosvenor Charles Bedford disliked a passage in which the Koran acts as a talisman, its pages physically shielding the hero from his enemy’s

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spear thrust: ‘That moment at his breast a javelin stroke /Is driven, the Koran leaves received its point /His buckler of salvation. Yet again /Mohareb aims the blow’ (draft 5, MSS Drafts, NLW MS 4817A). This seemed to endorse the very superstitions that Thalaba supposedly meant to destroy. Other passages, meanwhile, showed Southey revelling in the bloodthirsty: Then suddenly alarmed he stopt, For, not stroke-distant, from the wall came out A human arm, that held The pointed dagger: stained with blood its blade Returned no warning glitter to the light, And the dark hand that held it lay concealed In the kindred hue of darkness. Twas too near, Too home a peril for the arrows aid. Thalaba caught the wrist, & with the strength Of hand, arm, shoulder, & the bodys weight Firm pressing forward, bent it, till the bone Snapt, & the fingers from their loosening grasp Let fall the dagger (BL Add. MS 47884, ff. 257–8) Faced by his friends’ scepticism, Southey altered direction completely. His first attempt at revision (draft 4 in MSS Drafts, preserved in BL Add. MS 47884 as a cancelled draft and in NLW MS 4819E) contains a sub-Spenserian knightly tournament, described in archaic diction, in which Thalaba fights Leoline, once the champion of the virtuous damsel and her mother who ruled the land, now an enthralled servant of the evil sorcerer who has usurped the throne. This draft is notable only because it shows the enormous impact Coleridge’s ‘Christabel’ made on Southey. It reads, in fact, as a prequel to Coleridge’s unfinished poem, showing Leoline in his youth as a great warrior, and explaining his retreat to his lonely castle in the woods by creating a story about his shameful past. Clearly, Southey was trying to work through the mysterious relationship of innocence and guilt in Coleridge’s poem, for he turns Thalaba into a Bard Bracy figure, who restores the proper relationship of damsel-daughter and knight, helping to free Leoline from the evil spell that has him fighting against the virtuous. It is significant that in Southey’s conventional chivalric version, it is the knight and not the innocent damsel who is enchanted and guilty. Southey effectively rewrites Coleridge’s troubling version of the chivalric tale with a more orthodox morality and more conventional understanding of gender and sexuality. The effect is to confirm Thalaba as a poem whose genesis was intimately bound up with the Lyr- ical Ballads – as a poem intended as a corrective to the moral ambivalence and psychological complicity that Coleridge kept discovering in the old genres of ballad and romance. Southey knew he had been sidetracked. He dropped Leoline, the tournament, and the damsel who had lost her realm because they introduced new elements just as the poem approached resolution, thus displacing its hero and his quest to the margins. He knew too that the archaic diction he had adopted as he tried to

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develop Coleridge’s adaptation of Spenser was wooden. In an undated letter to Wynn transmitting a second revision of the last two books, he declared ‘You will I know not be displeased at the total omission of the Queen & Leoline – a bungling piece of botch work at which my own conscience and taste revolted very soon’ (NLW MS 4819E). So he pruned the new characters and kept his language on the path provided by Taylor’s ‘Lenore’, leaving Walter Scott and Lord Byron to respond publicly to the strange possibilities that ‘Christabel’ offered the writer of romance. By April 1801, the revision process was complete and the new lines sent – or on their way – to the press. Here is a summary of the process and its effect on the manuscripts of the poem: Summer/autumn 1800. The original draft of the whole poem, transcribed in three MSS, one kept by Southey himself, now British Library Additional MS 47884, one sent to Wynn, now National Library of Wales MS 1487A, and one sent to Thomas Southey, now in the Pierpont Morgan Library LHMS MA 415. (These are described below in the section entitled MSS Drafts: the original drafts of Books XI and XII appear there as drafts 2 and 5). Late autumn/winter 1800. A first revision (what Southey calls his ‘second attempt’) of Books XI and XII. This revision appears as a cancelled draft in BL Add. MS 47884 and in a letter of 30 December 1800 to Wynn now forming part of NLW MS 4819E. (This revision of Books XI and XII is given below as drafts 3 and 4 in MSS Drafts). Winter early 1801. A second revision (‘my third attempt’) of Books XI and XII. This revision appears in BL Add. MS 47884 and in two letters to Wynn (undated and 15 February 1801) now forming part of NLW MS 4819E. It was also transmitted by letter to Charles Danvers in Bristol. This second revision became the published text, though the MS from which the printers worked (i.e. the MS sent to Danvers in Bristol – either via Rickman in Lon- don, or directly from Portugal) is not extant. That lost manuscript, presumably, also contained the notes to the poem, for which no other manuscript text survives.

Publication

Long before he submitted his last revisions to Danvers in Bristol, Southey had been planning for publication. Since Thalaba was to pay his Portuguese expenses it was important that a favourable bargain was struck with a publisher. As his first long poem since Joan, it was vital that it enhanced his reputation. Yet all had to be done by remote control – hence the choice of Rickman, a shrewd man good with figures, as representative. On 22 August 1800 Southey sent him instructions: ‘if the booksellers fall into my terms, a London printer will dispatch one quarto in a month, or two pocket volumes in a fortnight: £100 I will have

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for 400 4to copies, £130 for 1000 of the smaller size. The whole property I will not sell, because I expect the poem will become popular, and of course productive’ (L&C, Vol. II, p. 104). Again, on 30–1 October, Southey wrote to Rickman ‘At last the opportunity is arrived of sending my important parcel. My private instructions must be vague, – to make the best bargain you can, and on no terms sell the copyright … The sale of the book is not doubtful; my name would carry it through an edition though it were worthless’ (Cabral, p. 137). By the end of February 1801 Southey was able to report that Rickman had done the deal: ‘My price for Thalaba was’, he told Wynn, ‘for 1000 copies, 115£, twelve copies being allowed me; the booksellers would have bargained for a quarto edition also, but it would have been ill-judged to have glutted the public’ (Cabral, p. 149). And so Thalaba was published in two volumes in the less-prestigious octavo, under the imprint of Longman and Rees, printed for them by Southey’s old friend Cottle, under the supervision of Danvers and Davy. He did well from the deal, for Thalaba proved a slow seller: only three hundred copies were sold by 20 November, at 14 shillings each. Southey himself had returned to England in July 1801 to find his poem had just been published. All was not as he had expected, for numerous typographical errors had escaped Davy’s and Danvers’s attention and his voluminous notes appeared at the page foot, despite his earlier decision that ‘My notes will be too numerous and too entertaining to print at the bottom of the page’ (letter to CW, 15 June 1800: Cabral, pp. 97–8). Southey was proud of his erudition, compar- ing his notes favourably with those added by Henley to Beckford’s Va t h e k , but he did not want the verse to be eclipsed by the sheer volume of small-print prose on each page. Erasmus Darwin’s The Botanic Garden, from which Southey bor- 11 rowed in Book IX, had faced the same potential problem, even in the larger size of a quarto edition. In octavo, Thalaba seemed all notes and no poem and even more obviously a modern text in this respect than Darwin’s and Beckford’s.

Reviews

Southey returned in time to hear the responses of his friends to the poem. They were not encouraging: Taylor complained of ‘a want of sufficient concatenation of events’; Bedford that the ‘miracles like pantomime trials were so rapid as to 12 weary & satiate’ (letter of 27 July 1801). Southey defended himself, but the private verdicts were reinforced when the first reviews appeared in September. An attack from the British Critic was predictable, since it sought to defend established power and conventional taste and since Southey had disparaged the heroic couplet employed by Pope and Dryden in his Preface, much as Wordsworth did in the Preface to Lyrical Ballads. The nature of the attack, however, was wounding, because its language was so extreme, its condemnation so wholesale: ‘A more complete monument of vile and depraved taste no man ever raised’; the

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poem was a ‘rhapsody of Twelve Books in a sort of irregular lyric, so unlike verse or sense’ that it was all equally absurd. Southey’s much vaunted new metre was not so much irregular as non-existent: ‘were not the lines divided by the printer, no living creature would suspect [them] to be even intended for verse’. Just as 13 bad, the page was ‘loaded with notes … often as nonsensical as the text itself ’. Southey’s innovations, intentional and otherwise, were utter failures. There was worse. In October The Monthly Mirror regretted the party political bias of the British, and offered itself as a more temperate and sober judge. This tone of reasonableness only made its verdicts more damaging. Deploring Southey’s provocative attack on the heroic couplet in his Preface, the reviewer considered Southey’s metre with as open a mind as he could, only to conclude that it was neither poetry nor more metrical than speech. Only when Southey resorted to traditional blank verse for the narrative and lyrical rhyme for the dialogue did he succeed. So too with his diction: his innovatory introduction of commonplaces into a heroic poem seemed a matter of ‘affectation, puerility, and false English’ rather than radical, levelling boldness reinvigorating a dying 14 genre. And while The Monthly Magazine noted the ‘splendid variety of description’, it agreed with Southey’s friends that he had overdone the supernatural: ‘every incident is a miracle; every utensil, an amulet …’ and it was these tricks that organised the action, not ‘human desires and passions, which always must 15 excite the vivid sympathy of men’. The most comprehensive review of the poem was also the most acute. Francis Jeffrey devoted twenty pages of the first issue of The Edinburgh Review to the poem. It was a showpiece exercise in which Jeffrey set out to demonstrate the critical standards and principles that he hoped would make his new journal authoritative. It was also a frontal attack not just on Thalaba but on the trend in poetry that Jeffrey thought Thalaba exemplified. Southey was one of the ‘chief champions and apostles’ of ‘a sect of poets’ (Jeffrey would later christen them ‘the Lake school’). He named Lamb and Coleridge as fellow members; Wordsworth’s Preface to Lyrical Ballads was also in his mind. These poets rejected ‘antient authority’ in favour of German versification and Rousseauvian principles, but their ‘great simplicity and familiarity of language’ demonstrated ‘affectation’ and ‘false taste’ rather than originality. They upset poetry’s observance of social pro- priety by using vulgar language to ‘express the sentiments of the refined’. Yet at the same time their ‘low-bred heroes’ were not realistic common people but ‘imaginary beings whose characters and language are in contrast with their situation’. Southey resented what he termed Jeffrey’s ‘Thalabacide’ and felt he had been tarred with a brush meant principally for Wordsworth. This was not the case: Jef- frey’s criticism of Southey’s versification (‘a jumble of all the measures that are known in English poetry, (and a few more)’) was specific. So were his judgments that Thalaba’s plot ‘set nature and probability at defiance’ and was derived, like a ‘patchwork drapery’ from ‘scraps, borrowed from oriental tale books, and travels into the Mahometan countries’: ‘his poem is little else than his commonplace

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book versified’. The inadvertent printing of the notes at the bottom of each page had left Southey open to Jeffrey’s attack, in which there is some justice: Southey had indeed never been to any of the countries he described and had indeed derived many of the poem’s incidents from his collection of notes. Both Jeffrey’s specific and general objections hit home. Southey had, in the Preface to Thalaba, announced his rejection of traditional poetic models just as Wordsworth had in the Preface to Lyrical Ballads. If Southey’s poem seemed, in its very individuality, to exhibit in extreme degree the principles announced by Wordsworth, it was largely his own fault. In fact, Jeffrey was diagnosing percep- tively, albeit as a hostile defender of linguistic and social hierarchy, the innovations for which Wordsworth, Coleridge and Southey stood. He was, in effect, making the first public definition of what we now call Romanticism, understanding perfectly that its assault on conventional taste and established poetic models was related to a social and political radicalism also detectable in its choice of subject-matter. That he made this definition in response to Thalaba as well as Lyrical Ballads, however, should remind us now, after more than a century of neglect, that Southey was at the heart of the movement we call Romanticism and that his Oriental romance, just as much as ‘Tintern Abbey’ or the ‘Ancient Mariner’, is a quintessential Romantic poem. Jeffrey, that is to say, did not make the error of so many twentieth-century critics, the error of leaving Southey out of the Romantic canon because, to a superficial eye, his long verse narratives were not of a kind with Wordsworth’s and Coleridge’s shorter, internalised lyrics. For Jeffrey, Southey’s addiction to ‘perpetual exaggeration of thought’, his piling- up of ‘striking passages’ was self-defeating just as Wordsworth’s was: by wrap- ping an ‘ordinary conception’ in ‘a veil of mysterious and unintelligible language’ 16 both poets wearied rather than enthralled the reader. Thalaba’s kinship with Lyrical Ballads is apparent at several levels. First, Southey did conceive of it as a challenge to the social and political hierarchy that Jeffrey wished to uphold. When planning the poem in his Commonplace Book, he wrote ‘Cannot the Dom Danael be made to allegorise those systems that make the misery of mankind?’ (CB, Vol. IV, p. 812). Second, Southey did make his hero a man of radical sensibility, easily moved to tears, which are tokens of virtuous power rather than weakness. In Book I, for example, Houd, the prophet, bursts into tears when surveying the idolatrous multitude; in Book VI Thalaba responds to the erotic dance he is forced to witness with a gush of emotion: He rose, and from the banquet room he rushed, And tears ran down his burning cheek, And nature for a moment woke the thought And murmured, that from all domestic joys Estranged, he wandered o’er the world A lonely being, far from all he loved. (ll. 367–72) Comparisons with the lonely and tearful wanderer of Coleridge’s ‘Foster Mother’s Tale’ are appropriate. So too, with Coleridge’s ‘To a Young Ass’, for

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compassion towards helpless animals is repeatedly identified as one of Thalaba’s virtues, aligning him with the politicised ‘man of feeling’ whose humane sentiments identify him as an anti-establishment figure. In fact, the points of similarity between Southey’s poem and those of Lyrical Ballads are numerous. Thalaba is a simply-raised rustic, who grows up in a desert tent and prefers water to wine. His encounters with the supernatural resemble the Ancient Mariner’s – in fact, Southey and Coleridge may have shared sources, as they did for ‘Kubla Khan’, since the ‘hand of glory’ that Southey describes in Book V, when Mohareb lights the way to the underworld with a severed, mum- mified human hand holding a candle, appears, in altered form, when Coleridge’s mariner encounters figures who resemble living torches: The bodies had advance’d, and now Before the mast they stood. They lifted up their stiff right arms, They held them strait and tight; And each right-arm burnt like a torch, A torch that’s borne upright. Their stony eye-balls glitter’d on 17 In the red and smoky light. It was also Southey who presented stories about vampires for the first time in an 18 English fiction, stories which stand behind the description of Oneiza’s vampire- spirit in Book VIII as well as Coleridge’s portrait of the living dead who crew the ship.

Reception

The very features that drew the scorn of reviewers attracted a generation of young poets. The variety of supernatural and exotic incident that Southey included, the irregular verse forms, the Oriental setting, the combination of verse with notes, the examination of Islam, all impressed young writers who also wished to defy the traditional. Thalaba seemed ‘Tales of Terror, run mad’ to its 19 early reviewers; to Scott, Moore, Byron and the Shelleys it was a seminal text. For Percy Shelley it was Southey’s ‘mythological imagination’ that presented most possibilities, so much so that when, in November 1811, Shelley arrived in the Lake District, he declared ‘the object most interesting to my feelings is 20 Southey’s habitation’. And although the meetings between the two men left Shelley with a poorer opinion of the elder poet, he remained powerfully ener- gised by Southey’s Oriental poem. Likewise Scott, who announced that he modelled his own verse romances on Thalaba: for both men, Southey showed how an exotic culture, believing in the supernatural, could be turned into narrative, using the motifs of chivalric verse – the quest, the battle – in a new context. For Shelley, Southey also opened the possibility of questioning the orthodoxies

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of religious and political Britain by dramatising the belief-systems of eastern cultures. Shelley launched his poetic career with Queen Mab, a long poem whose radical Orientalism, expressed as much in the voluminous prose notes as in the verse, derived from Thalaba’s example (as well as that of Southey’s oft-cited source Volney) and whose opening line echoed Southey’s. But it was in Alastor (1816) that Shelley most successfully developed the themes and methods of Thalaba. Southey’s landscapes inform Shelley’s throughout the poem. Compare, for example, Shelley’s description of ‘red volcanoes’, ‘bitumen lakes’, and ‘secret caves’ (Alastor, ll. 83, 85, 87) with Southey’s descriptions of the ‘infernal fires’ of Vesuvian volcanoes where ‘from a cave, with torrent force /And everlasting roar, the black bitumen rolled’ (Book V, ll. 21–2). Donald Reiman and Sharon Powers have also noted parallels between Shelley’s description and Book VI of Thalaba, and Neville Rogers suggests that readers compare Alastor, ll. 31ff. and 374–5 21 with Southey’s Book X, ll. 31ff. and Book VII, ll. 6ff. Most significantly, Shelley’s whole quest-narrative follows Southey’s almost exactly, as his poet-hero, like Thalaba, leaves the desert and the pastoral love of an Arab maiden: an Arab maiden brought his food, Her daily portion, from her father’s tent, And spread her matting for his couch, and stole From duties and repose to tend his steps – Enamoured, yet not daring for deep awe To speak her love (ll. 129–34) The veiled maiden in Alastor, moreover, evokes the pre-history of Southey’s ancient sorceress Maimuna, who binds Thalaba with magical threads and bewitches him with an ‘unintelligible song’ (Book VIII, l. 25). Shelley’s descriptions of the dream-maiden’s ‘woven sounds’ (l. 155), ‘ineffable tale’ (l. 168), ‘sinuous veil /Of woven wind’ (ll. 176–7), and ‘dark locks floating in the breath of night’ (l. 178) echo Southey’s descriptions of Maimuna with ‘hair flowing like the silver streams /That streak the northern night’ (Book IX, l. 2), who, ‘singing as she spun’ (Book VIII, l. 23), lured Thalaba into a silken bondage. This configuration of Maimuna as the veiled maiden of Alastor is further suggested by the textual history of Shelley’s poem. Alastor is a reconfiguration of Shelley’s earlier prose fragment ‘The Assassins’ which overtly engages the themes of Thalaba. Composed during Shelley’s European tour in 1814, this romance focuses on a small band of Arabian Christians and the chance encounter between one of its members, Albedir, and a mysterious stranger. Like Shelley’s prefatory descriptions of the Alastor Poet’s encounter with the veiled maiden, this stranger 22 delivers a ‘strange and mysterious soliloquy’. His address lulls Albedir into ‘a trance of wild and delightful imagination’ (p. 136), full of visionary hopes and phantoms of the intellect. This, of course, later becomes the central narrative event of Alastor, and Shelley reemploys much of the language of these descriptions in the poem. However, Shelley’s fragment also describes the childhood

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experiences of Albedir’s children, Maimuna and Abdallah, both of whom figure as central figures in Thalaba (representing the sorceress and hero’s grandfather, respectively). When Shelley rewrote the ‘Assassins’ concept in the central narrative of Alastor, the continued emphasis on the veiled maiden as a Maimuna figure, and on the Poet’s enchanted reverie, reveal that Thalaba remained the 23 generative text behind both. Even the Alastor Poet’s route follows Thalaba’s – first to Babylon and then on, by magic boat, through caverns that lead to death. Shelley, of course, internalises the quest: his hero is searching within, and his external landscape, influenced by Southey’s luxurious and ornamented descriptions, allegorises an internal one of sexual desire and intellectual longing. But the fact remains that it is Southey he is distilling: the author of Thalaba had made themes, ideas, a plot and a diction available for younger poets to model their own innovations upon. Contra Harold Bloom, it was precisely because Southey was not a strong poetic father that they were able to develop his work in this way. In Byron’s words, Southey ‘has passages equal to anything’: these parts could be imitated without the imita- tors feeling intimidated by a whole so majestic that only by an oedipal struggle 24 could they achieve their own voice. Byron was frequently witty at Southey’s expense, yet he had a shrewd sense of what could be borrowed from him. Writing to Thomas Moore in 1813, he recognised that Orientalism was the coming thing and that Southey was the 25 pioneer. ‘Stick to the East’, he told Moore, ‘the public are Orientalising.’ Southey had opened a new field but his own works were ‘unsaleables’, being too long and too dense. Shorter and lighter narratives were needed, and from Thal- aba he developed his Eastern Tales, adding an illicit love-interest to spice and focus the Southeyan elements. These included the clash of religions, opulent descriptions of oriental gardens and a strain of Gothic imagery. The formula was wildly successful: in The Bride of Abydos and The Giaour (1813), Byron had brought passion to Southey’s tepid romances. As Marilyn Butler has written, it was from Thalaba that Byron derived The Giaour’s two nastiest signifiers of the religious imagination: the Turk- ish fisherman’s curse (that the Giaour will return from the grave as a vampire to ‘suck the blood of all thy race’) and the monk’s guess that he is already possessed: On cliff he hath been known to stand And rave as to some bloody hand Fresh sever’d from its parent limb, Invisible to all but him, Which beckons onward to his grave, 26 And lures to leap into the wave. (ll. 758, 826–31) The hand of glory and the vampire were becoming hallmarks of the new poetry. Not just the poetry: John Polidori’s The Vampyre (1819) originated in the famous story-competiton among the Shelley-Byron circle that also gave rise to

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Frankenstein (1818). Mary Shelley was as steeped in Thalaba as her husband and Byron. She ordered a copy in late 1812 and read it out to the Clairmont sisters in 27 late September 1814. It remains, with the ‘Ancient Mariner’, the strongest influence on her novel, as well as Polidori’s. When, for instance, Frankenstein animates the corpse he has assembled from the severed parts of dead bodies, he acts as Southey’s witch Khawla does in Book II: She said, and muttered charms that Hell in fear And Heaven in horror heard. Soon the stiff eye-balls rolled, The muscles with convulsive motion shook, The white lips quivered. Khawla saw, her soul Exulted, and she cried, ‘Prophet! behold my power! Not even death secures Thy slaves from Khawla’s Spell!’ (ll. 174–82; see also Book XII, ll. 398–401) Shelley would also have seen the extensive notes that Southey assembled about vampires and body-haunting in Greece and Transylvania. Thalaba had become a repository of images for the younger Romantics, images gleaned from the recon- dite traditions of Eastern Europe and the Middle East. By 1817 an older, more conservative Southey deprecated much of the work of Byron and his circle, despite (or perhaps because) it developed certain traits of his own earlier work. The most popular Oriental poem of all was a case in point. Thomas Moore’s Lalla Rookh (1817) showed that its author had taken Byron’s advice: it did indeed stick to the East. In so doing, it fulfilled one of the ambi- tions that Thalaba had kindled in Southey, who had written in 1801, ‘And have you received “Thalaba”? and would you like another story to the same tune? It has long been my intention to try the different mythologies that are almost new to poetry. “Thalaba” shows the Mohammedan. The Hindoo, the Runic, and the old Persian are all striking enough and [not?] enough known’ (letter to GCB, June 1801). Southey himself tackled the Hindu in The Curse of Kehama; Moore dramatized the ‘old Persian’ in his ‘The Fire Worshippers’, a section of Lalla Rookh in which Zoroastrian Persians heroically resist the conquest of Iran by Arab Muslim forces. Here again, the allegorical intent of the poet was plain, although the import of the allegory was different. Moore indicated his sympathy with the Catholic Irish, subjected to Protestant supremacy, in his account of Per- sians being subdued by a militaristic Islam.

Editions

By 1817, Southey’s poem had become an established part of the literary scene, its innovations absorbed into the main current of fashionable poetry. Moore, for

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instance, featured scholarly prose notes about the cultures portrayed in Lalla Rookh, some derived from the same sources as Southey’s. Thalaba was in its third edition by then, and had undergone some changes that were mirrored in its successor poems. The changes began in 1808, for in October of that year Southey heard from the publishers that the edition of ‘Thalaba’ had at last reached the end of its slow seven years’ sale; that its later movement had been rather of accelerated pace, and that they recommended reprinting it with as little delay as possible. The property now reverts to me, and as the sale certainly will not slacken, I may, in the course of a second seven years, look for another £115 from this source. The most apparent alteration will be in the manner of placing the notes; for many pages have only a line of text, and so the eye runs faster than the fingers can turn them over. I shall now place the notes at the end of each book (letter to John May, 12 October 1808: Warter, Vol. II, pp. 101–2). Southey would fulfil his original inention of a page uncluttered by footnotes. He made other changes too, cutting the description of the procession, torture and sacrifice of the Christian captive at the end of Book IX, adding epigraphs and amending punctuation. The first edition had, in places, followed Southey manuscript practice of beginning sentences with a lower case, rather than a capital, letter. This was rectified and many commas were introduced. Stanzas were reor- ganised where the printers in 1801 had failed to recognise, from the manuscript, where divisions were supposed to come. The edition appeared in 1809. The third edition was published in 1814. This time Southey made few verbal changes, but numbered the stanzas and centred the verse lines (thus tacitly admitting that his previous use of different layouts for different stanzas had not persuaded readers that he had found an individual metre for each). The irregular- ity of metre that had so annoyed early reviewers was now less obvious to the eye. The fourth edition of 1821, still in two volumes octavo, was essentially a reis- sue of the third and it was not until Thalaba appeared as part of a pirate edition, published by Gagliani in Paris in 1829, that Longmans decided to give Southey the opportunity to revise the poem for inclusion in a multi-volume Collected Poems. In April 1837 Southey was able to tell his correspondent William Lisle Bowles that he was ‘setting his house in order’, mending those of his old poems that were worth the trouble (letter of 25 April 1837: L&C, Vol. VI, p. 333). In the case of Thalaba, the mending process was considerable. Southey altered passages, often removing colloquialisms in favour of more Latinate phrases. He added many notes, thus ensuring that the verse narrative appeared as a tale framed by a western scholarly tradition, rather than as an unmediated story that the author simply endorsed. He also removed many of the explicit references to Allah: the 1838 Thalaba was a hero of his conservative years, one who spoke, like a good iconoclastic Protestant, of ‘the Lord’ rather than a fervent believer in Mohammed. Southey no longer wished to disturb traditional loyalties to Church and State.

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Poetical Works Collected by Himself was the last edition to appear in Southey’s lifetime. By his death in 1843 he was read more for his many prose works than for his poems. Wordsworth summed matters up when noting that Southey’s works 28 were ‘read once but how rarely are they recurred to! How seldom quoted …’. Walter Bagehot agreed, taking it as a matter of fact that Southey’s epics were 29 ‘already dead’. Nevertheless, the determination of Thalaba’s lonely moral quest and the rectitude of his unswerving obedience to his God appealed to some emi- nent Victorians. John Henry Newman, pursuing his own determined religious quest, called Thalaba ‘the most Sublime of English Poems … I mean morally 30 sublime’. Few in the twentieth century agreed with Newman. A secularising age had less and less time for the religious epics of the Romantics: not only Thalaba but Wordsworth’s Excursion, a key poem for the Victorians, was gradually eased out of the canon, which came to centre on The Prelude and on the internalised lyrics. ‘Tintern Abbey’, ‘Kubla Khan’, Alastor, among others, were seen as the essential Romantic poems, in which contemporary readers could discover a psychological and spiritual self-scrutiny that was truly modern. The relationship of these poems to the political and religious epics of their authors was little examined, and their indebtedness to Southey almost completely ignored. This lack of interest was reflected in the publishing history of Thalaba: only one-volume reprints of the 1837–8 Collected Poems and a 1909 Oxford Poetical Works (ed. M. H. Fitzgerald) presented the poem among Southey’s whole oeuvre, while, after octavo reprints in 1853 and 1860, no editions of the single poem appeared between 1861 and 1991, when Woodstock Books published a facsimile of the 1801 publication. The Woodstock edition reflected a revival of scholarly interest in Southey that began in the 1980s, as critics began to revise their notions of Romanticism as a historical movement. Marilyn Butler, in the wake of Edward Said’s analysis of the discourse of Orientalism, emphasised that Romantic poetry was, from the outset, involved in producing a new (western) version of the East, with Southey a founding father of this process. ‘With Thalaba’, Butler wrote, ‘the eighteenth- century Arabian-French prose oriental tale suddenly emerges in its full flowering as Romantic narrative poetry – which means that it is also an eclectic historical 31 pastiche’. Butler’s point was soon taken up by others, who assessed in detail a mass of texts, popular at the start of the nineteenth century but neglected in the twentieth, that portrayed an exotic East for an English-speaking public. For these critics, including Javed Majeed, Nigel Leask and Mohammed Sharafuddin, Thal- aba was at the centre of a historicised Romanticism, both as a symptom of the ambivalent attitudes Britons exhibited towards the Oriental civilisations that empire was bringing them into contact with and as a constitutive work that helped establish the exotic romance-narrative as the quintessential Romantic genre. The Prelude, on this account, was no more the centre of Romanticism in

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the last years of the twentieth century than it had been in the early years of the nineteenth: Thalaba, Byron’s Eastern Tales, Lalla Rookh and Prometheus Unbound were all more typical and/or more popular. As a central Romantic poem, Thalaba attained a critical significance it had not possessed since Jeffrey saw it as the epitome of the innovations that Wordsworth and Coleridge were also attempting. Accordingly, its exact political and aesthetic bearings were of new importance. Debate came to centre on the relationship to imperialist discourses of the poem (and by inference of Romanticism in general). Sharafuddin argued, for example, that ‘it is the redemption of the East as the East, and not the imposition of western ideology, that is Southey’s fundamental con- cern’, an endorsement of Southey’s anti-imperialist, pro-Islamic credentials that, on the face of it, is hard to square with lines such as these from Book V: ‘So one day may the Crescent from thy Mosques /Be plucked by Wisdom, when the 32 enlightened arm /Of Europe conquers to redeem the East’ (ll. 84–6). Leask, by contrast, has taken a more sceptical view of Southey’s rendering of Islam, argu- ing that Thalaba is essentially a dissenting Protestant (like Southey himself in the 1790s) – dressed in eastern clothes. The poem shows ‘Islam as a rational Unitar- 33 ian religion’. On this reading, Southey endorses an eastern religion only after he has first purged it of its difference from a western faith, using it chiefly to dis- place to fresh ground an old argument between English dissenters and the established Anglican church. He thus colonises an Oriental tradition, approving only what will aid his cause in a western debate. That there is more than a grain of truth in Leask’s argument is indicated by Southey’s own reminder to himself ‘I must build a Saracenic mosque, not a Quaker meeting-house’ (NL, Vol. I, p. 272). However, as Daniel White argues, it was finally not rationalist Christian sects that Southey allegorised in the poem, 34 but fatalist ones. Thalaba frequently reveals the trait that Southey thought was most specific to uneducated enthusiasts, whether Protestant millenarians, Portu- guese Catholics or Arabian Muslims – the trait of fatalism. He told Taylor in 1804 ‘Fatalism is the corner-stone of Mahometry, the hero of the Islamic romance was to act therefore under the impulse of Destiny’ (Robberds, Vol. I, p. 502). Fatalism, for Southey, meant that the believer, without the need for priestly mediation, recognised God’s communication with him. This communication, however, occurred through sensual evidence rather than through rational debate – through signs and wonders – which the believer regarded as manifesta- tions of Allah’s ineluctable will, leaving him no choice. The patterns discerned on a locust’s back, the sting of a bee, for instance, are, for Thalaba, signs of God’s will for him. Such fatalistic interpretations were, Southey told Taylor in 1805, ‘the most poetical parts of Islam’ (Robberds, Vol. II, p. 111), presumably because they represented in external, sensual, images the point at which the individual accepts the determination of history – and therefore of himself – by the divine. It was Southey’s ambivalence about such fatalism, first explored in Joan of Arc, that led him both imaginatively to endorse it and, drawing back, to condemn it, wherever it was found. As Majeed has put it, Southey ‘acted as

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though he were in a laboratory of cultures, experimenting with and constructing 35 different cultural identities’ (p. 53) – only to withdraw. The result was an ambivalent, varied text that fell short of a full endorsement either of fatalism or 36 rationalism, either of eastern difference or of western norms. And a consequence of this was that readers could enjoy the poem in parts – empathise, for instance, with the Islamic hero, without feeling called upon to accept Islam and reject Christianity wholesale. Another consequence, however, was that the poem seemed contradictory, its imaginative engagement with eastern discourses under- mined by frequent dismissals of those very discourses. It was for this reason that the poem seemed ‘mad’ and ‘monstrous’ to its early reviewers. In Majeed’s words, ‘Southey betrays European aesthetic standards while professing an adher- ence to them, and the monstrosity of his epics is legitimized by their fidelity to non-European standards. It is this double allegiance and betrayal which charac- 37 terises his epics’.

This Edition

Current critical debate about the poem has been hampered by one glaring omission that this edition is designed to rectify: no scholarly edition of Thalaba has 38 been published. It has been difficult to judge the poem’s attitude to Islam, for example, without a text that displays Southey’s removal of many specific references to Allah and Mohammed in the 1838 revision. Equally, evaluating the worth of Jeffrey’s judgement that Thalaba was the quintessential production of the ‘Lake school’ has been difficult without knowledge of the many manuscript similarities between it, ‘Kubla Khan’, the ‘Ancient Mariner’ and ‘Christabel’. This editor has aimed to make it possible to answer these and many other questions about the poem and its context by enabling systematic comparisons of the texts of the different lifetime editions with each other and with the manuscript drafts. Accordingly, I have collated the text of the 1801 edition with the extant manuscripts and with the 1809, 1814, 1821, and 1838 editions, listing verbal variants at the foot of each page. Longer cancelled manuscript drafts are given on pp. 301–29. As a result, scholars can now access in this one volume every extant word that Southey wrote of Thalaba. I have chosen the 1801 text as the main text for this edition for two reasons. First, I do not subscribe to the editorial assumption that the last edition produced under the author’s own supervision should be the copy text for scholars. Last thoughts are not necessarily the best. Second, Thalaba made its impact on its first publication: it was the first edition that provoked Jeffrey into identifying a ‘sect’ of poets (that he later called ‘the Lake school’); it was the first edition that precipitated a turn to historical romance by Walter Scott and then, in turn, by Shelley, Byron and Moore. If we wish to study Romanticism as a number of historical discourses, to examine the dawn of the very concept that a Romantic

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movement existed, then it is to the impact of the 1801 Thalaba that we must turn. Accordingly, I present the 1801 poem and preface as the main text on his- toricist, rather than aesthetic, grounds, while allowing comparison with manuscript and later editions to be easily made. Only in one respect have I devi- ated from the 1801 edition, and that for reasons of clarity. I have moved Southey’s notes from the page foot, where they appeared to his chagrin in 1801, to the end of the poem. Although Southey himself did this from 1809 onwards, I would have preserved their position in the first edition, so as to reproduce the 1801 volume as accurately as possible, had not doing so threatened to make this edition unusable. A page that featured Southey’s verse, editorial recording of verse variants, Southey’s notes, editorial recording of note variants, and editorial notes on Southey’s sources, would have caused, at best, confusion and, at worst, the total eclipse of the verse by notes and apparatus. Southey’s notes have again become, as they were for the early reviewers, an area of interest. Today’s critics debate whether the carapace of notes in which the author encased his verse constituted an imperialist subordination of eastern difference to a western scholarly tradition. They argue as to whether the notes effectively distance the reader from the action, ensuring the Islamic story is framed by multiple Christian perspectives and cannot be swallowed whole. Again, however, critical debate has been hindered by the fact that neither 39 Southey nor later scholars accurately identified his sources. Thalaba includes hundreds of quotations from travellers to, scholars of and commentators on the East. It also includes translations of Persian and Arabic verse. But only the most perfunctory references for these are given: Southey was no more specific in giving chapter and verse, or even name and title, than the loose scholarly conventions of his time demanded. This edition changes the picture completely: I, with considerable help from Carol Bolton and Daniel White, have traced all but one of Southey’s notes to its source in his reading, giving the author, title and page number of each book from which he quoted (wherever possible identifying the exact edition he used). I have also included translations of his Latin, Greek, Italian, French and Spanish notes. The effect of this, I hope, will be to reveal for the first time the range and depth of Southey’s Orientalist reading and to enable scholars to reconstitute the body of knowledge from which Romantic Oriental- ism was born.

Extant Manuscripts of Thalaba

There are several extant manuscripts of Thalaba, in full or in part:

1. British Library Add. MS 47884 Paper; ff. ii + 285. Octavo. 1799–1800. Brown calf binding. Autograph of RS and ES.

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RS describes this MS in the Preface to Thalaba 1838: ‘The copy which was made from the original draught, regularly as the poem proceeded, is still in my possession. The first corrections were made as they occurred in the process of transcribing, at which time the verses were tried upon my own ear, and had the advantage of being seen in a fair and remarkably legible handwriting. In this transcript the dates of time and place were noted, and things which would otherwise have been forgotten have thus been brought to my recollection. Herein also the alterations were inserted which the poem underwent before it was printed. They were very numerous. Much was pruned off, and more was ingrafted. I was not satisfied with the first part of the concluding book; it was therefore crossed out, and something substituted altogether different in design; but this substitution was so far from being fortunate, that it neither pleased my friends in England nor myself. I then made a third attempt, which succeeded to my own satisfaction and theirs.’

2. National Library of Wales MS 1487A Paper; unfoliated. 16.5 cm x 10 cm (some cropping). 1800. Calf binding. Autograph of RS and ES. Bookplate ‘from the library of the Late Rt. Hon. C. W. Williams Wynn, M.P. for the County of Montgomery, 1797–1850. Presented by A. W. Wil- liams Wynn, Esquire, D. L., J.P., Coed-y-Maen, 6 June 1922.’ This MS comprises the whole poem, but transcribed before the final changes to the last book, for it does not contain the text of the last book as finalised in BL Add. MS 47884 or as published. The physical condition of the MS reveals that it represents two periods of work, for the last four books are written on different paper from the first eight. In fact, RS transcribed Books I–VIII, and sent them to CW from Bristol in early April 1800 before leaving for Portugal. See RS’s letters to STC 1 April and to CW 8 April 1800 (L&C, Vol. II, pp. 53–6; NLW MS 4811D). Books IX–XII were transcribed in Portugal and sent to CW after October 1800. RS notified CW of this in a letter 1 October 1800 (NLW MS 4819E): ‘The four concluding books of Thalaba are transcribed for you, & wait only an opportunity to embark for England. The conclusion of the eleventh & the first half of the twelfth I have since rewritten – from the Simorgs speech to the actual descent. I send you the lines as originally written, & will transmit the substituted ones by letter.’ The ‘letters’ to which RS refers, transmitting the substituted lines, now form part of NLW MS 4819E.

3. National Library of Wales MS 4819E: letters to C.W.W. Wynn from RS in Portu- gal. Autograph of RS. a. Letter, undated: draft of Book I b. Letter of Tuesday 30 December 1800: draft entitled ‘Thalaba Book the last’ begins ‘Then said the grey old man to Thalaba’ and ends ‘Two dives are on its brink – &c &c’ (draft 4 below). After the last line, RS comments ‘With all this I am little satisfied. It is the worst of the poem – far the worst.’ c. Letter, undated [1801?]: draft of Book XI RS begins ‘My dear Wynn, I send you the supplementary Thalaba. my brain has been at work for you with a somewhat unlucky activity – as it has made a great outline & finished nothing. In fact I have mapped out my Hindoo Romance

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while only designing to furnish you with a fragment. … I have written no line of poetry here save Thalaba. … but to Thalaba – Book 11 – Simorg’s Speech’. The draft of Book 11 then begins at the line ‘Thus prepared ascend the sledge’ continues to ‘They sung the dirge of death’ (cf. draft 3 below). After the last line, RS then adds to CW ‘The next part of the last book shall follow by the next packet’ and declares ‘You will I know not be displeased at the total omission of the Queen & Leoline – a bungling piece of botch work at which my own conscience and taste revolted very soon. I doubt not the next packet will bring you the continuation. This is well joined – & for the most part well written in my own judgement.’ d. Letter of 15 February 1801: draft of Books XI and XII from ‘It is it is the land’ to ‘And Thalaba with numbing force /Smites his raised arm & rushes by &c’ (cf. Books XI and XII of the poem, above). After the last line, RS adds an entreaty to CW: ‘Will you inclose this to Mr Danvers. 9 St. James’s Place. Kingsdown. Bris- tol lest the copy transmitted by the last packet for the press should by any accident have been lost.’

4. Pierpont Morgan Library LHMS MA 415 Paper, ff. 116, duodecimo, 1800, brown leather in blue cloth box. On f. 1, the signa- ture: Thos. Southey 1800; on last page: ‘This MS was written for me, partly by Edith and partly by Robert. Thos. Southey’; on inner cover the (cut-out) bookplate of Robert Southey by Thomas Bewick. A fair copy of the MS in the autograph of ES and RS: given to TS (brother of the poet). RS refers to this MS in a letter to his mother of 21 August 1800: ‘tell him [TS] that Thalaba has monopolised me; that by the King George, in her next voyage (about three weeks hence), I send over his copy, together with that for the press’ (L&C, Vol. II, p. 100). A letter from RS to CD, 6 November 1800, indicates that this MS draft of the poem, like the one sent to CW (item 2 above), includes the cancelled drafts of ‘the last half of B. [Book] 11 and the first half of B. [Book] 12 as originally written’ (NL, Vol. I, p. 230).

5. Saffron Walden Museum, Essex. Box of RS’s papers, MSS 41501, contains RS’s notebook (temporary number 41584) Paper, ff. 272 + 3 containing a subject index. 20 cm x 13.5 cm (8" x 5"), 1798–?, black leather, brown ink. Autograph of RS. Inscription at front ‘Robert Southey August 10 1798’. This notebook contains the sketch of the poem transcribed and published in CB, Vol. IV, pp. 181–9.

6. A now-missing MS from which the printed text was set up RS refers to this MS in a letter to CW of 1 October 1800: ‘And now Thalaba is off my hands compleaty; corrected, transcribed, annotated – & ready to be shipped off to market. Rickman whom you saw at Bristol is my agent’ (NLW MS 4819E). See also the 1838 Preface to the poem: ‘A fair transcript was sent to England. Mr. Rickman, with whom I had fallen in at Christ Church in 1797, and whose friendship from that

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time I have ever accounted among the singular advantages and happinesses of my life, negociated for its publication with Messrs. Longman and Rees. It was printed at Bristol by Biggs and Cottle, and the task of correcting the press was undertaken for me by Davy and our common friend Danvers, under whose roof it had been begun.’

Endnotes

1. As Nigel Leask and Marilyn Butler show, De Quincey argued that Landor’s politics in Gebir were such that the authorities were likely to view him as being seditious. See Leask, Romantic Writers and the East: Anxieties of Empire (Cam- bridge, 1992), p. 26; Butler, ‘Orientalism’ in David B. Pirie (ed.), The Romantic Period: The Penguin History of Literature, 5 (London, 1994), pp. 395–447 (p. 411). 2. I quote William Haller, The Early Life of Robert Southey 1774–1803 (New York, 1917), p. 261. 3. See, for example, Southey’s note to Book III, l. 323. On Jones see Garland Can- non, The Life and Mind of Oriental Jones: Sir William Jones, the Father of Modern Linguistics (Cambridge, 1991) and Objects of Enquiry: The Life, Contributions and Influences of Sir William Jones (1746–1794), ed. Garland Cannon and Kevin R. Brine (New York and London, 1995). 4. Hugh Blair, A Critical Dissertation on the Poems of Ossian, the Son of Fingal (Lon- don, 1763); Thomas Percy, Reliques of Ancient English Poetry (London, 1763); Robert Lowth, Lectures on the Sacred Poesy of the Hebrews, 2 vols (London, 1787). 5. MS in Beinecke Library, Yale University, quoted in Mark Storey, Robert Southey: A Life (Oxford, 1997), p. 131. 6. Southey’s remark from his review of Lyrical Ballads in The Critical Review, Octo- ber 1798. On the ‘Ancient Mariner’, Southey, Taylor and Sayers, see David Chandler’s article ‘Southey’s “Ancient Mariner” and Norwich Balladry’ in the special Southey issue of Romanticism on the Net, ed. Lynda Pratt, 2004, to which my account is indebted. 7. For the parts of Thalaba that ‘Kubla Khan’ resembles, see Book I, ll. 255–70; Book VI, ll. 105–22 and the accompanying notes. 8. Elisabeth Schneider, Coleridge, Opium and ‘Kubla Khan’ (Chicago, 1953), pp. 235 passim; Warren U. Ober, ‘Southey, Coleridge and “Kubla Khan”’, Jour- nal of English and Germanic Philology, (1959), pp. 414–22. 9. See BL Add. MS 47890, ff. 26–7. 10. See the journal entries collected in Cabral. 11. Southey derives his image of the upas tree (Book IX, l. 662) from Darwin’s poem. 12. Huntington Library MS quoted in Storey, Southey: A Life, p. 145. 13. The British Critic (September 1801), in Lionel Madden (ed.), Robert Southey: The Critical Heritage (London and Boston, 1972), pp. 63–4. 14. The Monthly Mirror (October 1801), in Madden, Southey: The Critical Heritage, pp. 65–6. 15. The Monthly Magazine (January 1802), in Madden, Southey: The Critical Herit- age, p. 67.

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16. All quotations from Francis Jeffrey, in The Edinburgh Review (October 1802), in Madden, Southey: The Critical Heritage, pp. 68–90. 17. ‘The Rime of the Ancyent Marinere’, Lyrical Ballads (1798), ll. 491–8. On this, see David B. Pirie’s notes to the ‘Ancient Mariner’ in William Empson and David B. Pirie (ed.), Samuel Taylor Coleridge: Selected Poems (London, 1972). 18. On body-haunting, vampires, zombies, Southey and Coleridge see Marina Wa r n e r, Fantastic Metamorphoses, Other Worlds: Ways of Telling the Self (Oxford, 2002), pp. 119–20, 150, 153. 19. The British Critic quoted in Madden, Southey: The Critical Heritage, p. 64. 20. Letter to Elizabeth Hitchener of 14 November 1811, quoted in Storey, Southey: A Life, p. 212. 21. The Complete Poetical Works of Percy Bysshe Shelley, ed. Neville Rogers, 4 vols (Oxford, 1975). 22. Prose Works of Percy Bysshe Shelley, ed. E. B. Murray, Vol. I (Oxford, 1993), p. 134. 23. I am indebted to Tilar J. Mazzeo for the information on and interpretation of Shelley’s Southey given here. 24. Byron’s Letters and Journals, ed. Leslie Marchand, 12 vols (London 1973–82), entry of 22 November 1813, Vol. III, p. 214. 25. Byron’s Letters and Journals, Vol. III, p. 101. 26. Butler, ‘Orientalism’, pp. 431–2. 27. See Mary Shelley’s Journal, ed. Frederick L. Jones (Norman, OK, 1947) and The Journals of Claire Clairmont, ed. Marion Kingston Stocking (Cambridge, MA, 1968), pp. 45–6. 28. Letters of William And Dorothy Wordsworth: The Later Years, ed. Alan G. Hill (Oxford, 1988), Vol. VII, pp. 614–15. 29. In ‘Shakespeare the Man’, Literary Studies (1879). 30. Letters and Diaries of John Henry Newman, ed. C. S. Dessain et al. (London, 1961), Vol. XIII, p. 449. 31. Butler, ‘Orientalism’, p. 413. See also Butler, ‘Literature As Heritage or Reading Other Ways’, Inaugural Lecture, 10 November 1987 (Cambridge, 1987). 32. Mohammed Sharafuddin, Islam and Romantic Orientalism: Literary Encounters with the Orient (London, 1994), p. 66. 33. Leask, Romantic Writers and the East, p. 26. 34. Daniel White, ‘Southey’s Thalaba: Orientalism, Dissidence, and Dissent’, chapter of Early Romanticism and Religious Dissent: Under the Eye of the Public, forthcoming. 35. Javed Majeed, Ungoverned Imaginings. James Mill’s The History of British India and Orientalism (Oxford, 1992), p. 53. 36. On this issue see Ernest Bernhardt-Kabisch, Robert Southey (Boston, MA, 1977), p. 95 and Stuart Curran Poetic Form and British Romanticism (Oxford, 1986), p. 134. 37. Majeed, Ungoverned Imaginings, p. 85. 38. An unpublished Ph.D. dissertation has, however, provided some help in the preparation of this edition. John J. Lavelle, Robert Southey’s Thalaba the Destroyer A New Edition Based Upon the Original Manuscript. New York University, 1971. 39. Exceptions include Haller, in The Early Life of Robert Southey.

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THALABA THE DESTROYER,a A METRICAL ROMANCE.b

BY ROBERT SOUTHEY, TWO VOLUMES.

a epigraph: ‘Facile credo, plures esses naturas invisibiles quam visibiles, in rerum univer- sitate; pluresque Angelorum ordines in coelo, quam sunt pisces in mari: sed horum omnium familiam quis nobis enarrabit et gradus, & cognationes, & discrimina, & singulo- rum numera? Harum rerum notitiam semper ambivit ingenium humanum, nunquam attigit. – Juvat tamen, non diffiteor, quandoque in animo tanquam in tabulâ, majoris & melioris mundi imaginem contemplari; ne mens assuefacta hodiernae vitae minutur se contrahat nimis, & tota subsidat in pusillas cogitationes. Sed veritati interea invigilandum est, modusque servandus, ut certa ab incertis, diem a nocte, distinguamur. Burnet Archae- ologiae Philosophicae’1 BL Add. MS 47884 f. 1, NLW MS 1487A; ‘There are more things in Heaven & Earth, Horatio/ Than are dreamt of in your philosophy!’ Hamlet, Act I, Scene 5, 166–7 BL Add. MS 47884 f. 1; ‘Ποιητικης άκρατης ή ελενδερία, και νόµος / Είς, τά δόξαν τω ποιήτη. Lucian’2 BL Add. MS 47884 f. 1. b METRICAL ROMANCE.] RHYTHMICAL ROMANCE. 1809; 1814, 1821, 1838 no subtitle

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CONTENTS.

Preface ______3 The First Book ______5 The Second Book______26 The Third Book ______38 The Fourth Book ______55 The Fifth Book ______74 The Sixth Book ______90 The Seventh Book ______103 The Eighth Book ______116 The Ninth Book ______129 The Tenth Book ______147 The Eleventh Book ______162 The Twelfth Book ______178

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PREFACE

In the continuation of the Arabian Tales, the Domdaniela is mentioned; a semi- nary for evil Magicians under the Roots of the Sea. From this seed the present Romance has grown. Let me not be supposed to prefer the metreb in which it is written, abstractly considered, to the regular blank verse; the noblest measure, in my judgement, of which our admirable language is capable. For the following Poem I have preferred it, because it suits the varied subject; it is the Arabesque ornament of an Arabian tale. The dramatic sketches of Dr. Sayer,c a volume which no lover of poetry will recollect without pleasure, induced me when a young versifier, to practise in this metre.d I felt that while it gave the poet a wider range of expression, it satisfied the ear of the reader. It were easy to make a parade of learning by enumerating the various feet which it admits; it is only needful to observe that no two lines are employed in sequence which can be read into one. Two six-syllable lines (it will perhaps be answered) compose an Alexandrine: the truth is that the Alexandrine, when harmonious, is composed of two six-syllable lines. One advantage this metre assuredly possesses; the dullest reader cannot distort it into discord: he may read it with a prose mouth,e but its flow and fall will still be perceptible. Verse is not enough favoured by the English reader: perhaps this is owing to the obtrusiveness, the regular Jews-harp twing-twang, of what has been foolishly called heroic measure. I do not wish the improvisatorè tune, but something that denotes the sense of harmony, something like the accent of feeling; like the tone which every Poet necessarily gives to Poetry.f

a Domdaniel] Dondaniel 1838 b metre] rhythm 1809, 1814, 1821, 1838 c Dr. Sayer,] Sayers, 1809, 1814, 1821, 1838 d metre.] rhythm. 1809, 1814, 1821, 1838 e prose mouth,] prosaically, 1809, 1814, 1821, 1838 f Cintra, October 1800 1809, 1814, 1821, 1838; in 1838, RS added a new Preface to the volume of his Poetical Works containing Thalaba (IV): It was said, in the original Preface to Joan of Arc, that the Author would not be in Eng- land to witness its reception, but that he would attend to liberal criticism, and hope to profit by it in the composition of a poem upon the discovery of America by the Welsh prince Madoc. That subject I had fixed upon when a schoolboy, and had often conversed upon the probabilities of the story with the schoolfellow to whom, sixteen years afterwards, I had the satisfaction of inscribing the poem. It was commenced at Bath in the autumn of 1794;

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Robert Southey: Poetical Works 1793–1810 – Volume 3

but, upon putting Joan of Arc to the press, its progress was necessarily suspended, and it was not resumed till the second edition of that work had been completed. Then it became my chief occupation during twelve months that I resided in the village of Westbury, near Bristol. This was one of the happiest portions of my life. I had never before or since produced so much poetry in the same space of time. The smaller pieces were communicated by letter to Charles Lamb, and had the advantage of his animadversions. I was then also in habits of the most frequent and intimate intercourse with Davy, – then in the flower and freshness of his youth. We were within an easy walk of each other, over some of the most beautiful ground in that beautiful part of England. When I went to the Pneumatic Institu- tion, he had to tell me of some new experiment or discovery, and of the views which it opened for him; and when he came to Westbury there was a fresh portion of Madoc for his hearing. Davy encouraged me with his hearty approbation during its progress; and the bag of nitrus oxide with which he generally regaled me upon my visits to him, was not required for raising my spirits to the degree of settled fair, and keeping them at that elevation. In November, 1836, I walked to that village with my son, wishing to show him a house endeared to me by so many recollections; but not a vestige of it remained, and local alterations rendered it impossible even to ascertain its site, – which is now included within the grounds of a Nunnery! The bosom friends with whom I associated there have all departed before me; and of the domestic circle in which my happiness was then centered, I am the sole survivor. When we removed from Westbury at Midsummer, 1799, I had reached the penultimate book of Madoc. That poem was finished on the 12th of July following, at Kingsdown, Bristol, in the house of an old lady, whose portrait hangs, with that of my own mother, in the room wherein I am now writing. The son who lived with her was one of my dearest friends, and one of the best men I ever knew or heard of. In those days I was an early riser: the time so gained was usually employed in carrying on the poem which I had in hand; and when Charles Danvers came down to breakfast on the morning after Madoc was completed, I had the first hundred lines of Thalaba to show him, fresh from the mint. But this poem was neither crudely conceived nor hastily undertaken. I had fixed upon the ground, four years before, for a Mahommedan tale; and in the course of that time the plan had been formed and the materials collected. It was pursued with unabating ardour at Exeter, in the village of Burton, near Christ Church, and afterwards at Kingsdown, till the ensuing spring, when Dr. Beddoes advised me to go to the south of Europe, on account of my health. For Lisbon, therefore, we set off; and hastening to Falmouth, found the packet, in which we wished to sail detained in harbour by westerly winds. ‘Six days we watched the weathercock, and sighed for north-easters. I walked on the beach, caught soldier-crabs, admired the sea-anenomies in their ever-varying shapes of beauty, read Gebir, and wrote half a book of Thalaba.’ This sentence is from a letter written on our arrival at Lisbon; and it is here inserted because the sea-anenomies (which I have never had any other opportunity of observing) were introduced in Thalaba soon afterwards; and because, as already stated, I am sensible of having derived great improvement from the frequent perusal of Gebir at that time. Change of circumstance and of climate effected an immediate cure of what proved to be not an organic disease. A week after our landing at Lisbon I resumed my favourite work, and I completed it at Cintra, a year and six days after the day of its commencement. A fair transcript was sent to England. Mr. Rickman, with whom I had fallen in at Christ Church in 1797, and whose friendship from that time I have ever accounted among the singular advantages and happinesses of my life, negociated for its publication with Messrs. Longman and Rees. It was printed at Bristol by Biggs and Cottle, and the task of correcting the press was undertaken for me by Davy and our common friend Danvers, under whose roof it had been begun.

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EDITOR’S NOTES

The abbreviation DNB in parenthesis against the names of persons below indicates that further biographical information may be found in the Dictionary of National Biography.

Thalaba the Destroyer 1 ‘Facile … Philosophicae.’] Thomas Burnet, Archaeologiae Philosophicae (London, 1692), p. 68. This quotation was also used by Coleridge as epigraph to the ‘Rime of the Ancient Mariner’ in Lyrical Ballads (1800) and subsequent editions. Probably, it was chosen during autumn 1799, when the two poets were together in Somerset and Devon, working on their joint poem, ‘Mohammed’. It translates thus, ‘I easily believe that there are more invisible beings than visible ones in the universe and more orders of angels in heaven than fish in the sea. But who will tell us the race of them? and the ranks, and relationships, and differ- ences, and functions of each? What do they do? What places do they inhabit? The human intellect has always circled around the knowledge of these matters but has never reached it. Nevertheless, it is sometimes desirable to contemplate, in the mind, as though in a picture, the image of a greater and better world, lest the mind, accustomed to the petty details of daily life, contract and sink into trivial thoughts. Meanwhile, however, we must be watchful of truth, and we must keep within suitable limits, so that we may distinguish the certain from the uncertain, and day from night.’ 2 ‘Ποιητικης … Lucian.’] Lucian, ‘How to Write History’, ch. 8, translating as ‘With respect to poems freedom is unbounded, and the one law is – what seems right to the poet’. See M. D. Macleod, Lucian: A Selection (Warminster, 1991), pp. 204–5. 3 ‘Sint … Constantinus.] Petrus Mambrunus, Constantinus, sive Idololatria Debel- lata (Paris, 1658), p. 54; The verse translates as ‘Though they be of tested life and sense, nevertheless the commands of the gods above are swept away by the winds’. 4 ‘Time … Tarafat.] In the collection made by Sir William Jones, The Works of Sir William Jones, 6 vols (London, 1799), Vol. IV, p. 272. 5 ‘Fas est … Constantinus.] Petrus Mambrunus, Constantinus, sive Idololatria Debel- lata, p. 54. It translates thus: ‘It is also right for brute earth to be attentive to the warnings of Heaven’. 6 ‘Then did … Time.] Edmund Spenser, The Ruines of Time, ll. 519–25. 7 ‘Now all … Epithalamium.] Spenser, ‘Epithalamium’, ll. 242–7.

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Notes to pages 116–94

8 ‘Quas potius … Bellaius.] Joachim Du Bellay, ‘Petronillæ Puellæ’ in ‘Tumuli’, Joachimi Bellaii Andini Poematum Libri Quatuor (Paris, 1558), pp. 48–9. The verse translates as ‘We shed these tears for you, Petronilla, tears that you instead should have wept, at our burial. We shed these tears to mark parental grief, and we strew this grave for you instead of the bridal chamber. I had a father’s hope of carrying the nuptial torches before you, and of adding the name of grandfather to that of father. Alas, my son-in-law is Orcus, and he who hoped through you, my sweetest, to be a grandfather ceases even to be a father.’ 9 ‘Conscience! … Fall.] Ben Jonson, Mortimer his Fall. A Tragedie, Act I, ll. 11–18. 10 ‘Those, Sir … Lady] Robert Howard, Poems on Several Occasions (London, 1696), p. 30. 11 ‘Why should … Daphnaida.] Edmund Spenser, Daphnaïda. An Elegie upon the Death of the Noble and Vertuous Douglas Howard, daughter and heire of Henry Lord Howard, Viscount Byndon, and wife of Arthur Gorges Esquier, ll. 278–82. 12 ‘Vast plains … sky.’] Henry More, ‘A Platonick Song of the Soul; Treating of the Life of the Soul, of Her Immortalitie, of The Sleep of the Soul, of the Unitie of Souls, and of Memorie after Death’, pt II, III.i.225–6. In Henry More, Philo- sophical Poems (Cambridge, 1647), p. 136. 13 della Valle … Zenobia.] Pietro della Valle, Les Fameux Voyages de Pietro della Valle, 4 pts and ‘Suite’ [pt V or supplementary part] (Paris, 1563), pt II, p. 579. 14 ‘La mer … Le Suire.] [Robert Martin] Le Suire, Le Nouveau Monde (Paris, 1781), p. 20. It translates as ‘The sea is no more than a circle in the eyes of the sailors,/ Where the sky forms a dome supported on the waves’. 15 Mosque at Tauris … Tavernier.] Jean Baptiste Tavernier, Collections of Travels Through Turky into Persia, and the East-Indies, Giving an Account of the Present State of those Countries, 2 vols (London, 1684), Vol. I, p. 22. 16 Jenkinson … gilt.’] ‘The Voyage of Master Anthony Jenkinson, made from the citie of Mosco in Russia, to the citie of Boghar in Bactria, in the yeere 1558’ in Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation, 3 vols (London, 1598–1600), Vol. I, p. 331. 17 ‘they consume … Hakluyt.] ‘The Voyage and Travell of M. Caesar Fredericke, Merchant of Venice, into the East India, and beyond the Indies’ in Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Vol. II, p. 239. 18 Our barbarian … Homer.] Allusion to the Orientalist scholar Joseph Champion who, developing the comments of Sir William Jones, praised Ferdosi in these terms on pp. 33–5 of his ‘Essay on the Life and Writings of Ferdosi’ in The Poems of Ferdosi, trans. Joseph Champion (Calcutta, 1785), Vol. I, pp. 1–45. 19 We have … composition.] Reference to Champion’s translation of The Poems of Ferdosi. 20 The Arabian Tales … translation.] The Arabian Nights Entertainments: consisting of one thousand and one stories, told by the Sultaness of the Indies, to divert the Sultan from the execution of a bloody vow… Translated into French from the Arabian MSS. by M. Galland… and now done into English, 5th edn, 12 vols (London, 1718, 1717–22). This book was introduced to Europe by the French translation of Galland, itself translated into English in numerous editions from the early eighteenth century.

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Notes to pages 194–202

21 The Arabians … D’Herbelot.] Barthélemy D’Herbelot, Bibliothèque Orientale, ou Dictionaire Universel contenant généralement tout ce qui regarde la connoissance des peuples de l’Orient (Paris, 1697), ‘Sennamar’, p. 803. 22 An African … Ireland.] Sylvester O’Halloran, A General History of Ireland from the earliest accounts to the close of the twelfth century, 2 vols (London, 1778), Vol. I, p. 5. 23 The tribe of Ad … Sale.] George Sale, The Koran, Commonly Called the Alcoran of Mohammed, translated into English immediately from the original Arabic, with explanatory notes taken from the most approved commentators. To which is prefixed a preliminary discourse (London, 1734), Preliminary Discourse, p. 6. 24 The descendants … D’Herbelot.] D’Herbelot, Bibliothèque Orientale, ‘Ad’ and ‘Houd’, pp. 51, 468–9. 25 ‘I have … Taylor.] Pausanias, The Description of Greece, trans. Thomas Taylor, 3 vols (London, 1794), Vol. I, p. 124. 26 The Adites … Sale.] D’Herbelot, Bibliothèque Orientale, ‘Houd’ p. 468; Sale, The Koran, ch. 7, p. 123, fn. 27 ‘Mecca … Exon.] Joseph Pitts, A Faithful Account of the Religion and Manners of the Mahometans (London, 1731), pp. 121–2. 28 Adam after his fall … D’Ohsson.] Ignatius Mouradgea d’Ohsson, Tableau général de l’Empire Othoman (Paris, 1787), pp. 26–8. RS’s translation? 29 ‘Some of … Sale.] Sale, The Koran, ‘A Preliminary Discourse’, pp. 21, 85. 30 Old Poulter’s … case.] The ballad, a spoof of Wordsworth, is probably RS’s own. 31 ‘I shall … Pyramidographia.] John Greaves, Pyramidographia: Or, a Description of the Pyramids in Aegypt (London, 1646), pp. 80–1. 32 The Carbuncle … Thuanus. Lib. 8.] Stephanus Johaniis Stephanius, Notæ Uberi- ores In Historiam Danicam Saxonis Grammatici (Sorø, 1645), pp.184–5. ‘Thuanus’ is Jacques Auguste de Thou, Historiarum Sui Temporis Ab Anno Domini 1543 Usque An Annum 1607 Libri CXXXVIII. 33 I have found … Frankfort.] Benito Geronimo Feyjoo y Montenegro, Theatro Critico Universal, 8 vols (Madrid, 1777), Vol. IV, pp. 58–62. 34 Mirror … males.] The Mirror of Stones: in which the Nature, Generation, Properties, Virtues and various Species of more than 200 different Jewels, precious and rare Stones, are distinctly described … Extracted from the works of Aristotle, Pliny [and others], trans. Camillus Leonardus (London, 1750), p. 80. 35 ‘Adam … Chenier.] Louis de Chenier, The Present State of the Empire of Morocco, 2 vols (London, 1788), Vol. I, p. 250. 36 ‘The black … Cumberland.] William Hutchinson, The History of the County of Cumberland, 2 vols (Carlisle, 1794), Vol. II, p. 220. 37 ‘They have … Martire.] Pietro Martire d’Anghiera, The Decades of the newe worlde or west India, Conteyning the nauigations and conquestes of the Spanyardes, trans. Richard Eden (London, 1555), p. 133. 38 ‘Metals … perfect.’] Antonio de Herrera y Tordesillas, Historia General de los Hechos de los Castellanos en las Islas I Tierrha Firme del Mar Oceano (Madrid, 1601–15), decad V, book III, ch. xv (in Vol. III, pt i, p. 96). 39 ‘A great … Pococke.] Richard Pococke, A Description of the East, and some other Countries. Volume the First. Observations on Egypt (London, 1743), pp. 205–6.

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Notes to pages 203–7

40 Shedad … man.] Bahar-Danush; or, Garden of Knowledge. An Oriental Romance, trans. Jonathan Scott, 3 vols (Shrewsbury, 1799), Vol. I, pp. 35–6. 41 Lamai … D’Herbelot.] D’Herbelot, Bibliothèque Orientale, ‘Houd’, p. 469. 42 Las horrendas … Leonarde.] Lupercio Leonardo y Argensola, Isabella, Tragedia, in Parnaso Español. Coleccion de Poesias Escogidas de los Mas Célebres Poetas Castel- lanos, 9 vols (Madrid, 1768–78), Vol. VI, p. 367. The passage is in Act II, scene 5. The lines translate thus: ‘The horrible words seemed/ To come out of a resounding trumpet/ As if the uttering lips were not moving’. 43 There are … Niebuhr.] Carsten Niebuhr, Travels Through Arabia, trans. Robert Heron, 2 vols (Dublin, 1792), Vol. II, p. 359. 44 The Angel … Purchas.] Samuel Purchas, Purchas his Pilgrimage, 2nd edn (Lon- don, 1614), p. 219. 45 ‘The manner … Aaron] Thomas Godwyn, Moses and Aaron: Civil and Ecclesiasti- cal Rites, Used by the ancient Hebrews, 11th edn (London, 1678), p. 171. RS quotes the passage in CB, Vol. IV, p. 173. 46 Rabbi … child.] See Abraham Eleazar, R. Abrahami Eleazaris Uraltes Chymisches We r k e (Erfurt, 1735). The plate facing p. 108 shows children being killed. RS also encountered Eleazar on this subject in Gabriel Naudé, The History of Magic, trans. John Davies (London, 1657), pp. 248–9. 47 The Devil … Chap. 2. 7. 15.] Sale, The Koran, ‘A Preliminary Discourse’, p. 72. 48 God created … Maracci.] Lodovico Marracci, Alcorani Textus Universus ex Correc- tioribus Arabum Exemplaribus Summa Fide, atque Pulcherrimis Characteribus Descriptus, … in Latinum Translatus, 2 vols (Padua, 1698), Vol. II, p. 22. 49 Nuremberg Chronicle … side.] The ‘Nuremberg Chronicle’ refers to Hartmann Schedel, Liber Cronicarum cum Figuris et Ymaginibus ab Inicio Mundi (Augs- burg, 1497). Both images are reproduced in John Henry Nash, The Nuremberg Chronicle (San Francisco, 1930): the first, ‘of Adam, the body … half made, growing out of a heap of clay under the Creator’s hand’ (p. 7), and the second, of ‘Eve half way out of his side’ (p. 8). 50 ‘God, designing … it!’] Mahomet Rabadan, Mahometism Fully Explained, trans. Joseph Morgan, 2 vols (London, 1723–5) [‘Written in Spanish and Arabick, in the Year M.DC.III. for the Instruction of the Moriscoes in Spain. By MAHO- MET RABADAN, an Arragonian Moor.’], Vol. I, pp. 12–14, 20–4, 27–9. 51 Hagar … Olearius.] Adam Olearius, The Voyages and Travells of the Ambassadors Sent by Frederick Duke of Holstein, to the Great Duke of Muscovy, and the King of Persia. Begun in the year M.DC.XXXIII. and finish’d in M.DC.XXXIX, trans. John Davies, 2nd edn (London, 1669), pp. 172–3. 52 Aspicit … Lucan] Lucan, Pharsalia, Vol. VI, ll. 720–7, 750–60. The passage translates thus: ‘She saw standing beside her the ghost of the unburied body, which fears its lifeless frame and hateful confinement in its old prison. It shrinks from entering the gaping breast and belly, and the flesh now sundered by the lethal wound. Poor thing, to lose so unfairly death’s final gift, and not to be able to die! Erichtho marvels that this dawdling by fate is allowed, and in her anger at death she lashes the motionless corpse with a live snake. ***** Instantly the clotted blood grew warm; it warmed the livid wounds and coursed into the veins and outer limbs. The organs under the cold breast felt it and quivered, and new life seeped into the unexpecting marrow, wrestling with death. Next, all the limbs twitch and the sinews stretch, and the body lifts itself off the ground not

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Notes to pages 207–13

slowly, limb by limb, but bouncing off it, instantly erect. The lips part and the eyes stare. The corpse’s face was not yet that of a man alive but of one in the process of dying: pallor and stiffness persist, and he gapes at his return to the world.’ 53 Brebeuf ’s … love-story.] Georges de Brébeuf, La Pharsale de Lucain (Leiden, 1658; 2 vols, Paris, 1796). 54 The mode … question.] The Travels of Sig. Pietro della Valle, A Noble Roman into the East Indies and Arabia Deserta (London, 1665), p. 276. 55 Some imagine … Borgia.] Leonardus, Mirror of Stones, p. 84. 56 ‘In the cabinet … Tavernier.] Jean Baptiste Tavernier, Les Six Voyages en Turquie, en Perse, et aux Indes, 2 vols (Paris, 1676), Vol. II, p. 256, RS’s translation? cf. the English edn, Tavernier, Collections of Travels, Vol. I, p. 100. 57 ‘Crystal … Buffon.] Georges Louis Leclerc, Comte de Buffon, A Natural His- tory, General and Particular, trans. William Smellie, 9 vols (London, 1785), Vol. I, p. 199. 58 Burguillos … pobre.] Frey Lope Felix De Vega Carpio (Burguillos pseud.), Rimas Humanas y Divinas (Madrid, 1634), p. 150. The quotation translates thus: ‘The Word of God is the diamond/ In the copper ring/ Of our lowly circle’. 59 ‘With the Arabs … Pococke.] Pococke, A Description of the East, p. 183. 60 ‘’Tis … Travels.] Adam Olearius, Voyages and Travells, p. 131. 61 ‘They laid … Amb. Tra.] Olearius, Voyages and Travells, p. 197. 62 ‘There is not … Amb. Tra.] Olearius, Voyages and Travells, p. 239. 63 ‘The Tamarind … Niebuhr] Carsten Niebuhr, Travels Through Arabia, trans. Robert Heron, 2 vols (Dublin, 1792), Vol. II, p. 352. 64 ‘Of pumpkins … Niebuhr] Niebuhr, Travels Through Arabia, Vol. II, p. 343. 65 l’aspect … Colombiade.] Marie Anne Le Page Fiquet Duboccage [Anne Marie Du Bocage], La Colombiade, ou La Foi Portée au Nouveau Monde (Paris, 1756), p. 16. The passage, describing the beautiful and innocent Indian maid Zama, translates thus: ‘The unexpected sight of so many Castillians, colours her seeth- ing looks with astonishment, with fright. Her hands, studying which fruits to choose, remain for a moment in the same position’. 66 The Arabians divide … l’Arabie.] Carsten Niebuhr, Description de l’Arabie (Amsterdam, 1774), p. 96. Probably RS’s translation. 67 The Turks … Valle.] Della Valle, Les Fameux Voyages de Pietro della Valle, pt I, p. 62. 68 The use of the bath … cloaths.] There is an account of Christian monks imitating the ‘rough, mean, and dirty’ appearance of the ‘Greek philosophers’ in John Jor- tin, Remarks on Ecclesiastical History, 3 vols (London, 1805), Vol. II, p. 16. 69 ‘The effects … Niebuhr.] Niebuhr, Travels Through Arabia, Vol. II, p. 318. 70 ‘The Arabs of the desert … Volney] M. C-F. Volney, Travels Through Syria and Egypt (London, 1788), Vol. I, pp. 60–3. 71 ‘The Amethyst … Devils.’] Leonardus, The Mirror of Stones, pp. 66, 67–8, 77–8, 91–2, 115. 72 ‘Giafar … Marigny] Francois Augier de Marigny, Histoire des Arabes sous le Gou- vernement des Califes, 4 vols (Paris, 1750), Vol. II, pp. 413–15. RS’s translation? 73 ‘In the country … Hakluyt.] ‘The Iournall of Frier Odoricus, one of the order of the Minorites, concerning strange things which hee sawe among the Ta r t a r s of the East’ in Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Vol. II, pp. 57.

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Notes to pages 213–18

74 We are obliged … done.] Tavernier, Les Six Voyages, Vol. II, p. 249. 75 ‘It happened the dead … England.] ‘R.B.’, Richard Burton, pseud. [Nathaniel Crouch], Admirable Curiosities, Rarities and Wonders in England, Scotland and Ireland, 2nd edn (London, 1684), p. 120. 76 ‘When Alboquerque … Dec 2. 8. 3.] João de Barros, Da Asia de Joao de Barros e de Diogo de Couto, 24 vols (Lisbon, 1777–88), Vol. IV, pp. 290–1; decad 2, book VIII, ch. 3. RS’s translation. 77 Matthew … grave.] Flores Historiaium per Matthaeum Westmonasteriensem Col- lecti, 3 vols (London, 1570), Vol. I, pp. 305–6; and Flores Historiaium per Matthaeum Westmonasteriensem Collecti (Francofurti, 1601), pp. 157–8. See CB, Vol. IV, pp.123–4. 78 The Turks report … Algiers.] J. Morgan, A Complete History of Algiers, 2 vols (London, 1728), Vol. II, p. 293. 79 ‘it was concluded … 1608.] Edward Grimeston [or Grimstone], A Generall Histo- rie of the Netherlands (London, 1609), p. 38. 80 ‘The Vulture … Niebuhr.] Niebuhr, Travels Through Arabia, Vol. II, pp. 329–30. 81 ‘The Bedouins … Sonnini.] C.R.S. Sonnini, Travels in Upper and Lower Egypt: Undertaken by order of the Government of France, trans. Henry Hunter, 3 vols (London, 1799), Vol. I, p. 285. 82 ‘The Arabs call … rains.’] Volney, Travels Through Syria and Egypt, Vol. I, p. 326. 83 ‘Of the Palm … Pococke.] See Pococke, A Description of the East, pp. 205–6. 84 ‘The Doum … Chenier.] Chenier, The Present State of the Empire of Morocco, Vol. I, pp. 105–6. 85 ‘We passed two … Niebuhr.] Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabie & en d’autres Pays circonvoisins, 2 vols (Amsterdam, 1776–80), I, p. 181 and Travels Through Arabia, Vol. I, p. 300. 86 ‘My brethren … 15.] Job 6: 15–18. 87 ‘The simplicity … Volney.] Volney, Travels Through Syria and Egypt, Vol. I, pp. 405–6. 88 ‘The Shaik … witnesses.’] Volney, Travels Through Syria and Egypt, Vol. I, pp. 404–5. 89 ‘Thus confined … Volney.] Volney, Travels Through Syria and Egypt, Vol. I, pp. 406–7. 90 ‘The chief manufacture … Shaw.] Thomas Shaw, Travels, or Observations Relating to Several Parts of Barbary and the Levant (Oxford, 1738), p. 289. 91 ‘I was much amused … Jackson.] John Jackson, A Journey from India, towards England, in the Year 1797; By a Route Commonly Called Over-Land, through Countries not much Frequented, and Many of them Hitherto Unknown to Europeans (London, 1799), pp. 50–1. 92 ‘Tamarinds … Mandelslo.] Johann Albrecht von Mandelslo, The Voyages and Travels of J. Albert de Mandelslo (A Gentleman belonging to the Embassy, sent by the Duke of Holstein to the great Duke of Muscovy, and the King of Persia) Into the East Indies. Begun in the year M.DC.XXXIII. and finish’d in M.DC.XL., trans. John Davies, 2nd edn (London, 1669), pp. 119–20. 93 ‘I have often … Description.] Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabie, Vol. I, p.142. 94 ‘The Mosques … Shaw.] Shaw, Travels, or Observations Relating to Several Parts of Barbary, pp. 283–4.

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Notes to pages 218–23

95 ‘All the Mosques … Aleppo.] Alexander Russell, The Natural History of Aleppo, 2nd edn, 2 vols (London, 1794), Vol. I, p. 16. 96 ‘The Keabé … D’Ohsson.] D’Ohsson, Tableau général de l’Empire Othoman, pp. 164–5. 97 ‘The Bedoweens … Shaw.] Shaw, Travels, or Observations Relating to Several Parts of Barbary, pp. 286–7. 98 ‘The tents of the Moors … Chenier.] Chenier, The Present State of the Empire of Morocco, Vol. I, p. 121–2. 99 ‘In the kingdom of Imam … Niebuhr.] Niebuhr, Description de l’Arabie, p. 57. Probably RS’s translation. 100 ‘The music of the Bedoweens … Shaw.] Shaw, Travels, or Observations Relating to Several Parts of Barbary, pp. 268–9. 101 ‘The Arabs have the Cassuba … Algiers.] Morgan, History of Algiers, Vol. I, p. 136. 102 ‘The young fellows … Algiers.] Ibid. 103 ‘How great soever … Algiers.] Ibid. The Latin translates thus: Julius Pollux, in a chapter entitled On the appearance of flutes, says, ‘there is the Hippophorbus [Horse-grazer] which nomads of Libya [Africa] invented’ And again, shewing the use and quality thereof ‘They use these when grazing their horses; they are made of laurel wood with the bark stripped off. When the core of the wood is drilled out it gives a very clear sound’ … Several Poets mention the Libyan and Arabian fluteplayer: and Athenæus quotes Duris, and says, ‘Poets call the flute Libyan, as Duris says in Bk 2 of the deeds of Agathocles, because Scirites is thought to be the original inventor of the fluteplayer’s art and he was a Libyan nomad by birth, and the first to sing the hymns of Demeter to the flute’. 104 ‘Persæ … Commentarii.] William Jones, Poesos Asiaticae Commentariorium (Leipzig, 1777), p. 19. The Latin translates thus: ‘The Persians, employing a very pretty translation, say “stringing pearls” for “making verse”: so in the famous line of Firdausi, “If I have strung pearls with the adamantine point of my pen, I have immersed myself in the sea of knowledge.”’ 105 ‘After a little time … Danush.] Bahar Danush, Vol. I, p. 91. 106 ‘A b u Te m a m … Nations.] Jones’s essay is included in The Works of Sir William Jones, 6 vols (London, 1799), Vol. IV, p. 538. 107 In Mr. Carlyle’s … lie.] Joseph Dacre Carlyle, Specimens of Arabian Poetry, From the Earliest Time to the Extinction of the Khaliphat, With Some Account of the Authors (Cambridge, 1796), pp. 31–2. 108 I quote … name.] The correct quotation is: ‘For they’re a wreath of pearls, and I/ The silken cord on which they lie’ from a poem ‘On His Friends’ by Meskin Aldaramy in Carlyle, Specimens of Arabian Poetry, pp. 31–2. 109 ‘Benevolence … State.] Thomas Fuller, The Holy State (Cambridge, 1642), p. 205. More correctly it reads ‘Moderation is the silken string running through the pearl-chain of all virtues’. 110 ‘It seems the Arabs … l’Arabie.] Niebuhr, Description de l’Arabie, p. 93. Probably RS’s translation. 111 ‘They are fond of singing … Volney.] Volney, Travels Through Syria and Egypt, Vol. II, pp. 439–40. 112 ‘All their literature … Volney.] Volney, Travels Through Syria and Egypt, Vol. I, pp. 407–9.

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Notes to pages 223–8

113 ‘We read … Collection.] Michel Vansleb [Johann Michael Wansleben], The Present State of Egypt, or, A New Relation of a Late Voyage into that Kingdom, Per- formed in the Years 1672 and 1673 (London, 1678), p. 64 – a translation of Nouvelle Relation en Forme de Journal, D’un Voyage Fait en Egypte. Par le P. Vansleb, … en 1672 et 1673 (Paris, 1677); ‘Harris’ refers to John Harris, Navigantium atque Itinerantium Bibliotheca: Or, a Compleat Collection of Voyages and Travels, Consisting of Above Four Hundred of the Most Authentick Writers, 2 vols (London, 1744–8). 114 ‘She had laid … Researches.] Asiatick Researches; or, Transactions of the Society, instituted in Bengal for inquiring into the History and Antiquities, the Arts, Sciences, and Literatures of Asia, 6 vols (Calcutta, 1788–99), Vol. I, p. 43. 115 ‘Most of the Indian … Sonnerat.] Pierre Sonnerat, A Voyage to the East Indies and China; … between the years 1774 and 1781, trans. Francis Magnus, 3 vols (Cal- cutta, 1788–9), Vol. II, p. 14. 116 ‘In that day … 18.] Isaiah 3:18–20. 117 ‘His fingers … Danush.] Bahar Danush, Vol. I, p. lviii. 118 ‘She dispenses … Amriolkais.] The Works of Sir William Jones, Vol. IV, p. 253. 119 ‘The Hinna … days.’] Bahar Danush, Vol. II, p. 102. 120 Bruce … dry.] James Bruce, Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile, In the Years 1768, 1769, 1770, 1771, 1772, and 1773, 5 vols (Edinburgh, 1790), Vol. I, p. 307. 121 ‘Departing … Ta ve r ni e r.] Ta ve r ni e r, Collections of Travels, Vol. I, p. 111. 122 ‘they dye … Hanway.] Jonas Hanway, An Historical Account of the British Trade over the Caspian Sea; with a Journal of Travels from London through Russia into Per- sia, and back again through Russia, Germany and Holland, 4 vols (London, 1753), Vol. I, p. 244. 123 Ali the Moor … red.’] Mungo Park, Travels in the Interior districts of Africa … in the years 1795, 1796 and 1797 (London, 1799), p. 134. 124 When Pietro … flaxen.] Les Fameux Voyages de Pietro della Valle, pt I, p. 280. 125 ‘The Mimosa … Niebuhr.] Niebuhr, Travels Through Arabia, Vol. II, p. 359. 126 ‘The large locusts … Chenier.] Chenier, The Present State of the Empire of Morocco, Vol. I, pp. 95–6. 127 ‘In 1778 … Chenier.] Chenier, The Present State of the Empire of Morocco, Vol. II, pp. 333–6. 128 ‘The Abmelec … History.] An Universal History, From the Earliest Account of Time to the Present: Compiled from Original Authors, 7 vols (London, 1736–44), Vol. II, p. 45. 129 ‘In Cyprus … locusts.’] Sir John Chardin’s Travels in Persia (London, 1927 [rpt of London, 1720 edn]), Vol. II, p. 179. 130 ‘On the confines … Tavernier.] Tavernier, Collections of Travels, Vol. I, p. 146. 131 ‘At Mosul … l’Arabie.] Niebuhr, Description de l’Arabie, pp. 153–5. Probably RS’s translation. 132 Dr. Russell … also.] Russell, Natural History of Aleppo, Vol. II, p. 205. 133 ‘The Locusts … Norden.] Friderik Ludvig [Frederic Louis] Norden, Travels in Egypt and Nubia, trans. Peter Templeman, 2 vols (London, 1757), Vol. I, p. 51. 134 ‘She turns … Antara.] The Works of Sir William Jones, Vol. IV, p. 302.

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Notes to pages 228–32

135 In the ninth … Blackmore.] The Spectator. Vol. Ninth and Last (1715; London, 1753), pp. 150–1. There was an eclipse on 22 April 1715, mentioned in Gentle- man’s Magazine 5 (1735), 379. 136 ‘The Mussulmans … Algiers.] Reference to Morgan, History of Algiers, Vol. I, pp. 185–6; ‘one who is not over-stocked with Credulity, would be almost induced to call in Question the Veracity of our celebrated Country-man, that renowned Traveller, Captain Gulliver, and to fancy he from thence took the Hint of his Lilliputians’ (I, p. 185). 137 ‘The Cady … Bruce.] Bruce, Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile, Vol. IV, p. 434. 138 These very little … dry.] Jean de Thevenot, The Travels of Monsieur de Thevenot into the Levant in Three Parts, viz into I. Turkey, II. Persia, III. the East Indies (London, 1686), pt I, p. 39. 139 The story … Koran.] D’Herbelot, Bibliothèque Orientale, ‘Zoharah’, p. 938; Sale, The Koran, pp. 13–14, fn. 140 ‘They pretend … Niebuhr.] Niebuhr, Description de l’Arabie, pp. 107–8. Probably RS’s translation. 141 ‘One of the Arabs … Niebuhr.] This is RS’s translation of Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabie, Vol. I, p. 204. A different version of the passage is in Niebuhr, Travels through Arabia, Vol. I, p. 199. 142 ‘They surprized you … Hareth.] The Works of Sir William Jones, Vol. IV, p. 333. 143 ‘One of these Hykes … Shaw.] Shaw, Travels, or Observations Relating to Several Parts of Barbary, pp. 289–90. 144 ‘The employment … Chenier.] Chenier, The Present State of the Empire of Morocco, Vol. I, pp. 125–6. 145 ‘Fear the fire … Chap. 4.] Sale, The Koran, ch. 2, pp. 3–4; ch. 4, p. 68. 146 ‘The Arabians attribute … D’Herbelot.] D’Herbelot, Bibliothèque Orientale, ‘Soliman’, pp. 819–20. RS has taken the details from Morgan’s note quoting D’Herbelot in Mahomet Rabadan, Mahometism Fully Explained, trans. Joseph Morgan, 2 vols (London, 1723–5), Vol. I, p. 203. 147 ‘Anchieta was going … ignorance.] P. Simam de Vasconcellos, Vida do Veneravel Padre Joseph de Anchieta, da Companhia de Jesu, Taumaturgo do Novo Mundo, na Provincia do Brasil (Lisbon, 1672), pp. 204–5. The verse translates thus: ‘When the Western priests were seeking foreign shores, one of his many companions fell ill: he complained that his head was burning from the heat, now gone, of Phoebus’s lamp and from its fire, now hidden, and he looked in the prow to see if a corner there would give him shade; but nowhere in the prow was there shade. He looked in the stern, but the stern had no shade; the upper and lower torches of the sun continued to burn. Anchieta was anxious to assist the man in his troubles; he saw a lone bird flying through the midst of the air. He saw it and he said to it, “Go, bird; seek cohorts of your fellows and return with a legion.” The bird approved his words, and swifter than the east wind it sped to seek, as bidden, its kindred flock. Soon it returns accompanied by a thousand allied wings; a thousand were seen to follow their leader and a thousand to go before; a thousand flew above, and the same number flew aside and below, being the whole crowd summoned by Anchieta’s prayer. As soon as they had made a testudo [tortoise – a manoeuvre of the Roman army in which soldiers formed a compact body, sheltered under their shields] by spreading their wings

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Notes to pages 232–40

they settled from above as a canopy over the sweltering ships, and drove day and the light of day far away, until the shadow of their throng laid his sore head to rest. No doubt Anchieta made the birds into artificers so that these canopies should suddenly be made.’ 148 In a very old book … lie.] Gregorius Reisch, Margarita Philosophica cu Additionibus Novis: Ab Auctore suo Studiosissima Revisione Quarto Superadditis (Basle, 1517), book VIII, De Principis Rerum Naturalium, ch. 17. 149 The most quaint … Bartas.] Guillaume de Salluste Du Bartas, Du Bartas His Deuine Weekes and Workes Translated, trans. Joshua Sylvester (London, 1611), pp. 561–2; from ‘The Magnificence. The Second Book of the fourth Day of the second Week.’ 150 Possibly this fable … building.] Sale, The Koran, pp. 353–4. 151 ‘In places … Niebuhr.] Niebuhr, Travels Through Arabia, Vol. II, p. 329. 152 ‘The Camels … Tavernier.] Tavernier, Les Six Voyages, Vol. I, p. 118, cf. the Eng- lish version, Collections of Travels, Vol. I, p. 50. 153 ‘At four … Bruce.] James Bruce, Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile, Vol. IV, p. 594. 154 ‘The girdles … Shaw.] Shaw, Travels, or Observations Relating to Several Parts of Barbary, pp. 292–3. 155 ‘On the road we passed … Irwin.] Eyles Irwin, A Series of Adventures in the Course of a Voyage up the Red-Sea, on the Coasts of Arabia and Egypt (London, 1780), pp. 317–18. 156 In the Monthly Magazine … Hanway.] Hanway, An Historical Account of the Brit- ish Trade over the Caspian Sea, Vol. I, p. 236. 157 ‘The African Arabs … Algiers.] Morgan, History of Algiers, Vol. I, p. 99. 158 ‘No creature … Volney.] Volney, Travels Through Syria and Egypt, Vol. I, pp. 388– 90. 159 ‘Where any part … Shaw.] Shaw, Travels, or Observations Relating to Several Parts of Barbary, pp. 378–9. 160 ‘It is the ancient custom … enjoyment.’] Bahar Danush, Vol. II, p. 271. 161 ‘The burning heat … Park.] Mungo Park, Travels in the Interior Districts of Africa, p. 176. 162 ‘I shake the lash … Tarafa.] The Works of Sir William Jones, Vol. IV, p. 265. 163 ‘I pushed on … Africa.] Park, Travels in the Interior Districts of Africa, pp. 176–8. 164 ‘All the time … Algiers.] Morgan, History of Algiers, Vol. I, p. 101–3. 165 ‘the Dromedary … exaggerated.] Chenier, The Present State of the Empire of Morocco, Vol. II, p. 148. 166 ‘The royal couriers … Hanway.] Hanway, An Historical Account of the British Trade over the Caspian Sea, Vol. I, p. 262. 167 ‘We were here at once … Bruce.] Bruce, Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile, Vol. IV, pp. 553–6. 168 ‘The Pelican … History.] William Smellie, The Philosophy of Natural History, 2 vols (Edinburgh, 1790), Vol. I, p. 220. 169 Bruce notices … know.’] Bruce, Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile, Vol. I, pp. 79–80, quoting Friderik Ludvig [Frederic Louis] Norden, Travels in Egypt and Nubia, trans. Peter Templeman, 2 vols (London, 1757).

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Notes to pages 240–7

170 These prominent …Chardin.] See Travels of Sr John Chardin into Persia and Ye East Indies. Through the Black Sea. And the Country of Colchis (London, 1686), plates opposite pp. 252, 390, 412. 171 ‘The mosques … Aleppo.] Russell, Natural History of Aleppo, Vol. I, p. 14. 172 ‘The circuit … Tavernier.] Tavernier, Collections of Travels, Vol. I, p. 149. 173 ‘the spreading … world.’] Volney, Travels Through Syria and Egypt, Vol. I, p. 3. 174 ‘Almanzor riding … Marigny.] Marigny, Histoire des Arabes, Vol. III, pp. 37–9. 175 Bagdat was founded … Marigny.] Marigny, Histoire des Arabes, Vol. III, pp. 40, 33–7. 176 ‘The houses in Persia … Chardin.] Chardin, Travels of Sr John Chardin into Persia and Ye East Indies, p. 353. 177 ‘there are the fairest Basars … ’em.’] Chardin, Travels of Sr John Chardin into Persia and Ye East Indies, p. 353. 178 ‘At Bagdad … Tavernier.] Tavernier, Les Six Voyages, Vol. I, p. 210, cf. the English edition, Collections of Travels, Vol. I, p. 85. 179 ‘On the other side of the river … Hakluyt.] ‘The Voyage and Travell of M. Caesar Fredericke’ in Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Vol. II, p. 214. 180 ‘Here are great store … Hakluyt.] ‘The Voyage of M. Ralph Fitch marchant of London’ in Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Vol. II, p. 251. 181 In Tavernier’s time … colours.] Reference to Tavernier, Les Six Voyages, Vol. I, p. 210, cf. the English edition, Collections of Travels, Vol. I, p. 85. 182 ‘At Adanaqui … Jackson.] Jackson, A Journey from India, p. 116. 183 ‘The cranes … Minor.] Richard Chandler, Travels in Asia Minor and Greece: or, An Account of a Tour Made at the Expense of the Society of Dilettanti, 2 vols (Oxford, 1776), Vol. II, pp. 94–5 cf. 3rd edn (London, 1817), Vol. I, p. 109. 184 Walls, within … Restored.] William Hayward Roberts, Judah Restored: A Poem (London, 1774), pp. 42–3. 185 Within the walls … Restored.] Roberts, Judah Restored, p. 67. 186 ‘The Tower of Nimrod … Frederick.] ‘The Voyage and Travell of M. Caesar Fred- ericke’ in Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Vol. II, pp. 214–15. 187 ‘Being upon a plaine … bigger.’] ‘The Voyage of M. John Eldred to Tripolis in Syria by sea, and from thence by land and river to Babylon and Balsara’ in Hak- luyt, The Principal Navigations, Vol. II, p. 269. 188 ‘In the middle of a vast … Hist.] Della Valle, Les Fameux Voyages de Pietro della Va l l e , pt II, pp. 49–53; Universal History, Vol. I, p. 147. 189 Eight towers arise … Restored.] Roberts, Judah Restored, p. 20. 190 ‘On a rising ground … Shaw.] Shaw, Travels, or Observations Relating to Several Parts of Barbary, p. 57. 191 ‘The Treasure of Tubnah …Shaw.] Shaw, Travels, or Observations Relating to Several Parts of Barbary, p. 114. 192 Rauwolf … thing.] Leo Flaminius, pseud. [Leonhard Rauwolf], Leonis Flaminii Itinerarium per Palæstinam, das ist, eine … Reiss-Beschreibung … worbey auch aller- hand Figuren befindlich … (Rotenberg, 1682). 193 river mentioned by Herodotus;] Herodotus, The Persian Wars, book IV, p. 195. 194 ‘The springs of bitumen … History.] Universal History, Vol. I, p. 145, fn. i. 195 ‘The Mussulmauns … Danush.] Bahar Danush, Vol. II, pp. 136–7. 196 ‘The ninety nine … Tavernier.] Tavernier, Nouvelle Relation de l’Interieur du Ser- rail du Grand Seigneur (Paris, 1675), pp. 93–4.

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Notes to pages 247–52

197 ‘The Mahummedans … Bahar-Danush.] Bahar Danush, Vol. I, pp. 84–5. 198 ‘The scribe … Bahar-Danush.] Bahar Danush, Vol. I, p. 84. 199 ‘Rajah Chunder … Akbery.] Abu-al-Fadl Ibn Mubarek, Ayeen Akbery; or, the Insti- tutes of the Emperor Akber, trans. Francis Gladwin, 2 vols (London, 1800), Vol. II, pp. 160–1. 200 ‘Zohak was the fifth … D’Herbelot. Olearius.] D’Herbelot, Bibliothèque Orientale, ‘Dhohak’, p. 949; Adam Olearius, Relation du Voyage en Moscovie, Tartarie et Perse. Avec Celuy de I. A. de Mandelslo aux Indes Orientales … le Tout Traduit de l’Allemand & Augmenté par A. de Wicquefort (Paris, 1659), Vol. I, p. 468. 201 ‘I acknowledge that … Superstitions.] Francis Grose, ‘Popular Superstitions’ in A Provincial Glossary; with a Collection of Local Proverbs, and Popular Superstitions, 2nd edn (London, 1790), pp. 56–7. 202 Something similar is recorded … Lib. 14. c. 22.] Fray Juan de Torquemada, Mon- arquia Indiana (Seville, 1615), book XIV, ch. 22. 203 St. James … Eusebius.] Eusebius (quoting Hegesippus) on James ‘the brother of the Lord’, Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, book II, ch. 23, section 1. 204 William of Malmesbury … decease.] Reference to William of Malmesbury’s history of the Kings of England. See William Stubbs, Willelmi Malmesbiriensis Monachi De Gestis Regum Anglorum, 2 vols (London 1887–9), Vol. II, p. 333. 205 ‘The habitations of the Saints … Chenier.] Chenier, The Present State of the Empire of Morocco, Vol. I, pp. 189–90. 206 ‘No nation in the world … Shaw.] Shaw, Travels, or Observations Relating to Several Parts of Barbary, p. 305. 207 ‘In the Vision of Thurcillus … Paris.] See Matthew Paris, Monachi Albanensis, Angli, Historia Maior, à Guilelmso Conquaestore, as Ultimum Annum Henrici Tertii (London, 1571), p. 292. RS’s translation: see CB, Vol. IV, pp. 130–1. 208 Archbishop of Toledo … Ximenes.] Cardinal Rodericus Ximenius de Rada, Arch- bishop of Toledo, Historia Arabum, p. 10, in Jirjis Ibn Al-Amid, called Al-Makin, Historia Saracenica (Lugduni Batavorum, 1625). 209 ‘The arabian horses … Niebuhr.] Niebuhr, Travels Through Arabia, Vol. II, pp. 300–2. 210 ‘In travelling by night … Shaw.] Shaw, Travels, or Observations Relating to Several Parts of Barbary, p. 363. 211 ‘The Hammam Meskouteen … waters.] Shaw, Travels, or Observations Relating to Several Parts of Barbary, p. 122. 212 Besides the strong sulphureous … Shaw.] Shaw, Travels, or Observations Relating to Several Parts of Barbary, pp. 231–2. 213 ‘In the place where the Whang-ho rises … Travels.] ‘A Description of Tibet, or Tib- bet’ in A New General Collection of Voyages and Travels, ‘Printed for Thomas Astley’, 4 vols (London, 1745–7), Vol. IV, p. 452; Southey quotes from ‘A Description of Tibet’, where the passage is attributed to Anthony Gaubil, author of ‘The Journey of Anthony Gaubil, Jesuit, from Kanton to Pe-king, in 1722’ (A New General Collection, Vol. III, pp. 581–4) and ‘A farther Account of the Con- quests of Jenghiz Khan; from the Chinese annals’ (A New General Collection, Vol. IV, pp. 429–49). 214 ‘The Whang ho, or as the Portugueze … Choann.] Hau Kiou Choaan or The Pleas- ing History, 4 vols (London, 1761), Vol. II, pp. 215.

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Notes to pages 252–5

215 ‘Among the mountains … Shaw.] Shaw, Travels, or Observations Relating to Several Parts of Barbary, pp. 102–3. 216 In 1568 … Knolles.] Richard Knolles, The Generall Historie of the Turkes, from the First Beginning of the Nation to the Rising of the Othoman Familie (London, 1603), p. 838. 217 ‘The expenses … 1637 .] Olearius, Voyages and Travells, pp. 218–19. 218 Major Scott informs … place.] Reference to Bahar Danush, Vol. I, p. 75, fn. 219 ‘We pitched our tents … Tavernier.] Tavernier, Les Six Voyages, Vol. I, p. 184, cf. the English edition, Collections of Travels, Vol. I, p. 75. 220 Tal è proprio … alzando.] Ariosto, Le Rime (1602), poem 54 (beginning ‘La bella donna mia d’un sì bel fuoco’), ll. 5–12. A literal translation reads thus: ‘Such it is to see that amorous flame, that on the beautiful face spreads, whence she with gentle laughter falls in love with her own beauties, as it is to see when a red rose discovers the beautiful paradise of its leaves at the time when the sun, divided from the Orient, rises into day’. 221 ‘The Thracians … Pausanias.] Pausanius, Description of Greece, Vol. III, p. 86. 222 Con diferencia … garganta.] Luis de Gongora y Argote, Todas las Obras de Don Luis de Gongora en Varios Poemas, 3 vols (Madrid, 1634), Vol. II, p. 352. Rpt in Obras Completas de Don Luis de Gongora y Argote (Madrid, 1932), pp. 467–8. 223 Sovra l’orlo … petto.] Giovanni Battista Marini, ‘Sonneto’, in Parnaso Italiano. Ovvero Raccolta De’Poeti Classici Italiani, 56 vols (Venice, 1784–91), XLI, p. 16. The Italian translates as ‘Upon the edge of a brilliant and clear stream, the gentle song loosens the music of the nightingale, which seems to have a thousand voices and a thousand birds in the breast’. 224 ‘In the Caherman Nameh … D’Herbelot.] D’Herbelot, Bibliothèque Orientale, ‘Div’, p. 298; ‘Peri’, p. 702. 225 ‘Nuptials of Mohammed … Maracci.] Marracci, Alcorani textus universus, Vol. I, pt i, ‘Vita, et Res Gestae a Mahumeto’, p. 14. The Latin translates thus: ‘While a most solemn feast was being prepared for the celebration of the wedding, the throne of God shuddered as angels marveled; God himself, full of majesty, instructed the guardian of Paradise to bring forth his girls and boys with festive ornaments and to set out the drinking cups in due order; he should also dress the girls, including those whose breasts were growing, and the boys of the same age, in precious clothes. He also told Gabriel to break out the banner of praise over the temple of Mecca. Then indeed all the hills and valleys began to exult for joy, and that night all Mecca seethed like a cooking-pot on the fire. At the same time God instructed Gabriel to splash most precious ointments over all mortals, and everybody marvelled at the sudden and unusual fragrance which everyone knew had been exhaled divinely in gratitude for the new groom and bride.’ 226 ‘Selymus 2. … Knolles.] Knolles, Generall Historie of the Turkes, p. 834. 227 ‘Among the presents … Knolles.] Knolles, Generall Historie of the Turkes, p. 838. 228 ‘In the beautiful story … Tavernier.] Tavernier, Les Six Voyages, Vol. I, p. 101, cf. the English edition, Collections of Travels, Vol. I, p. 43. 229 ‘On the way from Macao … Careri.] John Francis Gemelli Careri, A Voyage Round the World. In Six Parts, viz. I. Of Turky, II. Of Persia, III. Of India, IV. Of China, V. of the Philippine-Islands, VI. Of New-Spain, in A Collection of Voyages and Travels, 4 vols (London, 1704), Vol. IV, p. 295, cf. p. 412.

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Notes to pages 255–8

230 In the Chinese Novel … herself.] Hau Kiou Choaan or The Pleasing History, Vol. II, pp. 75–6. 231 They have no English glasse … Hakluyt.] ‘Certaine letters in verse, written by Master George Turbervile out of Muscovia’ in Hakluyt, The Principal Naviga- tions, Vol. I, p. 386. 232 The Indians of Malabar … Batolomeo.] Fra Paolino da San Batolomeo [Joannes Philippus Werdin, or Wesdin], A Voyage to the East Indies, Containing an Account of the Manners, Customs … of the Natives … Collected from Observations made … Between 1776 and 1789 (London, 1800), p. 252. 233 ‘The King and the great Lords … Tavernier.] Tavernier, Les Six Voyages, Vol. I, pp. 376–7, cf. the English edition, Collections of Travels, Vol. I, p. 145. 234 ‘The Cuptzi … Travels.] Olearius, Voyages and Travells, p. 130. 235 At Ispahan … coloured.] Olearius, Voyages and Travells, p. 201. 236 Acre illud … Hafez.] William Jones, Poeseos Asiaticae Commentariorum, pp. 128 & 183. Jones’s Latin translates as ‘Mohammed called wine the mother of sins, with which opinion Hafez (the Anacreon of the Persians) does not agree. He says instead: “But that bitter stuff (wine) which the religious man calls the mother of sins,/ Seems to me more desirable and sweeter than a virgin’s kiss.” “Crush me with that liquid fire/ That is, bring me that fire that is like water.”’ 237 ‘They export from Com … Chardin.] Chardin, Travels of Sr John Chardin into Persia and Ye East Indies, p. 391. 238 In Egypt people … Sonnini.] Sonnini, Travels in Upper and Lower Egypt, Vol. III, p. 322. 239 ‘Casbin produces … Chardin.] Chardin, Travels of Sr John Chardin into Persia and Ye E a s t I n d i e s , p. 380. 240 Dr. Fryer received … snow.] John Fryer, A New Account of East-India and Persia, in Eight Letters (London, 1698), p. 228. 241 When Tavernier … ice.] Tavernier, Les Six Voyages, Vol. I, pp. 35–6 cf. the English edition, Collections of Travels, Vol. I, pp. 13–14. 242 A great number of camels … Mecca.] Marigny, Histoire des Arabes, Vol. III, p. 54. 243 Of the Indian dancing women … expert.’] Olearius, Voyages and Travells, p. 206. 244 At Koojar … arms.’] Mungo Park, Travels in the Interior Districts of Africa, p. 42. 245 ‘At Seronge … Tavernier.] Tavernier, Les Six Voyages, Vol. II, p. 35, cf. the English edition, Collections of Travels, Vol. II, p. 33. 246 ‘I came to a Village … Chardin.] Chardin, Travels of Sr John Chardin into Persia and Ye East Indies, pp. 239–40. 247 Over the river Isperuth … Amb. Tr.] Olearius, Voyages and Travells, p. 288. 248 ‘The dust which overspreads … Sonnini.] Sonnini, Travels in Upper and Lower Egypt, Vol. I, pp. 366–7. 249 These lines are feebly adapted … prose.] RS cites Edward Gibbon, The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, 6 vols (London, 1776–88), Vol. I, p. lxix, notes. The notes are paginated separately, and the passage is from ch. 15, ‘The Progress of the Christian Religion’, n. 67. RS quotes from Thomas Burnet, Te l - luris Theoria Sacra: Orbis Nostri Originem & Mutationes Generales, Quas aut jam Subiit, aut Olim Subiturus Est, Complectens (London, 1681), Vol. I, pp. 86–7. Burnet’s Latin translates thus: ‘This is what I would like said of earth’s authentic and major mountains: here we do not reckon the hills of Bacchus pleasant, or any delight to exist in the little hills which drive off the heat of the summer sun

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with their green grass and attendant spring and trees (though they do have their own particular neatness and their own charm). Our gaze is fixed instead on something quite different, on those age-old burdens of the earth in all their grimness and dirt, that rear their heads stiff between the clouds while their stony feet are fixed in the ground, and there they have stood in stillness for countless generations, enduring with bare breast all those years of burning sun, of thun- derbolt and storm. These are those primeval and immortal hills, empowered to create their elevation simply from the cracking of the structure of the world – by which they will also perish.’ 250 ‘The Zaccoum … Sale.] Sale, The Koran, ch. 37, pp. 367–8, fn. 251 ‘When the sister of the famous Derar … Marigny.] Marigny, Histoire des Arabes, Vol. I, pp. 132–9. RS’s translation? 252 ‘In the N. E. parts of Persia … Purchas.] Purchas, His Pilgrimage, p. 317. 253 In another place Purchas … Paradise.] Purchas, His Pilgrimage, p. 237. 254 ‘Travelling on further towards the south … Odoricus.] ‘The Iournall of Frier Odo- ricus’ in Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Vol. II, pp. 64–5. 255 ‘Beside the Yle of Pentexoire … Maundeville.] John Mandeville, The Voiage and Travaile of Sir John Maundeville (London, 1727), pp. 336–9. 256 ‘The Sheik Kotbeddin … Bibl. Nat. t. iv. 541.] Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Nationale, 42[?] vols (Paris, 1787–1910), Vol. IV, p. 541. 257 ‘As the celestial Apostle … D’Ohsson.] D’Ohsson, Tableau général de l’Empire Oth- oman, pp. 175–7. 258 ‘In the Meidan … Tavernier.] Tavernier, Les Six Voyages, Vol. I, p. 54, cf. the Eng- lish edition, Collections of Travels, Vol. I, p. 22. 259 Thus Euripides … παιδα] Euripides, Troades. The verse, which is spoken in the play by Andromache, has her begging Neoptolemos to bury the boy (her son Astyanax) not in cedar and enclosures of stone but under this (the shield of Hector). 260 ‘If we except a few persons … Shaw.] Shaw, Travels, or Observations Relating to Sev- eral Parts of Barbary, p. 285. 261 ‘About a quarter of a mile … Minor.] Chandler, Travels in Asia Minor and Greece, Vol. II, p. 189, Vol. I, p. 218. 262 ‘St. Anthony the Great … Metaphrasten.] ‘The Lives of the Saints’. See J. Bollan- dus and H. Godefridus, Acta Sanctorum, Editio novissimo, curante Joanne Carnadet etc. [Arranged chronologically by feasts], 69 vols (Paris, 1863), Vol. II, 17 January (St Anthony), Vol. III, 28 January (St James the Eremite). 263 In the Lettres Juives … 1736.] The Jewish Spy: Being a Philosophical, Historical, and Critical Correspondence, 5 vols (London, 1744), Vol. IV, pp. 123–7 itself a translation of the passage from the Mercure Historique et Politique, 101 (Oct. 1736), 405–11 as quoted in Jean Baptiste de Boyer, Lettres Juives, ou Correspond- ance Philosophique, Historique & Critique, 8 vols (La Haye, 1754), Vol. V, pp. 130–5. The Mercure, in turn, derives its account from the Franco-Dutch journal Le Glaneur, 3 March 1732. 264 ‘We have had in this country … No. 18.] RS continues to quote from The Jewish Spy, Vol. IV, pp. 123–7. The story can also be found in the London Journal, 11 March 1732. For another rendition of the story see ch. 11 of R. P. Dom Augus- tin Calmet, Traite sur les Apparitions, des Esprits et sur les Vampires, 2 vols (Paris, 1752).

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Notes to pages 269–73

265 ‘The man whose story we are going to relate … Tournefort.] Joseph Pitton de Tournefort, A Voyage into the Levant, 3 vols (London, 1741), Vol. I, pp. 142–7. 266 In Dalmatia … Cassas.] Louis Francois Cassas, Voyage Pittoresque et Historique de l’Istrie et de la Dalmatie. Travels in Istria and Dalmatia, Drawn up from the Itiner- ary of L. F. Cassas (London, 1805), p. 13. 267 ‘The Turks … North.] Roger North, The Life of the Right Honourable Francis North, Baron of Guilford (London, 1744), p. 125. 268 In these … fruit.] Jeremy Taylor, ‘The Miracles of the Divine Mercy’, Sermon XXV of XXVIII Sermons Preached at Golden Grove (London, 1654 ) constituting Vol. II of A Course of Sermons for all the Sundays of the Year, 2nd edn, 2 vols (Lon- don, 1655), Vol. II, p. 325. 269 It appears … stone.’] RS quotes the sixth couplet of ghazal no. 269 of the Persian poet Hafez. See Divan-I-Hafiz, ed. Khânlarî and the English translation, ode 320, in H. Wilberforce Clarke (ed. and trans.), The Divan, Written in the Four- teenth Century, By … Khwaja Shamsu-d-Din Muhammad-i-Hafiz-i-Shirazi, 2 vols (Calcutta, 1891), Vol. II, pp. 554–5. RS quotes it almost verbatim from the translation by Edward Scott Waring in his A Tour to Sheeraz (London, 1807, 1st pub. Bombay, 1804), p. 112. 270 My readers … both.] Reference to Gottfried August Bürger, ‘Lenore’ (1774). William’s Taylor’s translation of Burger’s poem, in Monthly Magazine, 1 (March 1796), excited RS and led him to write ballads of his own even before basing the last books of Thalaba on Burger’s style. 271 ‘In this … Irwin.] Eyles Irwin, A Series of Adventures in the Course of a Voyage up the Red-Sea, on the Coasts of Arabia and Egypt (London, 1780), p. 308. 272 The hawk … Russell.] Russell, Natural History of Aleppo, Vol. II, p. 155. 273 The Shaheen … destroyed.’] Russell, Natural History of Aleppo, Vol. II, pp. 196–7. 274 Dr Patrick … itself.’] Russell, Natural History of Aleppo, Vol. II, p. 197. 275 ‘We saw … Land.] Jackson, A Journey from India, p. 11. 276 The Persians … Tavernier.] Reference to Tavernier, Les Six Voyages, Vol. I, pp. 382–3, cf. the English edition, Collections of Travels, Vol. I, pp. 146–7. 277 ‘As the … Tavernier.] Reference to Tavernier, Les Six Voyages, Vol. I, p. 383, cf. the English edition, Collections of Travels, Vol. I, p. 147. 278 The same … Chao.] Thomas Percy, Miscellaneous Pieces Relating to the Chinese, 2 vols (London, 1762) I, pp. 115–20. 279 ‘The farmers … Pontoppidan.] Erich Pontoppidan, The Natural History of Nor- way, 2 vols (London, 1755), Vol. II, p. 89. 280 In the arms … Europe.] Reference to the last plate, at the end of Estevan de Garibay y Zamalloa, Genealogicas De Los Catholicos Reyes de las Espanas (Madrid, 1596). 281 I saw … time.] RS discusses his response to bull-fighting in letters written while visiting Portugal in June 1800; Warter, Vol. I, p. 116. 282 ‘They have … Tavernier.] Tavernier, Les Six Voyages, Vol. I, p. 383, cf. the English edition, Collections of Travels, Vol. I, p. 147. 283 The Kings … Tavernier.] Reference to Tavernier, Les Six Voyages, Vol. I, pp. 383– 4, cf. the English edition, Collections of Travels, Vol. I, p. 147. 284 A Serpent … Gower.] RS’s quotes Gower, Confessio Amantis, book I, ll. 463–80. 285 ‘E ’l tir … Pulci.] RS quotes Luigi Pulci, Il Morgante Maggiore, 3 vols (Leghorn, 1776), Vol. I, p. 450, canto 14, stanza 82, ll. 3–6. The verse translates thus:

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Notes to pages 273–9

‘And the asp which had noticed the snake-charmer/ So as not to hear his words/ Had pressed one ear against the ground/ And had plugged the other with his tail’. 286 Does not … Egypt?] Reference to Psalm 58:4–5. This query, and the quotation from Gower, originated as notes in CB, Vol. IV, p. 146. 287 ‘As for … Careri.] Gemelli Careri, A Voyage Round the World, p. 383. 288 Du Halde … Combs.’] Jean Baptiste Du Halde, A Description of the Empire of China and Chinese Tartary, 2 vols (London, 1738), Vol. I, p. 120, Vol. II, p. 230. 289 ‘It being … 1608.] Reference to John Wilson, The English Martyrologe, Contain- ing A Summary of the Lives of the Glorious and Renowned Saints of the Three Kingdomes England, Scotland and Ireland, (no place of pub, 1672), p. 29. 290 Dead Saints … Martyrologe.] English Martyrologe, p. 30. 291 ‘So when … Maracci.] Marracci, Alcorani textus universus, Vol. I, pt ii, p. 11. 292 ‘When the … Marigny.] Marigny, Histoire des Arabes, Vol. II, pp. 224–6. Proba- bly RS’s translation. 293 After Affonso …Vasconcellos.] Untraced. 294 Beautifully … Episcopacy.] John Milton, Of Prelatical Episcopacy (London, 1641), p. 15. 295 ‘On Mount … Purchas.] Purchas, His Pilgrimage, p. 36. 296 ‘Ælianus … Times.] The Treasurie of Auncient and Moderne Times, Containing the Learned Collections, Judicious Readings and Memorable Observations … Translated out of … P. Mexico, and F. Sansouino … A. Du Verdier, L. Guyon, C. Gruget, &c [by T. Milles] (London, 1613), p. 392. See CB, Vol. IV, p. 149. 297 ‘The balsam … Pausanias.] Pausanias, Description of Greece, Vol. III, pp. 62–3. 298 ‘The inhabitants … Pausanias.] Pausanias, Description of Greece, Vol. III, pp. 61– 2. 299 ‘The Persians … Chardin.] See Jean Chardin, Le Couronnement De Soleïman Troisieme Roy de Perse (Paris, 1671), pp. 199–200. Probably RS’s translation. 300 ‘They Imagine … Chenier.] Chenier, The Present State of the Empire of Morocco, Vol. I, pp. 351–2. 301 were this … Martyrologe.] English Martyrologe, p. 192. 302 ‘There is … Martyrologe.] English Martyrologe, pp. 91–2. 303 ‘I observed … following.’]The Travels of Monsieur de Thevenot into the Levant, Vol. II, p. 24. 304 ‘The Mohammedan … Discourse.] Sale, The Koran, ‘A Preliminary Discourse’, p. 76. 305 ‘This Mohammedan … not.’] RS quotes Isaiah 66.24. 306 ‘They also … Thevenot.]The Travels of Monsieur de Thevenot into the Levant, pt I, p. 40. 307 ‘St. Elpheg … Cresoy.] The passage is included in Anglia Sacra, Sive Collectio His- toriarum, Partim Antiquitus, Partim Recenter Scriptarum, de Archiepiscopis & Episcopis Angliae, 2 vols (London, 1691), Vol. II, pp. 124–5. 308 ‘Sepa todo … t.4.636.] Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Nation- ale, Vol. IV, pp. 636–7. 309 ‘The night … D’Ohsson.] D’Ohsson, Tableau général de l’Empire Othoman, pp. 260–1.

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Notes to pages 279–86

310 ‘They all … Rabadan.] Rabadan, Mahometism Fully Explained, Vol. II, pp. 183–4 fn. 311 According to … Persia, p. 136.] William Francklin, Observations Made on a Tour from Bengal to Persia, in the Years 1786-7, 2nd edn (London, 1790). In CB, Vol. IV, p. 121, RS cites a similar observation by Gemelli, from Broughton’s Diction- ary of all Religions. 312 During the … Valle.] Della Valle, Les Fameux Voyages, ‘Suite’, p. 177. 313 ‘The Turks … Thevenot.] The Travels of Monsieur de Thevenot into the Levant, pt I, p. 40. 314 ‘In Persia … Tavernier.] Reference to Tavernier, Les Six Voyages, Vol. I, p. 559, cf. the English edition, Collections of Travels, Vol. I, p. 213. 315 ‘A Physician … Tristan. 1650.] Tristan L’Hermite, Plaidoyers Historique ou Discours de Controverse (Paris, 1643), pp. 1–5; RS’s translation. 316 In this … rhetoric.] Tristan L’Hermite, Plaidoyers Historique, pp. 6–20. 317 ‘In the … Peru.] Garcilasso de la Vega, The Royal Commentaries of Peru (London, 1688), pp. 741–2. 318 ‘Three ounces … Macbeth.] Reference to Macbeth, IV. i. 56. 319 why red-hair … investigation.] Reference to Johann David Michaelis, professor of Hebrew at Göttingen, who set Niebuhr as series of research questions when he planned his travels in Africa. See Niebuhr, Travels Through Arabia. 320 Hasta los … Uziel.] RS quotes from Jacob Uziel, David. Poema Heroico del Doctor Iacobo Uziel (Venice, 1624), pp. 220–1. The passage is from Canto 6, stanzas 70–1. 321 ‘This creature … Nieuhoff.] John Nieuhoff, ‘Voyages and Travels into Brasil and the East-Indies’ in A Collection of Voyages and Travels, 4 vols (London, 1704), Vol. II, pp. 14–15. 322 The fiction … Garden,] Reference to Erasmus Darwin, The Botanic Garden, 4th edn, 2 vols (London, 1799), Vol. II, pp. 143–4. For the influence of this poem on RS and his fellow Romantics, see Desmond King-Hele, Erasmus Darwin and the Romantic Poets (Basingstoke, 1986). 323 Neere unto … Hakluyt.] ‘The Iournall of Frier Odoricus’ in Hakluyt, The Princi- pal Navigations, Vol. II, p. 57. 324 ‘When any … Shaw.] Shaw, Travels, or Observations Relating to Several Parts of Barbary, pp. 284–5. 325 ‘All Mahometans … Chenier.] Chenier, The Present State of the Empire of Morocco, Vol. I, pp. 291–2. 326 The fullest … Guys.] M. Guys, Voyage Litteraire de La Grece, ou Lettres Sur Les Grecs Anciens et Modernes (Paris, 1771), pp. 291–5. 327 ‘Neque … sequetur.] RS quotes Horace, Carmina (Odes), 2, 14, l. 21f, the verses translating thus: ‘Nor will any of those trees you cultivate attend you short-lived master, except the hateful cypresses’. 328 As soon … Griffiths.] J. Griffiths, Travels in Europe, Asia Minor, and Arabia (Lon- don, 1805), pp. 146–7. 329‘The Turks … Knolles.] Richard Knolles, The Turkish History. From the Original of that Nation, to the Growth of the Ottoman Empire (London, 1687), Vol. I, p. 836. 330 ‘The Turks … Tavernier.] Tavernier, Les Six Voyages, Vol. I, p. 7, cf. the English edition, Collections of Travels Through Turky, Vol. I, p. 4.

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Notes to pages 286–93

331 ‘All that … Chardin.] See Chardin, Travels of Sr John Chardin into Persia, pp. 244–5. 332 ‘When they … Tavernier.] Tavernier, Les Six Voyages, Vol. I, p. 24, cf. the English edition, Collections of Travels Through Turky, Vol. I, p. 10. 333 An Abyssinian … it.] Reference to James Bruce, Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile, Vol. II, p. 296. 334 So the Dutch … falshoods.]The anecdote can be found in David Hume, ‘Essay on Miracles’, Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding (1771), section X, pt i. 335 ‘This little forest … stronger.’] Jean de la Roque, Voyage de Syrie et du Mont-Liban (Paris, 1722); rpt Voyage de Syrie et du Mont-Liban, Vol. I of Voyageurs d’Orient, ed. Jean Raymond (Beyrouth, Editions Dar Lahad Khater, 1981), pp. 28–31. 336 ‘They drink … Travels.] Olearius, Voyages and Travells, p. 240. 337 Pietro … care.’] Della Valle, Les Fameux Voyages, pt I, p. 92. 338 Sephie-Mirza … Chardin.] Chardin, Le Couronnement De Soleïman Troisieme Roy de Perse (Paris, 1671), p. 18 and pp. 383–5. 339 Metalla … cantilenæ;] Cassiodorus’s Latin, as quoted by Davies, translates as ‘metals that moan, Diomedian bronze cranes trumpet, a brass snake hisses, artificial birds twitter, and those objects which do not have a specific sound, emit from their bronze the sweetness of a song’. 340 ‘We have now … century.] Gabriel Naudé, The History of Magic, trans. John Dav- ies (London, 1657), pp. 248–9, 252–4. 341 ‘This Table … Marracci.] Marracci, Alcorani textus universus, Vol. I, pt iii, p. 94. 342 ‘They celebrate … D’Ohsson.] D’Ohsson, Tableau général de l’Empire Othoman, p. 260. 343 ‘Here, in … Rabadan.] Rabadan, Mahometism Fully Explained, Vol. II, pp. 79– 80. 344 ‘At the end … Paris.] See Matthew Paris, Monachi Albanensis, p. 290. 345 ‘Concerning … França.] Jeronimo Moreira De Carvalho, Primeira Parte da Histo- ria do Imperador Carlos Magno e Dos Doze Pares de Franca, Traduzida de Castelhano em Portuguez … por Jeronymo Moreira de Carvalho, etc. (Segunda Parte da Historia do Imperador Carlos Magno … Fielmente Tirada das Chronicas France- zas daquelle Tempo, etc. [Compiled by J. Moreira de Carvalho] 2 pts (Lisboa, 1800, 1799), pt I, book IV, ch. ix, pp. 278–9. 346 as churches … employed.] RS refers to the famous quip about Vanbrugh’s archi- tecture: ‘Under this stone, Reader, survey/ Dead Sir John Vanbrugh’s house of clay./ Lie heavy on him, Earth! for he/ Laid many heavy loads on thee!’ (Dr) Abel Evans, ‘On Sir John Vanbrugh: An Epigrammatical Epitaph’ in A Select Collection of Poems, ed. John Nichols (London, 1780), Vol. III, p. 161. 347 For take… Spenser.] RS quotes Spenser, The Faerie Queene, V. ii. 383–8. 348 This double … tradition.] RS refers to Aesop’s fable, ‘The King’s Son and the Painted Lion’: ‘A king, whose only son was fond of martial exercises, had a dream in which he was warned that his son would be killed by a lion. Afraid the dream should prove true, he built for his son a pleasant palace and adorned its walls for his amusement with all kinds of life-sized animals, among which was the picture of a lion. When the young Prince saw this, his grief at being thus confined burst out afresh, and, standing near the lion, he said: “O you most detestable of animals! through a lying dream of my father’s, which he saw in his sleep, I am shut up on your account in this palace as if I had been a girl: what

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Notes to pages 293–7

shall I now do to you?” With these words he stretched out his hands toward a thorn-tree, meaning to cut a stick from its branches so that he might beat the lion. But one of the tree’s prickles pierced his finger and caused great pain and inflammation, so that the young Prince fell down in a fainting fit. A violent fever suddenly set in, from which he died not many days later.’ From Aesop, Fables, ed. G. F. Townsend and L. Valentine (London, n.d.). The story behind Cook’s Folly is related by William Wells Brown, The American Fugitive in Europe. Sketches of Places and People Abroad (Boston, 1855), p. 155: ‘Some years since a gentleman; of the name of Cook, erected this tower, which has since gone by the name of “Cook’s Folly.” A son having been born, he was desirous of ascer- taining, by means of astrology, if he would live to enjoy his property. Being himself a firm believer, like the poet Dryden, that certain information might be obtained from the above science, he caused the child’s horoscope to be drawn, and found, to his dismay, that in his third, sixteenth, or twenty-first year, he would be in danger of meeting with some fearful calamity or sudden death, to avert which he caused the turret to be constructed, and the child placed therein. Secure, as he vainly thought, there he lived, attended by a faithful servant, their food and fuel being conveyed to them by means of a pulley-basket, until he was old enough to wait upon himself. On the eve of his twenty-first year his parent’s hopes rose high, and great were the rejoicings prepared to welcome the young heir to his home. But, alas! no human skill could avert the dark fate which clung to him. The last night he had to pass alone in the turret, a bundle of fagots was conveyed to him as usual, in which lay concealed a viper, which clung to his hand. The bite was fatal; and, instead of being borne in triumph, the dead body of his only son was the sad spectacle which met the sight of his father.’ 349 ‘Before my … Dampier.] William Dampier, A New Voyage Round the World (Lon- don, 1703), pp. 180–1 and also James Burney, A Chronological History of the Discoveries in the South Sea or Pacific Ocean, 5 vols (London, 1803–17), Vol. IV ‘To the year 1723, including a history of the buccaneers of America’. 350 ‘Then I knew … Antara.] Included in The Works of Sir William Jones, Vol. IV, p. 307. 351 In the … ringlets.’] RS’s quotations come from Bahar Danush, Vol. I, pp. 14, 142, 97, Vol. II, pp. 61, 82 respectively. 352 My beating … elope!] RS quotes Dr John Campbell, ‘On Hope’, in The Euro- pean Magazine and London Review (November 1784), p. 396. Hope’s original lines read: ‘My beating bosom is a well-wrought cage,/ Whence this sweet gold finch never shall elope’. 353 The Grave … soul.] Untraced. 354 ‘The disembowelling … Vancouver.] George Vancouver, A Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean and Round the World, 3 vols (London, 1798), Vol. I, pp. 121–2. 355 ‘When Hosein … Devil.] Marracci, Alcorani textus universus, Vol. II, pt ii, pp. 76– 7 and appendix. 356 ‘When the … moon.’] Venerabilis Bedae Presbyteri Anglo-Saxonis, Doctoris Ecclesiae Vere Illuminati Opera Theologica, Moralia, Historica, Philosophica, Mathematica & Rhetorica, 8 vols (Coloniae Agrippinae, 1688), Vol. II, p. 232. The title of the source in Opera is ‘Venerabilis Bedae Presbyteri de Paschae Celebratione Liber, Sive de Aequinoctio Vernali juxta Anatholium, Epistola’, usually referred to as

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Notes to pages 297–9

the ‘Epistola ad Wicthedum de Aequinoctio’ (Letter to Withedus on the Equinox). 357 ‘You shall swear … I. xxv.)] Joseph Nicolson and Richard Burn, The History and Antiquities of the Counties of Westmorland and Cumberland, 2 vols (London, 1777), Vol. I, p. xxv. 358 ‘In the … Romance.] Bahar Danush, Vol. III, p. 102. 359 The Simorg … suspected.] RS refers to Charles Fox, A Series of Poems, Containing the Plaints, Consolations and Delights of Achmed Ardebeili, A Persian Exile (Bristol and London, 1797), p. 264; Caherman Nameh (from D’Herbelot, Bibliothèque Orientale, ‘Thahamurath’, p. 1017); The Poems of Ferdosi, pp. 306–8 – ‘The Sha Name’, book VIII. Also, discussing rocs, to the history of Aladdin and the Won- derful Lamp in Arabian Nights Entertainments. See also, in the Arabian Nights, the voyage of Sinbad the sailor, in which rocs’ eggs yield diamonds, and Abdur- rehman the Moor’s Story of the Roc. ‘Wilford’ refers to F. Wilford, ‘An Essay on the Sacred Isles in the West, with other Essays connected with that work’ in Asiatic Researches; or, Transactions of the Society Instituted in Bengal, For inquiring into the History and Antiquities, the Arts, Sciences, and Literature of Asia, 12 vols (Lon- don, 1798–1818), Vol. VIII, pp. 305–6. 360 ‘By Heaven … light.’] RS refers to Joanna Baillie, ‘The Second Marriage. A Comedy. In 5 Acts’ in A Series of Plays, 3 vols (London, 1802–12), Vol. II, p. 375. 361 ‘On his entrance … Danush.] RS refers to Bahar-Danush, Vol. II, pp. 311–13. 362 ‘A r a f … D’Herbelot.] D’Herbelot, Bibliothèque Orientale, ‘Araf’, pp. 121–2.

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APPENDIX SELECTED WORKS CITED IN THALABA

The following is a list of works cited regularly by Southey in his notes.

Bahar-Danush; or, Garden of Knowledge. An Oriental Romance, trans. Jonathan Scott, 3 vols (Shrewsbury, 1799). James Bruce, Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile, In the Years 1768, 1769, 1770, 1771, 1772, and 1773, 5 vols (Edinburgh, 1790). John Chardin, Travels of Sr John Chardin into Persia and Ye East Indies. Through the Black Sea. And the Country of Colchis (London, 1686). Louis de Chenier, The Present State of the Empire of Morocco, 2 vols (London, 1788). Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voiages, And Discoveries Of The English Nations, 3 vols (London, 1598–1600). Jonas Hanway, An Historical Account of the British Trade over the Caspian Sea; with a Journal of Travels from London through Russia into Persia, and back again through Russia, Germany and Holland, 4 vols (London, 1753). Barthélemy D’Herbelot, Bibliothèque Orientale, ou Dictionaire Universel Contenant Généralement Tout ce qui Regarde la Connoissance des Peuples de l’Orient (Paris, 1697). John Jackson, A Journey from India, towards England, in the Year 1797; By a Route Commonly Called Over-Land, through Countries not much Frequented, and Many of them Hitherto Unknown to Europeans (London, 1799). The Jewish Spy: Being a Philosophical, Historical, and Critical Correspondence, 5 vols (London, 1744), Vol. IV. The Works of Sir William Jones, 6 vols (London, 1799). Richard Knolles, The Generall Historie of the Turkes, from the first beginning of the Nation to the rising of the Othoman Familie (London, 1603). Camillus Leonardus, trans., The Mirror of Stones: in which the Nature, Generation, Properties, Virtues and various Species of more than 200 different Jewels, precious and rare Stones, are distinctly described ... Extracted from the works of Aristotle, Pliny [and others] (London, 1750). François Augier de Marigny, Histoire des Arabes sous le Gouvernement des Califes, 4 vols (Paris, 1750). Lodovico Marracci, Alcorani Textus Universus ex Correctioribus Arabum Exemplaribus Summa Fide ... Descriptus, eademque Fide ... ex Arabico Idiomate in Latinum Transla- tus; Oppositis Unicuique Capitis Notis, atque Refutatione ... (Padua, 1698). J. Morgan, A Complete History of Algiers, 2 vols (London, 1728). A New General Collection of Voyages and Travels, ‘Printed for Thomas Astley’, 4 vols (London, 1745–7).

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Robert Southey: Poetical Works 1793–1810 – Volume 3

Carsten Niebuhr, Description de l’Arabie, trans. F.L. Mourier (Amsterdam, 1774). ———, Voyage en Arabie & en d’Autres Pays Circonvoisins, trans. F.L. Mourier, 2 vols (Amsterdam and Utrecht, 1776 and 1780). ———, Travels Through Arabia, trans. Robert Heron, 2 vols (Dublin, 1792). ‘The Iournall of Frier Odoricus, one of the order of the Minorites, concerning strange things which hee sawe among the Tartars of the East’ in Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Vol. II. Ignatius Mouradgea d’Ohsson, Tableau général de l’Empire Othoman (Paris, 1787). Adam Olearius, The Voyages and Travells of the Ambassadors Sent by Frederick Duke of Holstein, to the Great Duke of Muscovy, and the King of Persia. Begun in the Year M.DC.XXXIII. and Finish’d in M.DC.XXXIX, trans. John Davies, 2nd edn (Lon- don, 1669). Mungo Park, Travels in the Interior districts of Africa ... in the years 1795, 1796 and 1797 (London, 1799). Pausanias, The Description of Greece, trans. Thomas Taylor, 3 vols (London, 1794). Richard Pococke, A Description of the East, and some other Countries. Volume the First. Observations on Egypt (London, 1743). Samuel Purchas, Purchas his Pilgrimage, 2nd edn (London, 1614). Mahomet Rabadan, Mahometism Fully Explained, trans. Joseph Morgan, 2 vols (Lon- don, 1723–5). William Hayward Roberts, Judah Restored: A Poem (London, 1774). Alexander Russell, The Natural History of Aleppo, 2nd edn, 2 vols (London, 1794). George Sale, The Koran commonly called The Alcoran of Mohammed, Translated into English immediately from the Original Arabic; with Explanatory NOTES, taken from the most approved COMMENTATORS. To which is Prefixed A Preliminary Discourse (London, 1734). Thomas Shaw, Travels, or Observations Relating to Several Parts of Barbary and the Levant (Oxford, 1738). C. S. Sonnini, Travels in Upper and Lower Egypt: Undertaken by Order of the Govern- ment of France, trans. Henry Hunter, 3 vols (London, 1799). Jean-Baptiste Tavernier, Les Six Voyages De Jean Baptiste Tavernier En Turquie, En Perse, Et Aux Indes, Pendant L’espace De Quarante Ans (Paris, 1676–7). ———, Collections of Travels Through Turky into Persia, and the East-Indies, Giving an Account of the Present State of those Countries, 2 vols (London, 1684). Jean de Thevenot, The Travels of Monsieur de Thevenot into the Levant in three parts, viz into I. Turkey, II. Persia, III. the East Indies (London, 1687). An Universal History, from the earliest account of time to the present: compiled from original authors, 7 vols (London, 1736–44). Pietro della Valle, Les Fameux Voyages de Pietro della Valle, 4 pts. & Suite (Paris, 1563). C-F. Volney, Travels Through Syria and Egypt, 2 vols (London, 1788). John Wilson, The English Martyrologe, Containing A Summary of the most Renowned and Illustrious Saints of the Three Kingdoms England, Scotland and Ireland, 3rd edn (1672).

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