The Inca Compound at La Centinela, Chincha

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Volume 5 Article 6

1998 The ncI a Compound at La Centinela, Chincha Dwight T. Wallace [email protected]

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Recommended Citation Wallace, Dwight T. (1998) "The ncaI Compound at La Centinela, Chincha," Andean Past: Vol. 5 , Article 6. Available at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/andean_past/vol5/iss1/6

This Article is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UMaine. It has been accepted for inclusion in Andean Past by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UMaine. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE INCA COMPOUND AT LA CENTINELA, CHINCHA

Dwight T. Wallace SUNY-Albany

Introduction south or east of the famous central coast temple of Pachacamac during the late prehispanic La Centinela is a large site at the north- periods. The obviously symbolic layout of the west edge of the floor of the Chincha Valley, road system and its focus on the main pyramid Peru, very near the ocean and the bluffs that fit the known function of La Centinela as the separate the fully utilized flood plain from the pilgrimage center for a famous oracle, serving higher pampa (Figure 1). The Chincha Valley all areas -- coast and highlands -- to the south floor is a triangular, delta-like flood plain, and east. It was considered a "daughter" of roughly 25 km on a side, of very rich and eas- the even more famous Pachacamac oracular ily irrigated farmland. The western and south- center (Menzel and Rowe 1966; Patterson ern edges of the area on the bluffs did have 1985). The Chincha oracle was established additional human settlement in pre-historic before the arrival of the Inca and continued in times, and this area has a very extensive and use through the period of Inca control. There dense population today. La Ceptinela dates is also documentary evidence of specialized from the Late Intermediate Period, A.D. 1250- Chincha merchants maintaining a very far- 1470, through the Inca-dominated Late Hori- flung trade network (Rostworowski 1970, zon, from A.D. 1470 until the Spanish Con- 1977; Morris 1988; Wallace 1978a, 1978b), quest in A.D. 1532. . giving an economic facet to La Centinela's pre-Inca function as the center of the powerful Working at L~ Centinela in 1900, Max Chincha socio-political unit. This economic Uhle reported the many building units that role would also explain why the Inca devel- formed the extensive ruins (see Uhle 1924: oped La Centinela as their major political ad- plates 2-5). The site (Figure 2) is dominated ministrative center for the south central coast by a pyramid at least 18 m high set on a plat- (but cf Sandweiss 1992:10). form approximately 12 m high that forms a terrace at the foot of the steep southern side of Inca use of rectangular adobes identifies the pyramid. The Inca later constructed ad- their architecture in Chincha, because only ministrative buildings in front of the southern tapia, or puddled adobe, was employed be- terrace (Figures 2 and 3) and also across the fore. The main Inca construction area on the terrace itself, many using the distinctive Impe- southern platform or terrace is shown on the rial Cusco architectural style; From this focal plan in Figure 3. The set of buildings con- location a set of five straight roads radiated structed by the Inca during the period they out across the valley floor, the two outer roads controlled Chincha includes a large rect- having alignments very close to true east and angular ground level plaza in front of this south (Figure 1). One diagonal road crosses southern platform, centered on the pyramid the entire valley floor and continues straight (facing the lower right comer of Figure 2). across the pampa to the Pisco Valley, where it The full layout (see Santillana 1984: figure 1) meets a road up-valley to the highlands and also included a small set of compounds built another that continues south to the Ica Valley directly on the east side of the main platform, (Wallace 1991; map adapted by Hyslop 1984: just to the right of the plan, but at a somewhat figure 21.4). lower platform level. In front of this eastern group is a construction wing that matches the These physical features indicate the pre- one shown on the lower left of the present historic socio-cultural importance of the site, plan (Figure 3, see also Figure 2, lower cen- an importance which is further reflected by the ter). There are also additional buildings fact that it was the largest ceremonial structure

ANDEAN PAST 5 (1998):9-33. ANDEAN PAST 5 (1998) -10 around the ground level plaza, a few of which The back or western end of the compound show at the lower right in Figure 3. is taken up mainly by an apparently open area that will be referred to as a veranda (Figure 4: Rectangular adobes that are visible near Area 10), from which there is a magnificent the top of the main pyramid, on top of puddled view of the beach and ocean (see also the re- adobe walls, show that some modifications or construction drawing in Figure 8). The ve- repairs to the earlier construction were also randa has a sub-floor water cistern and drain, made during the Inca occupation. The result and there are small rooms on both the north ' was probably a new southern front to the main and south ends of the veranda; the niches and pyramid itself, the focal point of the entire double jamb entries mark these rooms as more complex. As could be expected for Inca- than minor storage areas, and one small south- directed construction, the result was a very ern room (Figure 4: Area 9) has steps down orderly, well balanced, and visually impres- into a tank with a drain, undoubtedly to be sive religious and administrative center, al- used for bathing. Uhle (1924:78) traced both though it should be noted that neither high py- drains to outlets outside the compound. There ramidal building bases nor pyramids were is also a back or western entrance (Figure 4: common Inca architectural features. Area 7) to the raised room block off the veranda, reached by a stairway starting at the Most of the observations here concern the entrance to the southern rooms (Figure 4: Area compound with the central set of raised rooms 8). The corridor entrance to the veranda (Fig- (Figure 3: Compound C; Figure 4) that is at ure 4: Area 2) and the two relatively large the southwest corner of the large southern ter- northern rooms or enclosures (Figure 4: Areas race, already noted as part pf the Inca con- 1, 12) complete the spages in the main com- struction on the terrace. Uhle considered this pound. Apparently all interior and exterior "palace" a focal structure, and Santillana wall surfaces were painted white over a fine (1984:19) gives a .cogent argument for the clay plaster surface. relative importance of this area and its associated courtyard (Figure 3: Courtyard B) and Inca and Pre-Inca Wall Art entrance plaza (A). To preview the construction, a set of rooins (Figure 4: Area 6) raised At least two decorated walls are known at to second story height by a solid basal terrace the site, one associated ,with the pyramid is a dominant feature of the compound, a view looming high above the terrace with its Inca of which can be seen in the photo taken in construction, the other in the main Inca com- 1900 by Uhle (1924: plate 4), included here as pound just discussed. Their contrasting deco- Figure 5. (Uhle's photo can be compared with rative techniques and building associations my own 1957 photo in Figure 6, showing that emphasize the contrast between the local pre- hardly anything had been moved in 57 years!) Inca source of the Centinela complex and the In Figure 7, the reconstruction based on these distinct Inca-style construction and art in the photos, the tall-niche gallery wall (Figure 4: extensively remodeled sector where the Inca Area 3) at the east side of the raised room established their administrative center. block can be clearly seen. One niche is actually a door that opens into some small rooms At some unknown date between Uhle's (Figure 4: Area 4) against the base of the visit in 1900 and the 1957 survey, a small raised room block. Various double jamb room on the west side and near the top of the doors and a rare geometric painted mural in main pyramid had been cleared, revealing a 3- one room emphasize the importance of this dimensional frieze (Figure 9) on the inside of central warren of raised rooms. An eastern, or the outer walL The frieze is pIano-relief, that frpnt door into the upper room block has ac- is, the flat face has been cut to a fixed depth cess from the niche gallery by a roundabout (about 5 cm), giving only two surfaces: the way up a stairway and along a ledge. foreground design and the excised background. One section retained a height of nearly 2 m, the original full height judging 11- Wallace: La Centinela from the nature of the design. The erosion of (Pillsbury 1993). The piano-relief technique, the wall into very large blocks makes it clear the diagonal layout, and the use of many geo- that it was tapia-constructed, as are all Late metric and simple animal elements can also be Intermediate Period buildings in the Chincha found in the north coast decoration. The Valley. Tapia consists of adobe (prepared similarities could be due to convergences in mud) that was either poured directly into design and technique of rendering,' because forms, much like modem concrete, or was many of the styles in the Central Andes of this mixed and packed in place between the forms, later period did consist of uncomplicated like modem tamped earth. Each pouring cre~ and/or geometric designs, often incorporating' ated a fairly large rectangular block. The pro- images of animals or animal heads, especially cess was then repeated on top of and/or at the simple bird heads. Actually, the pIano-relief side of the previous blocks until the desired type of adobe sculpture is somewhat more height and width were reached. The process limited than might be expected, given that left joints that tend to erode so that the size of adobe was used in coastal architecture for sev- each block is quite evident. From appearances, eral millennia. In any case, the recent ethno- the adobe forming the design is firmly at- historical evidence for direct trade ties be-' tached to the wall, so that it might have been tween Chincha and the north coast (Rost- created during the molding of the wall itself. worowski 1970, 1977; Morris 1988; Pillsbury However, it seems more likely that the design 1996; Sandweiss 1992; Wallace 1978a, 1978b, was cut into the still plastic surface, was hand 1991) suggests the possibility of historical modeled by adding clay to the damp surface, connections between the decorative art of the or was produced by applying pieces or sec- two areas; an important subject for future re- tions that had been formed in molds. search. . The elements in the design on the wall"are In contrast to the local style of pIano-relief similar to ones found on local textiles, in- adobe friezes and their Chincha style designs, cluding the scrolled fret in curvilinear fomi both unknown in strictly Inca style structures, (O'Neale and Kroeber 1930: plates 37, 40) there is a painted wall in at least one room of and also in squared form (ibid.: plate 43c), the the raised room block ("murals" in Figures 3, diamond-shaped ray-like figure with eyes and 4); it is attributable to the Inca, both in context what looks like a V-shaped mouth (ibid.: plate and design style. The design (Figure 10; see 43c) and the fret of bird heads of the same also Bonavia 1985: figures 113, 114) is date and provenience (ibid.: plates 32, 42a). strictly an angular geometric one that fits the The general diagonal and diamond-shaped largely geometric decoration found on Inca- lay01,ltis found on textiles, pottery, and bas- style textiles and ceramics. Inca mural paint- ketry, so that the motifs of the wall frieze are ing is virtually unknown due to the poor pres- well-established as south' coast designs of the ervation of most wall surfaces in Inca build- Late Intermediate Period and Late Horizon. ings, especially in the highlands. Therefore, the unique Centinela example takes on added Scraps of shaped adobe from what were importance. Painted murals have a long pre- probably similar pIano-relief friezes were Inca history on the coast. Best known are found at two other late sites (PV57-20, PV57- elaborate examples associated with the north 97) and an entire frieze has been uncovered coast Moche culture of the Early Intermediate more recently at Litardo Bajo (PV57-80) dur- Period (see Bonavia 1985). ing the continuing work in Chincha in con- junction with that directed by Craig Morris A feature of both murals that is important (1988). Interestingly enough, adobe sculpture in a closer consideration of their function is of this type and date has not yet been found that both occur in locations not readily acces- elsewhere on the south coast (or, to my sible from any truly public exterior space. knowledge, the central coast), but it is well Rather, both are in places seemingly designed known and abundant on the north coast, espe- to provide privacy from general viewing. The cially at the Chimu capital of Chan Chan rooms or spaces in which they occur are them- ANDEAN PAST 5 (1998) -12 selves limited in size, more appropriate for the reconstruction drawing in Figure 8 show only a few viewers at a time. Both can there- that a "correction" was made. along the line fore be considered as elite art. These areas are following the east side of the veranda (Figure not directly associated with any archaeological 4: Area 10), including the entrance from the features of more specific function other than a central passageway (Area 2). Walls were general religious and administrative nature, made with a wedge-shaped plan, that is, and neither the design content nor imagery of thicker at one end than the other. As a result, . either mural suggests any symbolism beyond the only trapezoidal interior spaces are the that of a decorative nature. On the other hand, short entry passage (Area 11) to the small Inca geometric motifs, on textiles in particular, rooms at the northwest corner of the building, are known to have had associations with spe- and the small entry space (Area 8) that leads cific elite Inca kin units and, in some cases at to the rooms at the southern end of the ve- least for the Inca emperor, specific rituals. As randa. Nearly all other affected rooms and murals, such art was apparently not very spaces are parallelograms in plan, not rectan- common, so its mere occurrence could have gles (nor trapezoids), so that opposite walls provided an aura of elitism and authority. are parallel. The only possible exception oc- curs on the veranda, where the upper back Hiding Architectural Disorder? wall of the raised rooms follows the north- south and east-west grid. However, if the an- During the 1957 survey of' Chincha, I gled . alignment of the retaining wall for the made a. plan of the Inca construction on the back stairs and walkway to the raised rooms platform on the south side of the pyramid were of full height, forming a curtain wall proper (Figure 3; also adapted by Hyslop closing off the entire stair and walkway entry 1984: figure 7.10). To start the plan, both to the rear door (see the dotted lines in Figure wall lengths and c

guish domestic privacy from restricted entry with high values signifying restricted access. for areas of symbolic importance. Of course, Hammond found high indices for areas of in a monumental context such privacy has its connected rooms and patios that lacked own symbolism. monumental construction and had indications of domestic activities. In contrast, temple The very large elite Chimu compounds at mounds and their adjoining plazas were highly Chan Chan have been analyzed in terms of accessible (at least up to their plaza bases). It accessibility (e.g., Moseley 1978). The com- appears that the architecturally least accessible pounds commonly have single entrances, ob- places housed only domestic activities, pro- , viously for control of access. Beyond an ini- viding an interesting contrast with the Chimu tial courtyard, there is increasing restriction of case. entry pathways when proceeding through a warren of structures and spaces. Public con- At the main compound at La Centinela, tact, probably tribute collection and/or adjudi- there is an inescapable question concerning cation, is inferred to have been carried out in the strikingly limited access to the raised set specially designed enclosures in areas nearest of rooms by either the eastern "front" or the the entrance, while the furthest and most inac- western "back doors". To trace the paths (see cessible areas had elite living quarters, a Figures 3, 5, 6, 7), first is entry up the ramp monumental tomb-to-be, and private religious and through the outer gate into the plaza (Fig- structures. The Chimu compounds seem to ure 3: A) and then into the inner courtyard combine a feature of limited accessibility to (Figure 4: B), both points of restriction and the king's monumental tomb and its immense potential control. The single entry to the pre-burial structures as well as post-burial building compound is via a short stairway and collection of grave goods, with limited access simple doorway (Figure 4: Area 1), which cu- to provide privacy for domestic activities. riously lacks the double Jamb that marks Inca Jerry Moore (1992) has applied a line-of-sight state architecture. The first room or enclosure analysis to these Chimu compounds, giving a has many small niches in the rear wall, giving quantitative measure that he inferred as indi- a connotation of importance, whether the cating the degree of control over accessibility, niches were for practical use or decoration; no thus augmenting the interpretations of the other features suggesting a particular function compounds' function. were visible in 1957. From there, the single, nearby exit leads into the central corridor Monumentality can also be seen as a factor (Figure 4: Area 2), at which point there are at Chan Chan. The mere size and complexity two ways to proceed. To reach the eastern of the compounds are monumental in scale, front of the building, a left turn into the corri- but in a way apparently more integrated with dor (Figure 4: Area 2) leads to a door into the features of kinship organization, political gallery of tall niches (Area 3), which was open power, control of the flow of economic goods, to a view from the Courtyard (B) over a low and a role in religious ritual that had devel- wall. The entry through the fourth "niche" oped as facets of the total power held by the leads to a dead end in a small set of rooms ruling elite. Such a situation is comparable to (Area 4), but the path can continue from the the level of complexity reached by Inca impe- gallery with a right turn at its south end (Area rial organization, rather distinct from the ear- 5), a climb up a stairway, a walk along the lier periods of massively monumental relig- eastern face of the raised room block on a ious structures. ledge, then up a stairway and through the simple door into the upper room area. As a front Hammond's (1972) study of a Classic pathway to the raised rooms, this indirect Maya site illustrates a different use of limited course combines a simple, visually shielded access from that found for a Chimu com- stairway with a public passage along the gal- pound. He calculated an index of accessibility lery and across the upper wall face, with an- by counting the rooms or spaces it was neces- other simple stairway and entry that could sary to pass through,to arrive at various points, have also been visible from the courtyard. 15- Wallace: La Centinela

This notably round-about path was not dic- the very least, with a balustrade, the space in tated by the layout; it obviously could not front of the door could have served as a raised have been meant to serve for general public dais, allowing an official to appear, speak to a access to the raised room block and would moderate-sized audience, and then retire into have been a rather curious path even if meant the upper rooms. But a good alternative is to serve only a smaller elite. that access out of the room block was in- tended primarily to provide a direct and pri- The one other pathway that can be taken vate access into the set of southern comer after entering the corridor (Figure 4: Area 2) is rooms via an entry area (Figure 4: Area 9); to proceed down the full length toward the with the veranda being reached only after a back of the compound. This course would full V-turn and re-emergence from the foyer. pass the door to the large room or enclosed The veranda itself could have served for daily patio on the center north side of the compound domestic or restful activities by the upper (Area 12). This room is fairly accessible from room occupants as well as other more social or the initial entry and has a double jamb entry administrative functions for moderate size and small wall niches, connoting some special groups. function; whatever that function, it did not call for frequent and efficient interaction with Concerning domestic activities, I should those in the raised room block. Finally, there note that south of the main compound are two is the end doorway in the corridor, leading to smaller compounds at a slightly lower level the back or western area (Area 10), an appar- and. separated from the main compound by a ent veranda open to the west over a low bal- narrow alley (see Figure 3). Access between ustrade (Figure 8). The accessis reasonably the compounds is minimal. Families of the direct and visually unimpeded, and the space administrators, whether lnca or local, could be is large enough for a moderate size group of expected to be of fairly large size and likely to people. Beyond that, there is no other archi- include more than the nuclear core. Vhle as- tectural feature of 1he space itself that would sumed that the southern compounds were the indicate anything more than some semi-formal main living quarters, and he had good reason and semi-private activity such as meetings, to think that the size of the main compound feasts, or entertaiIiment of visiting dignitaries was not large enough to serve as both fullliv- or local10rds, or just a private open area for ing quarters of an entire basic kin group and those utilizing the compound rooms. The one also a main administrative center. However, exception is the sub-floor cistern, which in there is the possibility that the higher Inca itself does not immediately suggest a specific administrators did not have their families in function for the area. residence. In contrast, if one or more of the larger rooms or patios on the north side (Area It is clear that the western door to the up- 12) served for larger meetings or feasts, leav- per story is not designed for a simple, straight- ing the veranda area a private one for domestic forward access from the corridor entrance to activities, a regular domestic occupation by a the veranda area. Instead, it is necessary to few high officials seems possible, especially if pass along the eastern veranda wall, enter and activities such as food preparation were car- make two short 90° turns in an enclosed foyer- ried out elsewhere. like space, ascend the stairway, walk along a short passage, then turn in through the door. The raised room block itself has a greater As noted elsewhere, it is probable that the number and smaller size of interior spaces door and stairway were fully screened by a than most other Inca buildings of my knowl- wall, or at least a solid balustrade. A simple edge. Such spaces might have had ritual or stairway directly to the upper door would have administrative functions, especially given the been perfectly possible if simple access to the high rank of the Inca governor. These include door had been the goal, so an intentional de- storage of ritual clothing and other accouter- gree of separation between the veranda and the ments, qhipu records, the more valuable and entry to the upper room block is indicated. At less bulky tribute, such as mullu (pieces of ANDEAN PAST 5 (1998) -16 sacred Spondylus shell) or gold, silver, and and/or ritual activities, in either case of a copper objects; or the privacy needed for more private nature, are suggested. small, high level planning sessions as well as sleeping areas for top officials. Multiple (3) The veranda can be seen as a transitional functions are certainly possible. link between the front courtyard-niche gallery unit and the rear (and probably Four areas may have been functional sub- main) entrance to the raised room block areas of the Inca compound: via the straight central hallway, the hallway giving the most direct, formal line of' (1) The tall-niche gallery may have been a access in the entire compound. This is a functional adjunct of the eastern courtyard more direct or potentially formal access (B), given the connection implied by the than the somewhat shorter but indirect one open sight line between them over the in- via the gallery. The veranda (and possibly tentionally short height of the separating the small rooms at its north side) might be wall. The higher floor level of the gallery seen as a large foyer-like room or larger emphasizes the mainly visual nature of ac- meeting/entertainment area for visiting cess between these spaces, except for the dignitaries, with a dramatic view as an possible passing of material, such as trib- added diversion. Alternatively (or alter- ute, over the balustrade. The higher level nately), the veranda could also have served of the gallery floor would add to the aura as a multi-purpose area for more relaxed or of higher authority given by the symbol- semi-domestic activities by those stationed ism of the tall niches and raised rooms. in the compound. In any case, it can be However, the view of the blank outer wall viewed as part of a major path of ingress of the upper room, with ~he modest stair- that would put thos~ entering at a point way and small door over at one side, near the main entrance to the southwest seems a curiously bland capping of this comer rooms and in front of what is un- scene. doubtedly the main door of the upper room block (the east door lacking the double (2) The most inaccessible unit is the raised jambs). That, however, is about as far as block of rooms. The two southern rooms the layout draws those entering the ve- on the veranda level can be added as an randa area, the southeast exit not giving adjunct sub-unit, given what I see as a de- any visual clue to where it led. As noted liberately arranged privacy and ease of ac- earlier, the raised area in front of the upper cess between them, but only at the expense entrance, if fronted only by a balustrade, of what could have easily been direct ac- could act as a podium, although separating cess to the veranda. The greatest degree of the speakers from their audience. restriction for outside access, the tall niches and double jamb doors in both up- (4) Finally, the two fairly large rooms or en- per and lower areas, the unique mural in closures off the main corridor and along an upper room, and the walls of small the north compound wall form a loose niches, the south-facing "window", and grouping that is distinct from the others. the unique bathing tank room of the lower They have easy and direct access from the rooms all give the strongest connotations front entrance and can be expected to have of elite function. The upper warren of served some direct functions, such as stor- small rooms is obviously not meant for age-accounting areas for tribute or meet- interpersonal activities by more than a few ing/feast rooms, a more public and official individuals, so use by a few high ranking function suggested by the more formal officials and/or underlings carrying out of- double-jamb door and niche features. ficial work is indicated. The southwest comer rooms (Figure 4: Areas 8, 9, and comer room) are particularly interesting, given the bathing tank; either hygienic 17- Wallace: La Centinela

A Stage Production with Power Niches zontal courses so that joints can be overlapped when laying the next course, would be very One further question continues the discus- inefficient in the time consumed for exact sion of the features already mentioned. The shaping, and also inefficient in use of raw starting point is at the tall-niche wall at the material, because only properly sized blocks eastern side of the main compound. Tall or blanks ready for final trimming could be niches have been briefly introduced as having used. For this reason, perfect coursing was connotations of importance based on their as- restricted mainly to the construction of the' sociations with Inca buildings of high state- most important buildings (e.g., Hyslop 1990: level functions. Their implied importance is figure 1.8). Even then block length commonly also strengthened by the fact that the row of varied widely, a good indication that attempts four niches was meant to be viewed publicly to have all masonry block dimensions equal from the entry courtyard. The wall has also would have been too costly even for a state been noted as part of a curiously complicated mason. In any case, careful choice of blocks access that involves following a circuitous with different widths could easily avoid any route past it to the eastern entrance of the potential alignment of verticaljoints. raised room block. The access from the entry courtyard to the niche gallery alone suggests When laying adobe bricks, filling any po- that it was not meant to be available to or used tential void with mud mortar is much easier by any public group of even moderate size. than either cutting a dried adobe or pre- What, then, was the purpose of this particular shaping one to fit an irregular space. It is even layout? more pointless when the finished surface is to be plastered over. PrQducing bricks of rea- Before following through on that question sonably equal height is not at all difficult, and of access, however, there are some features of laying them using a simple mud mortar makes the adobe block construction of the wall itself slight differences in brick height easy to ad- that are pertinent. The outlines of some ado- just. In addition to the pointless cutting of the bes in the back of one niche are shown in Fig- adobe blocks, the lack, or very minimal use of ure 11, visible because the original adobe a mortar, as in the present case, is not yet plaster has fallen off in places. The rectilinear noted among the many other cases of the use shape is like all Inca adobes from either the of adobe bricks at La Centinela. However, the highlands or the coast, and the proportions other examples differ signflcantly: they are not also fall into a recognizable range, with part of buildings in the Imperial Inca style. lengths about 3 to 4 times the heights. How- ever, there is a notable anomaly visible here. In any case, the result of these irregular Two adobes have been cut into in order to cor- adobe shapes gives a visual impression close rect for some unequal heights in the coursing. to that of dry-laid Inca stone masonry. These This situation may seem quite minor, even two cases of cut adobes may be unique, but familiar from viewing typical Inca stone ma- even so the irregular shaping was obviously sonry. However, it is technologically point- the result of a conscious act by whoever had to less when used with adobe bricks, a very un- plan a correction for the uneven coursing, and Inca type of behavior. it was done in a technologically inefficient way. I suggest that it was the reaction of All dressed stone needs shaping, all the someone accustomed to stonework of the more so for the perfectly fitting blocks of the quality used in Inca state architecture and fa- best Inca masonry; but producing blocks to fit miliar with its attendant problems, and not by an irregular space is not .automatically more anyone trained locally in Chincha, where time consuming than producing a simple stone was not easily available and dressed brick-like one, because there is no short-cut to stone construction was unknown. It seems dressing stone that has no natural cleavage reasonable that this architect and/or artisan planes. However, producing blocks of identi- may have reacted in this way because he was cal height, in order to maintain evenly hori- working with rectangular blocks associated ANDEAN PAST 5 (1998) -18 with the top quality Inca stonework used in a the transaction? If they were to pass into the building destined for important state-related compound itself, even if no further than the activities. In short, the reaction was as if stone first space, in order to transact some business, were being worked rather than adobe, despite what was the purpose of the large viewing the common Inca use of rectangular adobes set space? If everyone visiting the place was in thick mortar, a technologically more rea- meant to be impressed by the view, why was it sonable approach that also made it easy to possible to enter the courtyard and go directly cover up irregularities in brick size. It is even into the building proper without even getting a likely that this mason was abrading the dried view of the niches? The only certaintyis that ' adobe blocks in order to attain their very close this setup was meant as a carefully managed fit, just as he would have worked stone. In attempt to impress the viewer with the visual any case, the situation suggests one more rea- symbol of the focus of great power that re- son to consider the compound as an important sided in the building and in its occupants. place for conducting matters of state. There is one possibility that would make The full size double jamb niches (Figure 4: sense both of the symbolism and the architec- Area C) are one of the main reasons why tural form of this layout as just discussed. The Compound C is considered the main center of possible answer comes from one obvious step: Inca authority in Chincha. The only other putting a roof over the small row of rooms be- cases of this feature anywhere at the site, to hind the niche wall, using the top of the walls my knowledge (as of 1957), are the one niche and the ledge across the front side of the room in a back room and one in a raised block block for support of roof beams or the floor room, both in this Compound. In Inca state boards themselves. The roof surface would architecture, this. niche type, especially in a then serve as a platform or stage, as shown in long series, is usually found where its appear- the drawing in Figure f2a. The stage could ance emphasizes the importance and monu- have various sorts of screens, space dividers, mentality of a structure or area, or where it or walls, and could well have been roofed, as visually enhances walls lining an interior open shown in Figure 12b. There is definitely a space or, especially for retaining walls, a large precedent for such a function: the Inca ushnu open courtyard or plaza. The gallery itself is (Zuidema 1989), a platform found in almost too narrow for such a view from within, es- all state-constructed Inca centers, placed in tablishing the earlier interpretation that the some central location in the main plaza and wall was meant to be viewed by an audience functioning as a symbol of Inca state power in the courtyard, better fitting the Inca pattern. (Hyslop 1990:70). Some ushnus, such as the From a strictly architectural perspective, the one in the principal plaza at Cusco, were much association of a series of tall niches with walls more than daises or stages and involved the functioning to retain fill might have given the complicated symbolism discussed by impression that it was a common extension of Zuidema. Nevertheless, the simpler raised the solid platform under the raised rooms, em- platform type is widely found at Inca centers phasizing the feeling of monumental solidity. established throughout the empire and had a minimal function at least of serving officials Having set up the supposed intentional for carrying out various formal reviews or manipulation of the layout and the structures rituals, as detailed extensively by Hyslop so that an audience in the courtyard would be (ibid.:66-101). The point here is that staged faced with a barrier wall, with a government- public rituals were a common part of official style tall-niche wall behind, but a blank wall Inca activities, not that the stage proposed here and simple door without the double jamb seal is necessarily an ushnu, a term which appar- of government approval above (see Figure 7), ently covered a range of forms. A simple there is definitely something amiss. What ushnu has been identified in the main plaza at was worth waiting for and looking at? If peo- Tambo Colorado, an Inca center in the Pisco ple were there to pay tribute, was passing it Valley just south of Chincha (ibid.:85, figure over the wall really a sensible way of handling 3.19), as an example near La Centinela. 19- Wallace: La Centinela

The idea of a stage also makes sense of the and/or mat screens covered with decorative very indirect access to the raised room block. wall hangings adding opulence to the signs It may have had two main functions: the high and symbols of authority. Lower order offi- official(s) residing in the upper structure could cials and guards stationed in the niche corridor easily exit by the eastern door and descend the would have added to the total effect, while few stairs to the platform and use it to address separating them, in part symbolically, from the public or receive requests from the audi- the higher officials literally above them and ence, as well as oversee any activities carried the audience below, in front of the low wall out in the courtyard, now open to his elevated between them. view. Further contact with the audience would have been well controlled. The access To summarize, the analysis of access sug- from the lower niche gallery, via the end pas- gests that the entire main compound, minus sageway (Figure 4: Area 5) and stairs, could the courtyard, was not meant for public usage have been meant mainly for access to the stage in the usual sense; instead, it was at most open from below, by any attendants of the high of- only for visiting high dignitaries or state offi- ficials or any guards stationed in the gallery cials with moderate size retinues. Neverthe- itself. The rooms directly behind' the tall- less, the fact that officials could easily have a niche wall (Figure 4: Area 4; Figure 7), en- public audience of moderately large size with- tered through the one false niche, could have out leaving the compound proper gives an in- housed a permanent contingent of guards teresting twist to the meaning of public. They and/or been used to store any tribute passed simply had to descend to the stage overlook- over the wall by those in the courtyard. The ing the courtyard, where they were only visu- full access from the niche gallery into the ally accessible to their audience, a situation raised rooms could have be~n only a conven- which actually emph~izes the aura of re- ience at times, not its main purpose, and there- stricted access, leaving an interesting type of fore not designed as an efficient, direct, com- both managed public access and privacy. monly used methE)d of entering the raised While this situation would fit a desire for do- room block from the lower level or from out- mestic privacy, only the bathing tank specifi- side the compound. cally suggests domesticity, so whether the compound proper was laid out for either ad- All this argument can be translated into ministrative or domestic privacy or for some formal symbolic terms. Both the distance and combination of these, is still open. higher elevation maintained between officials and their subjects would translate into figura- There is one further possibility for the tive "low" and "high" socio-political distance, function of the compound and courtyard, one while the wall that blocked access to the stage which fits the most salient function of the site itself would shield officials from any direct at a whole: as the home of a very powerful contact, emphasizing the socio-political gulf oracle. If it were assumed that the Inca in- between the audience and the officials, and the sinuated themselves fully into the activities of inaccessibility of the source of power and im- this very important pilgrimage site, they may possibility of challenging it. The simple have seen the value of having the actual loca- emergence of high officials from their second tion of the oracular pronouncements be floor aerie, possibly from behind hangings framed, literally, by a setting of Inca style ar- concealing the actual door and stairs, would chitecture, and probably would have had con- augment their impressiveness. In addition to trol, or at least veto power, over the content of the niche wall adding an aura of authority to the oracle's output. The stage setting would anyone using it, the stage could have been be perfect for such pronouncements, assuming roofed (Figure 12b) and some true staging, in they were not of too personal a nature. In ad- the modern sense of adding drama and esthetic dition, drama could be added to the act by de- impact, could have been employed. This may livery by a disembodied voice: there is the have included pennants flying from the roof, space under the stage, which, if the entrance many other props on the stage level, and walls were disguised as just another tall niche so ANDEAN PAST 5 (1998) -20 that the impression were of a solid terrace, Heyerdahl,Thor, DanielH. Sandweiss,and AlfredoNar- vaez would make quite effective staging. 1995 The Pyramids of Tucume London & New York: Thames & Hudson. There are undoubtedly further inter- Hyslop,John 1984 The Inka Road System. Orlando: Academic pretations and speculations that could (and Press. probably will) be made, but I have no more at 1990 lnka Settlement Planning. Austin: University the present. In closing, I will simply note that, of Texas Press. even in considering just this one Incaic com- Menzel, Dorothy,and John H. Rowe pound, and despite treating only certain types 1966 The Role of Chincha in Late Pre-Spanish Peru. Nawpa Pacha 4:63-73. of features, the underlying theme concerns the Moore,Jerry use of architectural form and decoration for 1992 Pattern and Meaning in Prehistoric Peruvian purposes of facilitating and augmenting the Architecture: The Architecture of Social Control in . the Chimu State. Latin American Antiquity 3(2):95- maintenance of the social and political order. 113. The Inca are prime subjects for this kind of Morris, Craig inquiry, because their ethnohistory and ar- 1988 Mas alIa de las fronteras de Chincha. In La chaeology show an inordinate concern with Frontera del Estado Inka, edited by Tom D. Dillehay and Patricia Netherly, pp. 131-140. Proceedings of order and control. John Hyslop's work on the 45th International Congress of Americanists, Inca settlement planning (1990) has culled and Bogota, Columbia. 1985. BAR International Series organized a mass of data and analyses. Like 442. most good work, it reminds us. how much Moseley,Michael E. 197E Central Andean Civilization. In Ancient South there still is to be done and should inspire us Americans, edited by Jesse D. Jennings, pp. 179-238. to try all possible types of analysis, particu- San Francisco:Freeman. larly ones that search for repeated patterning O'Neale, Lila M. and A. L. Kroeber among the ever increasing detailed data .on 1930 Textile Periods in Ancient Peru. Universityof California Publications in American Archaeology Inca architecture and planning. and Ethnology 28(2):23-56. Berkeley: Universityof California. Acknowledgments Patterson,Thomas C. 1985 An Andean Oracle under Inka Rule. In Recent Studies in Andean Prehistory and Protohistory. ed- The subject matter of this paper was pre- ited by D. Peter Kvietok and Daniel H. Sandweiss, sented at the annual meeting of the Northeast- pp. 159-76. Ithaca: Cornell University Latin Ameri- ern Conference on Andean Archaeology and can StudiesProgram. Ethnohistory held in Albany, New York, in Pillsbury,Joanne 1993 Sculpted Friezes of the Empire of Chimor. 1985, although it has been considerably re- Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University. Ann Arbor, worked from its original form. The field work Michigan:UniversityMicrofilmsInternational. was part of the 1957-58 site survey of the 1996 The Thorny Oyster and the Origins of Empire: Chincha Valley (Wallace 1971) supported by Implications of Recently Uncovered Spondylus Im- agery from Chan Chan, Peru. Latin American Antiq- the Fulbright Commission in Lima, under uity 7:313-340. Eduardo Indacochea. I was ably assisted on Rostworowskide DiezCanseco,Maria the survey by Luis Guillermo Lumbreras and 1970 Mercaderes del Valle de Chincha en la epoca Isabel Flores. I am indebted to these individu- prehispanica:un documentoy unos comentarios. Re- vista Espanola de Antropologia Americana 5:135- als, and also to Dorothy Menzel for her com- 77. Madrid: Facultad de Geografia e Historia, Uni- ments on an earlier draft. versidad Complutense. (Reprinted in Rostworowski 1977,pp. 97-140.) . References Cited 1977 Etnia y sociedad: costa peruana prehispimica. Lima: Institutode EstudiosPeruanos. Bonavia, Duccio Sandweiss,DanielH. 1992 The Archaeology of Chincha Fishermen: Spe- 1985 Mural Painting in Ancient Peru, translated by cialization and Status in Inka Peru. Bulletin of Patricia J. Lyon. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Carnegie Museumof Natural History29. Hammond, Norman 1995 Life in Ancient Tucume: Sector V. In Heyer- dahl et al. 1995,pp. 142-168. 1972 The Planning of a Maya Ceremonial Center. Santillana,Julian Idilio Scientific American 226(5):82-91. 1984 Un asentamiento Inka-Chincha. Rasgos arqui- tect6nicos estatales y locales. Arqueologia y So- 21- Wallace: La Centinela

ciedad 10:13-32 & 7 unpaginated figures. Lima: Museo de Arqueologiay Etnologiade San Marcos. Uhle, Max 1924 Explorationsin Chincha. Universityof Califor- nia Publications in American Archaeology and Eth- nology 12(2):55-94. Berkeley: University of Cali- fornia. Wallace,DwightT. 1971 Sitios Arqueol6gicasdel Peru: Valles de Chin- cha y de Pisco. Arqueo16gicas13. Lima: MuseoNa- cional de Antropologfay Arqueologfa. 1978a Economic Systems in Late Intermediate Period Chincha. Paper presented at the Institute of Andean StudiesAnnualMeeting,Berkeley. 1978b Late IntermediatePeriod Chincha: Archaeologi- cal and EthnohistoricalProblems. Paper presented in the symposium "Economic Complementarity in the Andes", International Congress of Americanists, Vancouver,B.C. 1991 The Chincha Roads: Economics and Symbol- ism. In Ancient Road Networks and Settlement Hier- archies in the New World, edited by Charles D. Trombold, pp. 253-263. Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress. Zuidema,R. Tom 1989 EI Ushnu. In Reyesy Guerreros: Ensayos de Cultura Andina, by R. Tom Zuidema, pp. 402-454. Lima: FOMCIENCIAS. ANDEAN PAST 5 (1998) -22

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Late Prehlspanic Snes . -- PrehispSMic Roads Modem Roads '_1_"_"_"_- Edge Of Cultivatjon .--...... Sluffs' . 111111111111 Base Of Mountains III 111111111

Figure 1. The Chincha Valley, with La Centinela as the center of a radiating set of straight, an- . cient roads. The ritual platfonns at Centinela de San Pedro and Salitreria are on the outer anns. The three modem urban centers are also shown. Lateprehispanic sites existing in 1957 are shown by relative size. Map is based on aerial photos by the Servicio Aerofotogratico Nacional del Peru, Proyecto 6351, 1953. Site survey was funded by the Comision Fulbright in 1957-59; map was adapted from Wallace (1971). tV WI

~ ::::::: ~ '.~ t.... Figure 2. Air view from the southwest of the Centinela site in the Chincha Valley. The 12+ m high main terrace runs from the high ~ wall at lower left across in front of the 18+ m high central pyramid. The rpad system focuses on the entry plaza at the south front of Q ~ the main terrace, lower center right, between two lower terrace arms. The main Inca administrative-living compound is at the south- :;. west corner of the high two-stage terrace wall, at lower center left of the photo. Photo courtesy of the Department of Library Services, (\) AMNH, Negative 334733 (photo by Shippee-Johnson). is" ~ ~ ~ ~ Main PJ'u mid ~ ? > 00 / ~ --

I CO"POUMO t; ! [11 ? ? I ,.. [:l 1 I L .1 : ---- . ILI ? r ? 1m COURTY ARD a .A ? '_.: r

'? ~ [ .--- I N ? y . [ INCA BUIt.DINGS AT L,A.CENTINELA, CHINCHA. PERU

? o 5 1[" '1°__ 1 ~.ftII!'o':CBS ClllIIIToIINIHCIWALLS f8.!1mrRIII ST_ WAU.$. I f OEIISITY OP 1IA'l'CllRl1I01CA11IS DII'PIIAIHBS II NX1R UI'I1I.< IIOA8 _ IS HIOIIEII. I r 8 ~ IIAIIK$ SIIOW .AR£AS WITH 100 1lJCll1UIOUI1O DISCEAtIPLN< ARROWS. AISB

Figure 3. Plan of the Inca construction on the 12 m high terrace in front of the pyramid, as of 1957. The main Inca compound (C) is center left. Hatching roughly indicates differences in level, denser being higher. ~ tV V\I

COMPOUND

-~ ('"is'' '.~ t"-t ~ Q ....~ Figure 4. The main Inca compound, enlarged from Figure 3. The raised block of rooms is in darkest outline. The tall~nichegallery ~s. (Area 3) can be viewed from Courtyard B over a low wall. The veranda (Area 10) has an ocean view. Rooms in the lower left comer is'' include a sunken bath with drain. . ~ ~ ~ > 2: Iood ~ -3 !.It -...... \0 \0 '-"00

Figure 5. The Inca compound seen from the pyramid, looking southwest, with the ocean as background. Huaca de Tambo de Mora is seen in the distance, while the area between is probably filled with structures. Photo taken by Uhle in 1900, here courtesy of the I Phoebe A. Hearst Museum of Anthropology, University of California-Berkeley. tV 0'1 27- Wallace: La Centinela

Figure 6. The Inca compound seen from the pyramid, looking southwest, with the ocean as background. Only Uhle's cleaning of the niche gallery, seen in Figure 5, differs. Huaca de Tambo de Mora is in the distance, while the area between was probably filled with structures. Photo taken by Wallace in 1957. . ANDEAN PAST 5 (1998) -28

Figure 7. The Inca compound reconstructed, viewed as in Figures 5 and 6. The gallery with tall double jamb niches (Figure 4: Area 3) is at the east end of the raised room block. The corridor along the shadowed side of the raised rooms leads to the veranda off to the right. 29 - Wallace: La Centinela

Figure 8. The Inca compound's west end reconstructed, with the veranda front and center. The raised room entrance is via the stairway at the right and along the,raised walk. The dotted lines show a probable balustrade or wall, making the access from the door to the lower southwest rooms more private. Gradual widening of this wall would make the west end of the raised block appear parallel to the outer veranda balustrade. A sunken bath with steps and drain is at the right. The niches in this comer room cluster include a tall one, marking an elite function. ANDEAN PAST 5 (1998) -30

Figure 9. A late local style pIano-relief adobe frieze in a small room or balcony high on the pyramid. Its location allowed for a restricted, elite viewing. Representing a common technique on the north coast, but not elsewhere on the south coast, it was possibly introduced by traveling Chincha merchants. 31 - Wallace: La Centinela

Figure 10. Part of a three wall mural in the raised room block. The bottom and left end lines are the lower and end borders of the full panel; the upper border is missing. Room walls were white, the mural black and red (hatched), plus a now-eroded green (cross-hatched) that Uhle (1924) de- scribed. ANDEAN PAST 5 (1998) -32

------

Figure 11. Outlines of adobes in one tall niche in the eastern gallery. The irregular areas are white adobe plaster. remnants. The cuts in the rectangular adobes and apparent lack of mortar imitate highland Inca stone masonry used for important state buildings. They are foreign to the normal laying of adobe blocks. 33 - Wallace: La Centinela

FigUre 12. The tall niche gallery shown with roofed interior spaces to form a stage viewable from the eastern courtyard. Officials could easily (and more effectively) descend from the private upper rooms to carry out ritual/judicial/administrative functions. The left stairway would provide access for aides or guards below. Figure 12b adds a possible roof over the stage.