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Kurdish Political and Civil Movements in Syria and the Question of Representation Dr Mohamad Hasan December 2020
Kurdish Political and Civil Movements in Syria and the Question of Representation Dr Mohamad Hasan December 2020 KurdishLegitimacy Political and and Citizenship Civil Movements in inthe Syria Arab World This publication is also available in Arabic under the title: ُ ف الحركات السياسية والمدنية الكردية ي� سوريا وإشكالية التمثيل This publication was made possible by a grant from Carnegie Corporation of New York. The statements made and views expressed are solely the responsibility of the author. For questions and communication please email: [email protected] Cover photo: A group of Syrian Kurds celebrate Newroz 2007 in Afrin, source: www.tirejafrin.com The views and opinions expressed in this publication are those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). This document is issued on the understanding that if any extract is used, the author and the LSE Conflict Research Programme should be credited, with the name and date of the publication. All rights reserved © LSE 2020. About Legitimacy and Citizenship in the Arab World Legitimacy and Citizenship in the Arab World is a project within the Civil Society and Conflict Research Unit at the London School of Economics. The project looks into the gap in understanding legitimacy between external policy-makers, who are more likely to hold a procedural notion of legitimacy, and local citizens who have a more substantive conception, based on their lived experiences. Moreover, external policymakers often assume that conflicts in the Arab world are caused by deep- seated divisions usually expressed in terms of exclusive identities. -
Two Routes to an Impasse: Understanding Turkey's
Two Routes to an Impasse: Understanding Turkey’s Kurdish Policy Ayşegül Aydin Cem Emrence turkey project policy paper Number 10 • December 2016 policy paper Number 10, December 2016 About CUSE The Center on the United States and Europe (CUSE) at Brookings fosters high-level U.S.-Europe- an dialogue on the changes in Europe and the global challenges that affect transatlantic relations. As an integral part of the Foreign Policy Studies Program, the Center offers independent research and recommendations for U.S. and European officials and policymakers, and it convenes seminars and public forums on policy-relevant issues. CUSE’s research program focuses on the transforma- tion of the European Union (EU); strategies for engaging the countries and regions beyond the frontiers of the EU including the Balkans, Caucasus, Russia, Turkey, and Ukraine; and broader European security issues such as the future of NATO and forging common strategies on energy security. The Center also houses specific programs on France, Germany, Italy, and Turkey. About the Turkey Project Given Turkey’s geopolitical, historical and cultural significance, and the high stakes posed by the foreign policy and domestic issues it faces, Brookings launched the Turkey Project in 2004 to foster informed public consideration, high‐level private debate, and policy recommendations focusing on developments in Turkey. In this context, Brookings has collaborated with the Turkish Industry and Business Association (TUSIAD) to institute a U.S.-Turkey Forum at Brookings. The Forum organizes events in the form of conferences, sem- inars and workshops to discuss topics of relevance to U.S.-Turkish and transatlantic relations. -
Fighting-For-Kurdistan.Pdf
Fighting for Kurdistan? Assessing the nature and functions of the Peshmerga in Iraq CRU Report Feike Fliervoet Fighting for Kurdistan? Assessing the nature and functions of the Peshmerga in Iraq Feike Fliervoet CRU Report March 2018 March 2018 © Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’. Cover photo: Peshmerga, Kurdish Army © Flickr / Kurdishstruggle Unauthorized use of any materials violates copyright, trademark and / or other laws. Should a user download material from the website or any other source related to the Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’, or the Clingendael Institute, for personal or non-commercial use, the user must retain all copyright, trademark or other similar notices contained in the original material or on any copies of this material. Material on the website of the Clingendael Institute may be reproduced or publicly displayed, distributed or used for any public and non-commercial purposes, but only by mentioning the Clingendael Institute as its source. Permission is required to use the logo of the Clingendael Institute. This can be obtained by contacting the Communication desk of the Clingendael Institute ([email protected]). The following web link activities are prohibited by the Clingendael Institute and may present trademark and copyright infringement issues: links that involve unauthorized use of our logo, framing, inline links, or metatags, as well as hyperlinks or a form of link disguising the URL. About the author Feike Fliervoet is a Visiting Research Fellow at Clingendael’s Conflict Research Unit where she contributes to the Levant research programme, a three year long project that seeks to identify the origins and functions of hybrid security arrangements and their influence on state performance and development. -
A Kurdish-Speaking Community of Change: How Social and Political Organising Takes Shape in the PYD-Controlled Areas in Syria
A Kurdish-Speaking Community of Change: How Social and Political Organising takes Shape in the PYD-controlled Areas in Syria Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts In Middle Eastern Studies Author: Harriet Ida Rump Advisor: Lory Janelle Dance Examiner: Vittorio Felci Date: 11.12.14 Acknowledgements I devote my deepest gratitude to the brave and engaged participants of this research, without their reflections, insights, and generous will to share ideas, this thesis would never have been realised. In the same breath I sincerely thank Lina Myritz for taking the travel with me to Syria, and for inspiring me continuously. I strongly thank my supervisor Lory Dance, she is an inspirational role model with her critical thoughts and writings, which open up for new methods of research. I am particularly appreciative of all the inputs and perspectives from Farhiya Khalid, Mia Sung Kjaergaard, Søren Rafn, Frederik Johannisson, and Mette Lundsfryd, who all have encouraged me with significant comments. A special thank goes to Lasse Sander for carefully proofreading the thesis in high speed. Finally, for the love and support of all my wonderful friends and family, I am truly thankful. 2 Abstract This thesis explores current trends in social and political organising in Northern Syria, an area controlled by the PYD.1 The research is built on discussions between eight participants from the Syrian Kurdish-speaking community living in the areas. While most discourses on Syria and the Kurdish-speaking community have a macro-political focus and produce racialising descriptions of “Kurdishness” in Syria, less attention is granted to bottom-up organising and the plurality of Kurdishness. -
Fighting the Islamic State By, With, and Through How Mattered As Much As What
Paratroopers with Charlie Battery, 2nd Battalion, 319th Airborne Field Artillery Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division, rotate M777 155mm howitzer in preparation to engage militants with artillery fire in support of Iraqi and Peshmerga fighters in Mosul (U.S. Army/Christopher Bigelow) Fighting the Islamic State By, With, and Through How Mattered as Much as What By J. Patrick Work n January 2017, the 2nd Brigade a simple framework: help the ISF and and approach—how we advised—offer Combat Team, 82nd Airborne Divi- hurt IS every day. Naturally, we had useful examples and angles for leaders I sion, deployed to bolster the Iraqi missteps, but our team also served ISF to ponder as we consider future excur- Security Forces (ISF) in the campaign and coalition commanders well on sions with this style of high-intensity to annihilate the so-called Islamic some terribly uncertain days. Specifi- security force assistance.1 State (IS). Task Force Falcon joined cally, how we advised ISF commanders the coalition advise-and-assist (A&A) was as important as what we advised Organizing Principles effort with 2 weeks remaining during them to do in order to win. We mixed Our mission under Operation Inherent the 100-day offensive to retake east innovative concepts and straightfor- Resolve (OIR) proved infinitely different Mosul. For the next 8 months, we ward tactics to attack IS by, with, and than the exhausting, firsthand combat wrestled a complex environment with through the ISF, yet the entire effort that many of us experienced in Iraq always centered on our partners’ lead- from 2003 to 2008. -
Iraq's Evolving Insurgency
CSIS _______________________________ Center for Strategic and International Studies 1800 K Street N.W. Washington, DC 20006 (202) 775 -3270 Access: Web: CSIS.ORG Contact the Author: [email protected] Iraq’s Evolving Insurgency Anthony H. Cordesman Center for Strategic and International Studies With the Assistance of Patrick Baetjer Working Draft: Updated as of August 5, 2005 Please not e that this is part of a rough working draft of a CSIS book that will be published by Praeger in the fall of 2005. It is being circulated to solicit comments and additional data, and will be steadily revised and updated over time. Copyright CSIS, all rights reserved. All further dissemination and reproduction must be done with the written permission of the CSIS Cordesman: Iraq’s Evolving Insurgency 8/5/05 Page ii I. INTR ODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 1 SADDAM HUSSEIN ’S “P OWDER KEG ” ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 1 AMERICA ’S STRATEGIC MISTAKES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 2 AMERICA ’S STRATEGIC MISTAKES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 6 II. THE GROWTH AND C HARACTER OF THE INSURGENT THREA T ................................ ........ 9 DENIAL AS A METHOD OF COUNTER -INSURGENCY WARFARE ............................... -
Iraq: Issues in the 116Th Congress
Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress Updated July 17, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45633 SUMMARY R45633 Iraq: Issues in the 116th Congress July 17, 2020 Iraq’s unicameral legislature, the Council of Representatives (COR), voted to approve Prime Minister Mustafa al Kadhimi’s government program in May 2020 and finished confirmation of Christopher M. Blanchard his cabinet in June, ending a months-long political vacuum. Al Kadhimi has billed his Specialist in Middle government as transitional, pledging to move to early elections as soon as they can be held safely Eastern Affairs and fairly. He has acknowledged and begun acting to address the demands of protestors, whose mass demonstrations paralyzed Iraq in late 2019 and early 2020, and led to former prime minister Adel Abd al Mahdi’s resignation in November 2019. Kadhimi and his cabinet are contending with difficult choices and risks stemming from ongoing U.S.-Iran tensions, diminished oil revenues, resulting fiscal pressures, the Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, and remnants of the Islamic State organization (IS, aka ISIS/ISIL). U.S.-Iraqi cooperation has achieved several shared goals in recent years, but joint efforts also have faced significant challenges. U.S. and coalition military assistance aided Iraqi efforts to end IS control of Iraqi territory from 2014 through 2018, and since have continued to support Iraqi counterterrorism operations and efforts to stabilize recovered areas and build the capacity of Iraqi security forces. U.S. military personnel and coalition counterparts remain in Iraq at the government’s invitation, subject to bilateral executive-to-executive agreements. -
Iraq: Actors of Protection
Country Policy and Information Note Iraq: Actors of protection Version 1.0 December 2020 Preface Purpose This note provides country of origin information (COI) and analysis of COI for use by Home Office decision makers handling particular types of protection and human rights claims (as set out in the Introduction section). It is not intended to be an exhaustive survey of a particular subject or theme. It is split into two main sections: (1) analysis and assessment of COI and other evidence; and (2) COI. These are explained in more detail below. Assessment This section analyses the evidence relevant to this note – i.e. the COI section; refugee/human rights laws and policies; and applicable caselaw – by describing this and its inter-relationships, and provides an assessment of, in general, whether one or more of the following applies: • A person is reasonably likely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm • The general humanitarian situation is so severe as to breach Article 15(b) of European Council Directive 2004/83/EC (the Qualification Directive) / Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iii) of the Immigration Rules • The security situation presents a real risk to a civilian’s life or person such that it would breach Article 15(c) of the Qualification Directive as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iv) of the Immigration Rules • A person is able to obtain protection from the state (or quasi state bodies) • A person is reasonably able to relocate within a country or territory • A claim is likely to justify granting asylum, humanitarian protection or other form of leave, and • If a claim is refused, it is likely or unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. -
Deep State of Crisis
Deep State of Crisis: Re-Assessing Risks to the Turkish State March 2017 Staff Blaise Misztal Director of National Security Nicholas Danforth Senior Policy Analyst Jessica Michek Policy Analyst Contributors Ryan Gingeras Associate Professor, Naval Postgraduate School DISCLAIMER The findings and recommendations expressed herein do not necessarily represent the views or opinions of the Bipartisan Policy Center’s founders or its board of directors. 1 bipartisanpolicy.org Executive Summary The accelerating erosion of Turkish democracy over the past decade has often been described in terms of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s authoritarian ambitions and growing accumulation of personal power. Yet what this undeniably accurate narrative sometimes fails to convey is the extent to which Erdoğan’s authoritarianism has weakened the Turkish state itself. In previous decades, the term deep state was used to describe the secret, usually sinister forces that were operating in conjunction with the Turkish military and bureaucracy to control the country beyond the reach of the elected government. While the deep state was often blamed for acts such as bombings and assassinations that spread chaos, it was always seen to be acting with an intended purpose, such as laying the groundwork for a military coup. In recent years, some observers argued that Erdoğan had at long last vanquished the deep state, while others argued he had simply created a new one under his own control. The reality appears far messier and more dangerous than either of those two alternatives. Beneath the swirling conspiracies that mark political rhetoric in Turkey today there is a profound insecurity about who truly governs the country. -
The Kurds: New Perspectives?
The Kurds: new perspectives? Standard Note: SNIA/6708 Last updated: 14 August 2013 Author: Ben Smith Section International Affairs and Defence Section • The Arab uprisings and, in particular, the Syrian conflict have thrown most assumptions about the region and its borders in doubt, with relevance to the stateless Kurdish people. • The increasing autonomy of the Kurdish region of Iraq has been a dramatic change. The possibility that Syrian Kurdistan will go the same way has meant that traditional alliances have been questioned. • Turkey, traditionally hostile to Kurdish autonomy, has changed tack recently, pursuing peace with Turkish Kurds and building economic bridges with the Kurdish Autonomous Region of Iraq. • Looking ahead, and bearing in mind the fragility of the Iraqi and Syrian polities and even the Iranian regime, some have talked of a ‘Kurdish Spring’, with the possibility of further autonomy or even the creation of a Kurdish state. • It is plausible that Turkish, Iraqi and Syrian Kurds will come out of the present instability with more autonomy but the situation is fraught with danger and further violence is possible for a number of reasons. • A pan-Kurdish state is unlikely to emerge in the foreseeable future. Contents 1 Background 3 1.1 Who are the Kurds? 3 1.2 After the Ottoman Empire 4 1.3 Nation without a state 5 2 Kurds in Turkey 5 2.1 Insurgency in the 20th century 5 2.2 A brief ceasefire 5 2.3 A democratic opening? 6 2.4 Peace process restarted 6 2.5 Turkey and the Syria conflict 7 3 Iraqi Kurdistan 7 3.1 20th century violence and massacre 7 3.2 Oil 8 3.3 Internal politics 8 3.4 Relations between the KRG and the Iraqi government 10 3.5 Relations with Turkey 11 4 Syria 12 5 Iranian Kurds 12 6 Conclusion 13 2 Kurdish-populated areas Source: University of Texas 1 Background 1.1 Who are the Kurds? The Kurds are an Indo-European (non-Arab), predominantly Sunni-Muslim people, who inhabit the mountainous region straddling Turkey, Syria, Iraq and Iran. -
US Security Cooperation and Kurdistan's Peshmerga
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 2292 Last Man Standing: U.S. Security Cooperation and Kurdistan's Peshmerga by Michael Knights Jul 24, 2014 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Michael Knights Michael Knights is the Boston-based Jill and Jay Bernstein Fellow of The Washington Institute, specializing in the military and security affairs of Iraq, Iran, and the Persian Gulf states. Brief Analysis Iraqi Kurdish peshmerga forces need Washington's military cooperation if the United States expects Kurdish troops to help stabilize Iraq. n July 22, the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS) attacked Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) O positions in Kurdish-populated areas of Tel Kaif, between Erbil and Mosul. The assault saw ISIS fighters advance in tracked and wheeled armored vehicles captured from the Iraqi army and Federal Police. The attack is the latest sign that the fragile truce between the two sides is rapidly breaking down, with dozens of Kurds killed in clashes along the entire frontier since June. Maintaining more than four hundred miles of frontline positions facing areas held by forces loyal to ISIS, the Kurds are in need of U.S. military support. HOLDING THE LINE F or weeks the peshmerga militia forces of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), one of three main political parties in Iraqi Kurdistan, have clashed with ISIS around Hamrin Lake, Tuz Khormatu, and Kirkuk. PUK continues to allow the federal Iraqi air force to use the Kirkuk air base it now holds to bomb ISIS forces along this front, and PUK recently, and unprecedentedly, began allowing Shiite militias to reinforce Shiite enclaves near Kirkuk and Tuz Khormatu using Sulaymaniyah airport and land routes within the KRG. -
Iraq: Issues in the 115Th Congress
Iraq: Issues in the 115th Congress Updated October 4, 2018 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45096 Iraq: Issues in the 115th Congress Summary Iraq’s government declared military victory against the Islamic State organization (IS, aka ISIS/ISIL) in December 2017, but insurgent attacks by remaining IS fighters threaten Iraqis as they shift their attention toward recovery and the country’s political future. Security conditions have improved since the Islamic State’s control of territory was disrupted, but IS fighters are active in some areas and security conditions are fluid. Meanwhile, daunting resettlement, reconstruction, and reform needs occupy citizens and leaders. Internally displaced Iraqis are returning home in greater numbers, but stabilization and reconstruction needs in liberated areas are extensive. An estimated 1.9 million Iraqis remain as internally displaced persons (IDPs), and Iraqi authorities have identified $88 billion in reconstruction needs over the next decade. Large protests in southern Iraq during August and September 2018 highlighted some citizens’ outrage with poor service delivery and corruption. National legislative elections were held in May 2018, but results were not certified until August, delaying the formal start of required steps to form the next government. Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al Abadi sought reelection, but his electoral list’s third-place showing and lack of internal cohesion undermined his chances for a second term. On October 2, Iraq’s Council of Representatives (COR) chose former Kurdistan Regional Government Prime Minister and former Iraqi Deputy Prime Minister Barham Salih as Iraq’s President. Salih, in turn, named former Oil Minister Adel Abd al Mahdi as Prime Minister-designate and directed him to assemble a slate of cabinet officials for COR approval within 30 days.