An Enduring American Commitment in Iraq Shaping a Long-Term Strategy with Iraqi Army Partners
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ISIS in Africa: Implications from Syria and Iraq Dr
ISIS in Africa: Implications from Syria and Iraq Dr. Joseph Siegle28 Africa Center for Strategic Studies National Defense University At the end of 2016, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, leader of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), announced that the group had “expanded and shifted some of our command, media, and wealth to Africa.” ISIS’s Dabiq magazine referred to the regions of Africa that were part of its “caliphate:” “the region that includes Sudan, Chad and Egypt has been named the caliphate province of Alkinaana; the region that includes Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia, Kenya and Uganda as the province of Habasha; the North African region encompassing Libya, Tunisia, Morocco, Algeria, Nigeria, Niger and Mauritania as Maghreb, the province of the caliphate.” Leaving aside the mismatched ethno-linguistic groupings included in each of these “provinces,” ISIS’s interest in establishing a presence in Africa has long been a part of its vision for a global caliphate. Battlefield setbacks in ISIS’s strongholds in Iraq and Syria since 2015, however, raise questions of what impact this will have for ISIS’s African aspirations. A useful starting point in considering this question is to recognize that the threat from violent Islamist groups in Africa is not monolithic but is comprised of a variety of distinct entities. For the most part, these groups are geographically concentrated and focused on local territorial or political objectives. Specifically, the Africa Center for Strategic Studies has identified 5 major categories of militant Islamists groups in Africa (see map): http://africacenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/Africas-Active-Militant-Islamist- Groups-November-2016.pdf. -
Iran Vies for More Influence in Iraq at a Budget Price by Farzin Nadimi
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 3405 Iran Vies for More Influence in Iraq at a Budget Price by Farzin Nadimi Dec 3, 2020 Also available in Arabic / Farsi ABOUT THE AUTHORS Farzin Nadimi Farzin Nadimi, an associate fellow with The Washington Institute, is a Washington-based analyst specializing in the security and defense affairs of Iran and the Persian Gulf region. Brief Analysis Tehran aims to earn hard currency for its relatively cheap military hardware, ideally boosting its leverage in Baghdad at a fraction of the cost that the United States has been spending there. n November 14, a large Iraqi defense delegation began a four-day visit to Tehran as a follow-up to previous O exchanges with Iranian officials. The trip was led by Sunni defense minister Juma Saadoun al-Jubouri and included the commanders of each Iraqi military branch. According to Jubouri, its main goal was to “deepen” bilateral military and security cooperation. Three days later, the commander of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps-Qods Force (IRGC-QF), Brig. Gen. Esmail Qaani, reportedly paid a secret visit to Baghdad. These exchanges are all the more notable because they came after the UN ban on arms deals with Iran expired in October. Tehran is now free to market and sell its weapons abroad, and several potential customers have already shown interest—not just Iraq, but also Syria, Venezuela, and other players. To be sure, all of these governments are financially constrained, and the United States will likely continue disrupting such deals via existing secondary sanctions, most of them based on UN Security Council resolutions adopted between 2006 and 2015. -
ISIS Propaganda and United States Countermeasures
BearWorks MSU Graduate Theses Fall 2015 ISIS Propaganda and United States Countermeasures Daniel Lincoln Stevens As with any intellectual project, the content and views expressed in this thesis may be considered objectionable by some readers. However, this student-scholar’s work has been judged to have academic value by the student’s thesis committee members trained in the discipline. The content and views expressed in this thesis are those of the student-scholar and are not endorsed by Missouri State University, its Graduate College, or its employees. Follow this and additional works at: https://bearworks.missouristate.edu/theses Part of the Defense and Security Studies Commons Recommended Citation Stevens, Daniel Lincoln, "ISIS Propaganda and United States Countermeasures" (2015). MSU Graduate Theses. 1503. https://bearworks.missouristate.edu/theses/1503 This article or document was made available through BearWorks, the institutional repository of Missouri State University. The work contained in it may be protected by copyright and require permission of the copyright holder for reuse or redistribution. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ISIS PROPAGANDA AND UNITED STATES COUNTERMEASURES A Masters Thesis Presented to The Graduate College of Missouri State University In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Science, Defense and Strategic Studies By Daniel Stevens December 2015 Copyright 2015 by Daniel Lincoln Stevens ii ISIS PROPAGANDA AND UNITED STATES COUNTERMEASURES Defense and Strategic studies Missouri State University, December 2015 Master of Science Daniel Stevens ABSTRACT The purpose of this study is threefold: 1. Examine the use of propaganda by the Islamic State in Iraq and al Sham (ISIS) and how its propaganda enables ISIS to achieve its objectives; 2. -
Republic of Iraq
Republic of Iraq Babylon Nomination Dossier for Inscription of the Property on the World Heritage List January 2018 stnel oC fobalbaT Executive Summary .......................................................................................................................... 1 State Party .......................................................................................................................................................... 1 Province ............................................................................................................................................................. 1 Name of property ............................................................................................................................................... 1 Geographical coordinates to the nearest second ................................................................................................. 1 Center ................................................................................................................................................................ 1 N 32° 32’ 31.09”, E 44° 25’ 15.00” ..................................................................................................................... 1 Textural description of the boundary .................................................................................................................. 1 Criteria under which the property is nominated .................................................................................................. 4 Draft statement -
The New Political Tools Geneive Abdo • Internet Use in Iran Continues To
The New Political Tools Geneive Abdo Internet use in Iran continues to increase at a fast pace. The number of Internet users in Iran has grown from less than 1 million in 2000 to about 28 million, or 38 percent of the population, in 2009. The Persian blogosphere is considered one of the most active in the world. The number of active bloggers includes approximately 60,000 routinely updated blogs, according to the Berkman Center for Internet & Society at Harvard University. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps is the arm of the state most involved in Internet control and filtering. The Iranian filtering system continues to strengthen and deepen. In addition to targeting “immoral” content on the Internet, independent and dissenting voices are filtered across a range of issues, including political reform, criticism of the government, reporting on human rights issues and minority and women’s rights. Overview Free speech in Iran is severely limited, and the media is predominantly state- controlled. Restrictions on free speech are enshrined in Iran’s constitution, which declares that, “The media should be used as a forum for healthy encounter of different ideas, but must strictly refrain from diffusion and propagation of destructive and anti- Islamic practices.”As a result, communication technology has liberated Iranian society from government restrictions on free speech. Going online has allowed Iranians to express their views. The so-called Green Movement and the broader opposition, in particular, have used new technologies to communicate with their fellow citizens inside as well as outside Iran. The Internet was particularly critical for civil society in the months before the disputed June 12, 2009 presidential election, and the months shortly thereafter. -
Yazidi Survivors in Germany and Iraq's Reparation Pro- Gramme
IOM IRAQ YAZIDI SURVIVORS IN GERMANY AND IRAQ’S REPARATION PRO- GRAMME: “I WANT FOR US TO HAVE A SHARE IN IRAQ” YAZIDI SURVIVORS IN GERMANY AND IRAQ’S REPARATION PROGRAMME: “I WANT FOR US TO HAVE A SHARE IN IRAQ” The International Organization for Migration (IOM) is committed to the principle that humane and orderly migration benefits migrants and society. As an intergovernmental organization, IOM acts with its partners in the international community to: assist in meeting the operational challenges of migration; advance understanding of migration issues; encourage social and economic development through migration; and uphold the human dignity and well-being of migrants. The opinions expressed in the report are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the International Organization for Migration (IOM). The information contained in this report is for general information purposes only. Names and boundaries do not imply official endorsement or acceptance by the International Organization for Migration (IOM). IOM Iraq endeavours to keep this information as accurate as possible but makes no claim – expressed or implied – on the completeness, accuracy and suitability of the information provided through this report. International Organization for Migration Address: UNAMI Compound (Diwan 2), International Zone, Baghdad/Iraq Email: [email protected] Website: iraq.iom.int This report is authored by Güley Bor © 2021 International Organization for Migration (IOM) All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior written permission of the publisher. -
International Law and the 2003 Invasion of Iraq Revisited
International Law and the 2003 Invasion of Iraq Revisited Donald K. Anton Associate Professor of Law The Australian National University College of Law Paper delivered April 30, 2013 Australian National University Asia-Pacific College of Diplomacy The Invasion of Iraq: Canadian and Australian Perspectives Seminar1 INTRODUCTION Good morning. Thank you to the organizers for inviting me to participate today in this retrospective on the 2003 invasion of Iraq. My role this morning, as I understand it, is to parse the international legal arguments surrounding the invasion and to reconsider them in the fullness of time that has elapsed. It is a role I agreed to take on with hesitation because it is difficult to add much that is new. I suppose I can take comfort in saying what I’ve already said, and saying it again today, because of how I view my obligations as an international lawyer. I believe we lawyers have a duty to stand up and insist that our leaders adhere to the rule of law in international relations and to help ensure that they are held accountable for the failure to do so. As I am sure you are all aware, much remains to be done in terms of accountability, especially in the United States, and it is disappointing that the Obama Administration has so far refused to prosecute what seem to be clear violations of the Torture Convention, including all the way up the chain of command if necessary. Today, however, my talk is confined to the legal arguments about the use of force in Iraq and an analysis of their persuasiveness. -
U.S. Military Engagement in the Broader Middle East
U.S. MILITARY ENGAGEMENT IN THE BROADER MIDDLE EAST JAMES F. JEFFREY MICHAEL EISENSTADT U.S. MILITARY ENGAGEMENT IN THE BROADER MIDDLE EAST JAMES F. JEFFREY MICHAEL EISENSTADT THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY WWW.WASHINGTONINSTITUTE.ORG The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. Policy Focus 143, April 2016 All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publica- tion may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing fromthe publisher. ©2016 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1111 19th Street NW, Suite 500 Washington, DC 20036 Design: 1000colors Photo: An F-16 from the Egyptian Air Force prepares to make contact with a KC-135 from the 336th ARS during in-flight refueling training. (USAF photo by Staff Sgt. Amy Abbott) Contents Acknowledgments V I. HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF U.S. MILITARY OPERATIONS 1 James F. Jeffrey 1. Introduction to Part I 3 2. Basic Principles 5 3. U.S. Strategy in the Middle East 8 4. U.S. Military Engagement 19 5. Conclusion 37 Notes, Part I 39 II. RETHINKING U.S. MILITARY STRATEGY 47 Michael Eisenstadt 6. Introduction to Part II 49 7. American Sisyphus: Impact of the Middle Eastern Operational Environment 52 8. Disjointed Strategy: Aligning Ways, Means, and Ends 58 9. -
Iraq: U.S. Military Operations
Order Code RL31701 Iraq: U.S. Military Operations Updated July 15, 2007 Steve Bowman Specialist in National Defense Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Iraq: U.S. Military Operations Summary Iraq’s chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons programs, together with Iraqi long-range missile development and support for Al Qaeda terrorism, were the primary justifications put forward for military action. On March 17, 2003, President Bush issued an ultimatum demanding that Saddam Hussein and his sons depart from Iraq within 48 hours. On March 19, offensive operations began with air strikes against Iraqi leadership positions. By April 15, after 27 days of operations, coalition forces were in relative control of all major Iraqi cities and Iraqi political and military leadership had disintegrated. On May 1, 2003, President Bush declared an end to major combat operations. There was no use of chemical or biological (CB) weapons, and no CB or nuclear weapons stockpiles or production facilities have been found. The major challenges to coalition forces are now quelling a persistent Iraqi resistance movement and training/retaining sufficient Iraqi security forces to assume responsibility for the nations domestic security. Though initially denying that there was an organized resistance movement, DOD officials have now acknowledged there is regional/local organization, with apparently ample supplies of arms and funding. CENTCOM has characterized the Iraqi resistance as “a classical guerrilla-type campaign.” DOD initially believed the resistance to consist primarily of former regime supporters and foreign fighters; however, it has now acknowledged that growing resentment of coalition forces and an increase in sectarian conflicts, independent of connections with the earlier regime, are contributing to the insurgency. -
The Yazidis Perceptions of Reconciliation and Conflict
The Yazidis Perceptions of Reconciliation and Conflict Dave van Zoonen Khogir Wirya About MERI The Middle East Research Institute engages in policy issues contributing to the process of state building and democratisation in the Middle East. Through independent analysis and policy debates, our research aims to promote and develop good governance, human rights, rule of law and social and economic prosperity in the region. It was established in 2014 as an independent, not-for-profit organisation based in Erbil, Kurdistan Region of Iraq. Middle East Research Institute 1186 Dream City Erbil, Kurdistan Region of Iraq T: +964 (0)662649690 E: [email protected] www.meri-k.org NGO registration number. K843 © Middle East Research Institute, 2017 The opinions expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the authors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without the prior written permission of MERI, the copyright holder. Please direct all enquiries to the publisher. The Yazidis Perceptions of Reconciliation and Conflict MERI Policy Paper Dave van Zoonen Khogir Wirya October 2017 1 Contents 1. Executive Summary ............................................................................................................................4 2. “Reconciliation” after genocide .........................................................................................................5 -
Irregular Warfare: a Case Study in Cia and Us Army Special Forces Operations in Northern Iraq, 2002-03
IRREGULAR WARFARE: A CASE STUDY IN CIA AND US ARMY SPECIAL FORCES OPERATIONS IN NORTHERN IRAQ, 2002-03 THE MIDDLE EAST INSTITUTE ANDREW L., MICK MULROY, AND KEN TOVO AUGUST 2021 WWW.MEI.EDU ABOUT THE MIDDLE EAST INSTITUTE The Middle East Institute is a center of knowledge dedicated to narrowing divides between the peoples of the Middle East and the United States. With over 70 years’ experience, MEI has established itself as a credible, non-partisan source of insight and policy analysis on all matters concerning the Middle East. MEI is distinguished by its holistic approach to the region and its deep understanding of the Middle East’s political, economic and cultural contexts. Through the collaborative work of its three centers — Policy & Research, Arts & Culture, and Education — MEI provides current and future leaders with the resources necessary to build a future of mutual understanding. ABOUT THE AUTHORS Andrew L. “Uncle Andy” is a retired Senior Intelligence Service Paramilitary Operations Officer in the Special Activities Center with 25 years of service in the CIA. He is a former U.S. Marine infantry and reconnaissance officer. Michael “Mick” Patrick Mulroy Mick Mulroy is the former Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for the Middle East. He is also a retired CIA Paramilitary Operations Officer in the Special Activities Center and a United States Marine. He is a Senior Fellow for the Middle East Institute, an ABC News National Security Analyst, and a co-founder of Lobo Institute. Kenneth “Ken” Tovo Lieutenant General (Ret.) Ken Tovo retired from the U.S. Army in 2018 with 35 years of service. -
Gulf War Era Veterans Report: Pre-9/11 (August 2, 1990 to September 10, 2001)
Gulf War Era Veterans Report: Pre-9/11 (August 2, 1990 to September 10, 2001) February 2011 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .......................................................................................................................... 4 SECTION I. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................... 7 Overview .................................................................................................................................................. 7 Purpose ..................................................................................................................................................... 7 Objective................................................................................................................................................... 8 Methodology............................................................................................................................................. 8 Design Features ........................................................................................................................................ 8 SECTION II. COHORTS ........................................................................................................................... 10 Overview ................................................................................................................................................ 10 Sorting Hierarchy ..................................................................................................................................