Impact of Resettlement on Scheduled Tribes in Kerala: a Study on Aralam Farm

Impact of Resettlement on Scheduled Tribes in Kerala: A study on Aralam Farm

A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Award of the Degree of

Master of Philosophy in Sociology

by Deepa Sebastian (Reg. No.1434502)

Under the Guidance of Sudhansubala Sahu Assistant Professor

Department of Sociology

CHRIST UNIVERSITY BENGALURU, INDIA December 2016 APPROVAL OF DISSERTATION

Dissertation entitled ‘Impact of Resettlement on Scheduled Tribes in Kerala: A Study on Aralam Farm’ b y Deepa Sebastian Reg. No. 1434502 is approved for the award of the degree of Master of Philosophy in Sociology.

Examiners:

Supervisor:

______

Chairman: ______

Date:

Place: Bengaluru

DECLARATION

I Deepa Sebastian hereby declare that the dissertation, titled ‘Impact of Resettlement on Scheduled Tribes in Kerala: A Study on Aralam Farm’ is a record of original research work undertaken by me for the award of the degree of Master of Philosophy in Sociology. I have completed this study under the supervision of Dr Sudhansubala Sahu, Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology.

I also declare that this dissertation has not been submitted for the award of any degree, diploma, associateship, fellowship or other title. It has not been sent for any publication or presentation purpose. I hereby confirm the originality of the work and that there is no plagiarism in any part of the dissertation.

Place: Bengaluru

Date: Deepa Sebastian Reg. No.1434502 Department of Sociology Christ University, Bengaluru

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CERTIFICATE

This is to certify that the dissertation submitted by Deepa Sebastian (1434502 ) titl ed ‘Impact of Resettlement on Scheduled Tribes in Kerala: A Study on Aralam Farm’ is a record of research work done by her during the academic year 2014-2016 under my supervision in partial fulfillment for the award of Master of Philosophy in Sociology.

This dissertation has not been submitted for the award of any degree, diploma, associateship, fellowship or other title. It has not been sent for any publication or presentation purpose. I hereby confirm the originality of the work and that there is no plagiarism in any part of the dissertation.

Place: Bengaluru

Date:

Dr Sudhansubala Sahu Assistant Professor Department of Sociology Christ University, Bengaluru

Dr Victor Paul Head, Department of Sociology Christ University, Bengaluru

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

It is a pleasure to thank all those who have made this dissertation possible. I take this opportunity to express my deepest sense of gratitude towards my guide Dr Sudhansubala Sahu Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, Christ University, for her constant support and encouragement. She always manages to instil courage and confidence in me. Her knowledge and insight inspired me to take up all the challenges in conducting this research.

I would like to thank, Dr Victor Paul Head of the Department of Sociology, Dr Pritha Dasgupta the former Head of the Department of Sociology, Dr Maya Mohan, MPhil coordinator of the Department of Sociology, and all other faculty members of the department of Sociology, Christ University for their constant support and encouragement during the course work and progress presentations.

I would also like to express my gratitude to the Vice Chancellor of the Christ University, Dr. (Fr.) Thomas C. Mathew, the Pro Vice-Chancellor Dr (Fr.) Abraham V, Christ University and Center for Research, Christ University for having given me this opportunity to pursue my research in this esteemed institution.

A special thanks to all the participants of my research, who took out time from their busy schedule to be part of my study. I am also grateful to Mr Kunjikannan, Mr Velukkan and their families, who helped me to get into the people and I am grateful to the teachers, doctors and government officers who were working in the Farm and all those who helped me to interact with the tribal families for gathering the information.

I am also extremely grateful to my family and friends. They are my pillar of strength, blessing and perseverance. My dissertation would not have been possible without their kind advice and support.

Deepa Sebastian

ABSTRACT

The continuous struggle of the tribal communities forced the Kerala Government to distribute the alternative land for all landless tribal families in the State. The State Government has offered Aralam Farm for all the landless tribal families from Wayanad and Kannur districts of Kerala. Along with the land, the government also promised various facilities for all the resettling tribal families in the Farm. According to the official records from 2007-2015, approximately 3502 landless tribal families got their Possession Certificates for one-acre land in the Farm. According to the various sources, it was found that the majority of the relocated tribal families left the Farm and those who settled in the Farm face various issues. It was also noticed, the government and the public were least bothered about the resettlers.

In this scenario, the researcher takes an initiative to understand the impact of resettlement on landless tribal families in the Aralam Farm. The descriptive study was conducted among 150 resettled households from different blocks in the Farm. Interview method and participant observation were used for the data collection. The researcher had used the structured interview schedule, checklist and field notes for the data collection. The study looked at various objectives like implementations and the availability of the various facilities, socio- cultural changes, various resettlement problems and the outcome of the resettlement of the tribal families in the Aralam Farm.

The study reveals that Government authorities tried to implement various facilities for the resettlers. The study found that most of the permanent resettlers have a house, latrine facilities, and electricity. They also enjoy the food security, educational institutions and health care services. In spite of all the available facilities, more than half of the tribal families left the Aralam Farm. The study has spotlighted the various issues that force the tribal families to leave their dreamland. The results of the study demonstrate that the resettlers face various problems like wild animal attacks, discrimination, lack of transporting facilities and unavailability of the space for their cultural and religious activities. The findings prove that the resettlement of the landless Scheduled Tribal families in the Aralam Farm has both positive and negative impacts.

Keywords: Resettlement, Scheduled Tribe, Aralam Farm

CONTENTS

APPROVAL OF DISSERTATION ...... ii DECLARATION ...... iii CERTIFICATE ...... iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ...... v ABSTRACT ...... vi CONTENTS ...... vii LISTS OF FIGURES, GRAPHS AND PHOTOGRAPHS ...... x LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ...... xi CHAPTER I-INTRODUCTION ...... 1 1.1 Genesis of the problem ...... 3 1.2 Need for the study ...... 7 1.3 Scope of the study ...... 7 1.4 Chapter Scheme ...... 8 CHAPTER II-REVIEW OF LITERATURE ...... 9 2.1 Defining Scheduled Tribes ...... 10 2.2 Identification and classifications of the Scheduled Tribes in India and Kerala ...... 11 2.3 Problems and issues of the tribal communities ...... 13 2.4 Development induced displacement and resettlement issues ...... 16 2.5 Displacement and Resettlement Risks ...... 19 2.6 Tribal development programs by the government ...... 21 2.7 Tribal movements and land struggles ...... 24 2.8 Resettlement issues in Aralam Farm ...... 28 CHAPTER III-RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ...... 31 3.1 Statement of the problem ...... 32 3.2 Operational definition ...... 32 3.3 Objectives ...... 33 3.4 Research Design ...... 33 3.65 Study Area ...... 34 3.6 Sampling procedure ...... 35 3.7 Inclusion and Exclusion criteria ...... 36

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3.8 Source of Data Collection...... 36 3.9 Tools used for Data Collection ...... 36 3.10 Explanation about the inputs ...... 37 3.11 Methods for Data Analysis ...... 37 CHAPTER IV-PROFILE OF RESPONDENTS ...... 39 4.1Tribal category ...... 43 CHAPTER V-DATA ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION ...... 50 5.1 Implementation and availability of the various facilities ...... 51 5.1.1Housing and Sanitation ...... 51 5.1.2 Drinking Water ...... 54 5.1.3 Food Security ...... 55 5.1.4 Electricity ...... 57 5.1.5 Transportation ...... 58 5.1.6 Education ...... 60 5.1.7 Health Care ...... 64 5.1.8 Occupation ...... 65 5.1.9 Agriculture ...... 67 5.1.10 Income Generation ...... 68 5.2 Socio-cultural changes among resettlers ...... 70 5.2.1 Social changes ...... 70 5.2.2 Cultural Changes ...... 72 5.3 Various problems of the resettlers ...... 76 5.4 The impact of resettlement in the Aralam Farm ...... 84 CHAPTER VI-SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS ...... 90 6.1 Limitations of the Study ...... 96 6.2 Future research direction ...... 96 6.3 Implications ...... 96 6.4 Conclusion ...... 97 APPENDICES BIBLIOGRAPHY

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LIST OF TABLES

4.1 Household’s details on the Aralam Farm ...... 43 5.1 Nature of house and Ration Card ...... 57 5.2 Availability of the Electricity facilities ...... 58 5.3 Ownership of vehicle and preferable transportation...... 60 5.4 Tribal category and preferable school ...... 63 5.5 Preferable Hospital and Preferable Treatment...... 65 5.6 Job reservation and occupation ...... 67 5.7 Uncultivated land and reason for un-cultivation ...... 68 5.8 Social changes ...... 71 5.9 Previous and Present family settlement system ...... 74 5.10 Traditional and Present Religion ...... 75 5.11 Life threat due to Wild animal attacks...... 78 5.12 Newspaper reports on wild animal attacks ...... 79 5.13 Awareness of different programmes...... 84 5.14 IRR model ...... 86

LISTS OF FIGURES, GRAPHS AND PHOTOGRAPHS

3.1 Study Area ...... 36 4.1 Tribal category of the respondent ...... 44 4.2 Land Registration among the respondents ...... 48 4.3 Duration of Stay ...... 49 4.4 Ownership of Other Land ...... 49 4.5 Place of Origin ...... 50 5.1 Nature of the residential building ...... 53 5.2 Photographs of different kinds of house ...... 54 5.3 Latrine Type ...... 54 5.4 Drinking Water ...... 55 5.5 Available livestock ...... 57 5.6 Photographs of educational facilities ...... 62 5.7 Reasons for dropout ...... 64 5.8 Satisfaction on Healthcare Services ...... 66 5.9 Reason for unemployment ...... 67 5.10 Sources of Income ...... 70 5.11 Cultural Changes ...... 73 5.12 Language Spoken ...... 76 5.13 Photographs of pineapple cultivation ...... 78 5.14 Various Problems ...... 81 5.15 Discriminations ...... 83

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

DIDR Development Induced displacement and resettlement

FD Forest Department

IRR Impoverishment Risk and Reconstruction

KST Kerala Scheduled Tribe

LA Land Alienation

LDF Left Democratic Front

LRA Land Reforms Act

NGO Non-Governmental Organization

PDS Public Distribution System

PESA Panchayati Raj Extension to Scheduled Areas Act

SHG Self Help Group

SSP State Sub-Plan

ST Scheduled Tribe

TRDM Tribal Resettlement and Development Mission

TSP Tribal Sub-Plan

UDF United Democratic Front

UN United Nations

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

In the past few decades, Kerala had witnessed various radical, organised tribal movements and resist in demand of ‘Restoration of indigenous land’ of tribes. History reveals those tribal groups were the original inhabitants and natural owners of the land. Since tribes had never claimed legal ownership of their land, it has resulted gradually losing their land and habitat. At present, the large portion of the land previously possessed by tribes is now legally owned by civilised migrants and even by government authorities. The land is converted either as agricultural plantations or as to the exact requirements of developmental projects.

In the recent past, the struggle of the tribal communities in different districts in Kerala had the same voice and demand echoing ‘We want our land’. It is a thought provoking question to the civil society that ‘why do they demand their own land?’ Ms CK Janu of Wayanad district the most popular tribal activist who have successfully organised tribal groups from the districts of North Kerala have a clear answer to the above question. Ms Janu (2004) said, “The struggles for land to the tribes are not a political one, but it is a struggle against another culture called mainstream Kerala culture. Retrieval of our land will help us to retrieve our culture. Adivasis (tribals) are not interested in political power. They just wish to be left alone to create their own methods of survival and development”. It clearly showed the reason behind the tribal’s demand for their own land. Tribal communities demanded their land to protect their culture. Each tribal community is attributable to a unique culture and traditional heritage. The majority of the tribal communities consider their culture as their pulse that forms themselves as a unique indigenous community.

There are various legitimate reasons why the real owners of the land gradually became the people without owning land in Kerala. Civilised migrants had taken advantage of ignorance and simplicity of the people of tribal communities. Tribes depended on civilised migrants for their domestic expenses. Tribal people borrowed money for their needs and once they are overburdened with debts, the mainstream society forced the tribal people to leave their tribal land. The government has also allowed the private and public companies to set up industries, mining companies and power stations in the tribal areas where the tribes lived without giving proper attention to them. Moreover, to that many private and public companies were allowed to the tribal area for cultivation process and has set up estates and other projects. Needs of industrialisation and urbanisation have sought unrestricted access over the natural tribal land. The state government also has converted into a major portion of the tribal land for the conservation of nature (Dileep, 2003). These projects are known as Reserved Forest Area,

Wildlife Sanctuary, Natural Forests, Western Ghats Area, Green Forest Area and Forest Protection Area.

The realisation about their lost land forced tribes of the state to fight against the mainstream society. In the last two decades before 2007, Kerala had witnessed different land struggles of the tribes for the restoration of their land. The continuous fights by the tribal people in Kerala had forced the government to distribute land to all those landless tribal families. The government of Kerala started distributing Possession Certificates for the eligible tribal families in 2007 and in the successive years, the government has handed over the Possession Certificates for 3,502 landless tribal families in Aralam Farm. However, ownership of land will be given to those families who stay on the allotted land for more than 12 years. However, it is surprising to note this special impact of the allocation of land for the resettlement of various tribal groups. More than half of the tribal families had dramatically left of their allotted piece of land few months immediately after they have possessed the land.

In this context, the present study looks at the impact of the resettlement of the landless tribes in North Kerala. This research looks at both positive and negative outcomes of the resettlement program by the government in Aralam Farm.

1.1 Genesis of the problem

Tribal communities in Kerala considered the forest area as their homeland, gifted by the Mother Nature. They were depending on their forest for their livelihood. Since the land was belonging to tribes, they never claimed legal ownership of their land. In the early 1950s, many non-tribal migrants had taken over their land for settled farming. The migrants were well aware of the individual land ownership and its value in the changing society. Simultaneously, the State government also introduced various development projects for the conservation of nature and implemented some of the forest laws.

In the British colonial period, the proclamation of the forest law had taken away the majority of the tribal land. The problems of the tribal communities in Kerala began from the early 19th century. In late 1950, the tribal communities in Kerala had realised the value of their land. Once they lost their traditional land, they lost their culture and it had negatively affected their existence. The majority of the tribal populations in Kerala were unaware of the individual land ownership. The realisation of the value of land forced them to retain their tribal land

3 titles. However, by that time they have already lost an opportunity to claim the ownership of their land. This had forced them to fight against the mainstream society for the restoration of their lost tribal land.

The land restoration of the tribal communities had undergone different policy interventions. UN Dhebar on 1960 28 April had formed a committee known as Scheduled Tribe and Scheduled area for the land reformation. The main intention of this commission was to restore the alienated tribal land from 26 January 1950. The powerful influence of the proprietors and settled non-tribes had pressurised the government against the sudden implementations of the recommendations of the commission. Meanwhile, in 1963 Kerala government had introduced the Land Reforms Act (LRA), which helped the tenants to make the ownership of their tenancy land. The LRA amendment had helped the non-tribal settled farmers to acquire the ownership of the tribal land. The implementation of the Land Reforms Act in 1970 had caused severe land alienation of tribal families in Kerala. The Patent Act in 1975 had invalidated the tribal land transactions after 1960. This act had brought regulations over the forest and tribal land occupations.

Meanwhile, Kerala Assembly in 1975 had passed the KST (Kerala Scheduled Tribes Restriction on Transfer and Restriction on Alienated land) Act for the land alienation issues in Kerala. According to this act, the alienated tribal land named under ‘stolen property’ and it guaranteed the restoration of their tribal land from 26 January 1960. According to KST Act, the tribal land transaction considered as invalid after 1960. More than 8000 tribal people had filed applications for restoring their lost land. The authoritative nontribal’s political holds and pressure had forced the ruling government to freeze up the Act for more than twenty-five years. In 1988, Dr Nalla Tampthera requested the Kerala high court for the implementation of the 1975 Act. In 1993, the High court ordered the government to implement the particular Act within 6-month period. Yet, then the ruling UDF government seeks the extension for implementation. The court has given the final deadline as 1996 September 30 for the implementation. By then the rules and regulation for the restoration of the alienated land had changed duration from 1960 to 1986. However, the majority of the tribal people had alienated their land before 1986.

In 1996, Kerala UDF government had brought out the controversial Amendment Act for the Parent Act in 1975. Kerala scheduled Amendment Tribal Bill in 1996 aimed at restoration of alienated lands. In 1999, the LDF government also had brought another amendment (Kerala

Restriction on Transfer and Restoration of Lands to Scheduled Tribes) Act. According to this amendment Act in 1999, the encroached land more than five hectares should be given back to the tribal communities. This act had abolished the KST Act from 1975. However, the 1999 amendment Act was supported by the Kerala political parties, the High Court questioned the amendments by saying it is ‘unconstitutional’ and had rejected both 1996 and 1999 amendment bills (Rajan, 1999).

More than 50 years tribal people in Kerala had waited for the effect of the Tribal Bill, which helps them in restoring their alienated lands. The unfulfilled court verdicts and the government legislations had forced the tribal people to unrest against the mainstream society. None of the Acts could provide the land for the tribal people. The long struggle for the restoration of the land had forced them to take a new step as social movements. The hunger deaths among the tribal population forced them to take new steps against the mainstream society. The tribal communities dropped the unfulfilled restoration of the land. In the last two decades, the tribal communities in Kerala demanded five acres of alternative land for all the landless tribal families in the state. They initiated different methods for their bargaining demands with the Kerala government (Mohanty B. , 2001).

Tribal communities commence a large struggle on 29 August 2001 called ‘Kudilketti Samaram’ . They had created small huts in front of the State Secretariat. They demanded the restoration of their land and rehabilitating 4000 tribal families. To make an end of the ‘Refugee Camp’ by the tribes; the Antony government had signed the ‘Adivasi Agreement’ in 16 October 2001. According to the agreement, the Kerala government agreed to give five acres of land for all the landless tribal families in Kerala (Raman R. , 2002).

The tribal people waited many months and at the end, they realised that the promise by the government was in futile. This led the tribal people to encroach the Muthanga Wildlife Sanctuary on 19 February 2003. Hundreds of tribal had made huts in the Muthanga forestland. Overall 45 days in the small huts they stayed in the encroached area. Instead of compromising with the tribal communities, the government ordered the police to attack the tribal people. Without any second thought, Kerala police tried to evict the protesters and it led to a battle between the tribes and police. Aftereffects of this battle shook both government and the tribal communities. To cover up the entire incidence and the issues of the movement, the ruling government had offered alternative land for the landless tribes.

The Muthanga incident forced the State government to launch the ‘Aralam Farm Project’ in 2004.The Kerala government had brought the 7000 acres of Aralam Farm from the Central government using 42 cores from the tribal welfare fund. The main intention was to convert this land as alternative land for the landless tribals from Wayanad and Kannur districts. Out of 7000 acres, the government decided to distribute 3500 acres to the landless tribes and the rest of the 3500acres kept as State Farming, which generates occupation for the resettled tribes. The unfulfilled promise of the Kerala government provoked the tribal communities. Tribal people came together and decided to have another massive movement. Thousands of tribal families from both Wayanad and Kannur districts encroached the Aralam Farm and settled on the Farm. This incident puts the ruling government to speed up the producers for the land allotments and distribution. The officials collected the applications from the eligible tribal families.

After five years of the agreement, the government had failed to distribute the Farmland. It forced the tribal communities to launch the ‘Standing up Protest’ in 2006. Almost three months they had stood up near the State Secretariat for demanding the Promised Land. Tribal people decided to stand until their needs fulfilled. They said ‘we belong to the same state and we will stand up until our needs are fulfilled’ (Kumar R. K., 2001).

The delays in the Aralam Farmland distribution, lead a fresh movement in Kannur district. Thousands of the tribal families encroached the Farmland and settled on the Farm. This situation had made the Kerala government under pressure and distributed the land in 2007. Along with the land, the government also promised basic facilities. In May 2008 under the leadership of Geethanadan, many tribes from Aralam Farm held a mass rally to the State Secretariat to protest against the establishment of the private company in the rehabilitated area. The private company wanted to convert the area as tourist resorts and the tribal people demanded the rest of the Farmland for the landless tribal people. They bicker about the government for cheating the tribal people. Most of the demands of the tribes are not yet fulfilled (Rajasenan, 2009).

According to the government records, there are more than 3500 landless tribal families from Wayanad and Kannur districts got their Possession Certificates for one-acre land in the Aralam. The newspaper reports and journal articles show the present situation of the Aralam Farm. The majority of the tribal families left the Farm. History shows that the tribal people in Kerala were fighting for their land since 1950. After multi-decades, land fights by tribal

6 people forced the government to provide the available alternative land for them. It considered as their ‘dreamland’. The researcher has investigated the reasons for leaving their ‘dreamland’.

1.2 Need for the study

As decades passed by, the tribes who were the owner of the land became the landless people in Kerala. Middle of the nineteenth century the indigenous people realised that they lost all rights over their own traditional homeland. The realisation among tribes led to tribal movements, for the land restoration of their alienated land. The emergence of the tribal movement in the Kerala was the alarming sign for the rest of the people as well as the government. The authorities realised that the tribal people cannot be suppressed anymore. Tribal people wanted their land near their own traditional forest area. However, the government offered them the available land in the state. Aralam Farm in the Kannur district was one of the land areas, offered by the state government for the landless tribes. Changes in the ruling parties had negatively influenced the distribution of the land for the landless tribal families. The delay in the land distribution process led to the land assertion movement in the year 2006. Many of the tribal families forcefully settled down on the Aralam Farm. Kerala government was under pressure for the distribution of the title deeds for the landless tribes. Along with the land, the state government had also promised many other facilities for the resettled tribal families. The relocated tribal families faced many challenges due to unsuccessful implementation of the land distribution and other developmental programmes by the government, which forced the tribal families to leave their land. In this scenario, the researcher feels the need to understand the emerging and existing problems of the resettled tribal families in the Aralam Farm.

1.3 Scope of the study

The present study focused on the life of the tribal families who got their possession certificates and resettled in the Aralam Farm. The scope of the study is very specific that the study focused on the particular area, regarding the life of resettlement and relocation tribes. The researcher hopes that this study can contribute to the existing knowledge and literature. The study also expects to understand the different aspects of the tribal life, such as tradition, culture, religious practices, occupation, and social life in their relocated area. According to the researcher, the present study looks forward to understanding the tribe’s approaches on

7 development programs and its implementation. It may also help the authorities to predict the various resettlement issues in the Aralam Farm. This can enlighten the program developers to rethink and make essential changes in the upcoming programs and projects for Scheduled Tribes in Kerala.

1.4 Chapter Scheme

The first chapter deals with the introduction to the tribes, different problems faced by them. It also emphasises the background of the study. This chapter also dwelt with the need, scope, and significance of the present study.

The second chapter specifies the importance of the review of literature for the study. It explains the relevant review of literature related to the research topic. Different studies by eminent personalities from across the world, Indian studies and studies from Kerala were included to support the present study. Various studies have discussed under different themes.

The third chapter explains various methodologies used for conducting the present study. This chapter deals with research design and methods to carry out the present the study. It explains the statement of the problems, scope and relevant to the study, operational definitions, objectives of the study, study design, study area sampling techniques, data collection methods and statistical analysis.

Fourth chapter explains the profile of the respondents. It shows the details of the tribal families who took part in the study. It explains different blocks and different tribal communities exist on the Aralam Farm.

Fifth chapter explains the data analysis procedure. It deals with the data analysis, findings and its interpretation. Using different statistical methods, it finds answers to the research questions.

The last chapter deals with the conclusion of the entire research conducted by the researcher. It also highlights the outcome of the entire research. It gives a detailed summary of the entire research. It also deals with suggestions and further research scope of the present study.

This chapter highlighted the purpose of the investigation and overview of the study. The next chapter looks at a various review of literature, which guides the researcher to form the effective blueprint for carrying out the present study.

CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF LITERATURE

The present chapter explains the various literature from overseas, India and Kerala. Review of literature becomes a mediator and strengthens the background knowledge for the present research. The researcher has collected the relevant studies and knowledge from available secondary sources like books, articles, research studies, government records, and data from different websites. Different journals and edited books have also reviewed to know about the impact of the resettled tribes. Newspaper reports and magazine articles also used to know the real problems of Aralam Farm resettled tribes.

This chapter consists of various reviews on different themes such as, defining Scheduled Tribes, identification and classifications of the Scheduled Tribes in India and Kerala, problems and issues of the tribal communities, development-induced displacement and resettlement issues, displacement and resettlement risks, tribal development programs by the government, tribal movements and land struggles and resettlement issues in Aralam Farm. The available reviews under each theme give an overview of the existing knowledge, which helps the researcher to identify the gaps for the present study.

2.1 Defining Scheduled Tribes

A bunch of literature looks into the emergence of the term Scheduled Tribes in India. A brief summary of the selected reviews on Scheduled Tribes have explained in the following sections. It helps to understand the term encountered in the present study.

Bagchi Tilok (1992) in his book ‘Understanding A Tribe: An Overview’ reveals that the term ‘Tribe’ is derived from the Latin word ‘Tribuz’ which indicates the political divisions among Romans. The meanings of the term tribes vary from nation to nation. In India, the British Administration for the Census report first used the term ‘Tribe’ in the year 1891. The book entitled ‘Tribal Development in India: Myth and Reality’ by L K Mahapatra (1994) talks about the similar Indian words like Vanavasi, Adivasi, Vanyajati and Adimajati which represent the term tribe. At the same time Elvin V (1963) in the article ‘A New Deal for Tribal India’ describes the various transformation process of the term Scheduled Tribes. According to Elvin, the term tribe had undergone tremendous changes in the Pre- Independence period. In the 1981 Census report, they had described them as ‘Tribe’ to represent the indigenous people in the country. Census reports in 1921 used the term as ‘Forest Tribe’ and 1931 specified them as ‘Primitive Tribe’. However, in the year 1935, the original inhabitant of India had classified under ‘Backward Tribes’. However, the term ‘Scheduled tribe’ first appeared in the Indian Constitution on 26 January 1950. On the other

10 hand, G S Ghurey (1943) had referred the Adivasis as Backward Hindus and later on he had redefined the Indian Tribe as ‘Scheduled tribe’. According to Ranjan Basu (1994 ) Indian tribe symbolise the communities, which integrated into the list of ‘Scheduled Tribes’ in the Indian constitution.

The above-cited contributions by the various scholars reveal that the transformation of the term Scheduled Tribe has undergone different forms of transformation processes. In the Indian context, the indigenous people usually known as Adivasis. According to some scholars, Adivasis are just known as a backward class or tribe. The reviews also enlighten the researcher that the tribe officially known as Scheduled Tribes in the Constitutions of India. Though there are many terms representing the indigenous communities in India, the researcher chooses the official term ‘Scheduled Tribes’ for the present study. The following reviews focus on various characteristics and variables used for identifying a tribal community under Scheduled Tribe.

2.2 Identification and classifications of the Scheduled Tribes in India and Kerala

The researcher collected various studies to understand the identification and classification of the Scheduled Tribes communities from both India and Kerala. Since India is known for its diverse culture, the researcher feels the importance to recognise the various tribal communities for the present study.

In the ‘ Imperial Gazetteer of India’, Risley (1911) has described the tribe as a collection of families which bearing a common name, speaks own dialect, occupying similar territory. At the same time, D.N. Majumdar (1944) looks at the tribes as a group of families bearing a common name, territory, speak the same language, traditional occupation and observe certain taboos about marriage. On the other hand Sagar Preet (1994) in his book entitled ‘ Tribal Problems: A Gandhian Perspective’ explains the tribe, such characteristics of the India tribe such as common landscape, language, name, cultures, occupations, organisation structure, religion, political system, consciousness of unity and ties of blood relations. At the same time, the book entitled ‘Tribes in Modern mainstremisation’ by R.N Mukherjee (2003) also described the tribe as a collection of families who have a common language, territory, occupation, interest, social law and practice similar cultural tradition. According to B C Guha (1931) in the book entitled ‘Racial Classification of Indian Tribes’ classified the Indian tribe under three zones, such as North and North East, Central and South. On the other hand, P.K.

Singh and Gaya Pandey (1995) have classified the Indian tribal communities under nomadic Habits, Primitive lifestyles and remote habitation of the tribal community.

The above reviews show that Indian tribes are classified based on their region, race, religion, language and culture. Along with these criteria, the Indian government also used the economic status to categorise under the Scheduled Tribal category. According to the Indian census report (2011), the total population of the Indian tribe is 104,281,034, which constitutes of 8.61 percent of the Indian population. They are identified under 573 tribal communities in India. As per the census report in (2011), the tribal population in Kerala is 484,839, which constitutes as 1.45 percent of the total (33406061) state’s population. According to the 2001 Census, the tribal population in Kerala was found to be 364,189. R N Nithya (2014) in her article ‘Globalisation and the Plight of Tribals: The case of Kerala, India’ analysed the census data of 2001 and 2011 and which shows that, there is a growth rate of 0.36 percent in the tribal population in Kerala. Nithya has pointed out the various reasons for the growth of the Scheduled Tribe population in Kerala. According to her, the scheduled tribe Amendment in1956 in India had identified almost 43 tribal communities in Kerala. The amendment order in 2002 had included eight new tribal communities in the scheduled tribe category. In the 2003 Amendment, five tribal communities have excluded and the two communities have clubbed together from the scheduled tribe list in Kerala. In the recent years, almost eleven tribal categories from Kerala have declassified as scheduled tribe. The declassification was made on account of their progress in socioeconomic and cultural areas. The report from the ST Department of Kerala (2003) shows that at present, there are 36 scheduled tribal communities in Kerala. Nithya (2014) in her article has mentioned that the highest number of the tribal population in Kerala is noted in Wayanad districts followed by Idukki and Kannur. At the same time, Paniyan tribes are identified as the highest number of the population followed by Kurichiyan.

The above discussed various contributions by the scholars have created a background for the current studies in terms of recognising the tribal area and identifying the tribal categories. Most of the scholars have pointed out the similar ways to describe or classify the Indian Scheduled Tribe. The tribes in India are classified based on their common language, religion, territory, cultures, occupations, political system, blood relations, ethnic name and above all based on their socio-cultural and economic aspect of a community describes them as a Scheduled Tribe. The above reviews also have helped the researcher to identify the various tribal categories in Kerala and the highly populated tribal area in Kerala. The review shows

12 that the Wayanad and Kannur are having more number of tribal population and the Paniyan tribes are recognised as more number of tribal population in Kerala and they are mostly found in Kannur and Wayanad districts. The above literature helped the researcher to identify the place and the tribal communities for the study. The data shows, the majority of the Scheduled Tribes are recognised as vulnerable communities and they face various problems. The following reviews look into the various issues faced by the Scheduled Tribes in India and Kerala.

2.3 Problems and issues of the tribal communities

The following reviews looked into the different problems and issues of the tribal communities in India as well as in Kerala. Various scholars have looked at the tribal problems in a different perspective. Therefore, the researcher feels the need of analysing the various issues and problems faced by the different tribal communities.

The eminent sociologist G S Ghurye (1995) in his book entitled ‘The Scheduled Tribes’ pointed out major problems of tribal communities in India are isolation, exploitations, economic backwardness and socio-cultural issues. At the same time, in the book ‘Classification of the Indian Tribes’ S C Dube (1982) had classified the tribal problems in India under five categories. Tribals live in an isolated area, they maintain a distance from non- tribes, stick to their tribal identity and untouchable issues and interference of the non-tribal contacts on their socio-cultural status. At the same time, M. L. Chaubisa (1988) in his book ‘Caste, Tribe and Exploitation’ focuses on the various exploitation and inequalities, that Indian Tribe face after post- independence. The author states that, although India is attaining freedom, the exploitation of the tribal people goes on unabated. Exploitation of the tribe does not take place in a vacuum. It has its roots in our social structure. At the same time, Sakant K Chandhary (2008) in his book ‘Indian Tribes and the Mainstream’ have classified the tribal problem Economics a different category, such as Economic, Education, Occupation, Cultural, Social, Health and Hygiene problems, Problem of Separation, Problems of land ownership and land alienation. On the other hand, Rani Gopal (1996) in her book entitled ‘Tribals and their Health Status’ looks at the tribal problems in very different approach. According to her study, the health status was high on their older times, whereas in the present scenario tribal population face lots of health issues. The complex situation of the tribal culture and their backwardness blocks the planners and administrators of upbringing health measures. Most of the Indian tribal communities live in the isolated hill and forest regions, which block the tribal

13 people to adopt modern treatment. At the same time, most of the tribal communities in India still practice indigenous methods for the health issues.

Dr Simon K. Isaac (2013) has very different outlooks on the tribal issues. In his book, entitled ‘Sourcebook on Tribal Culture Change and Mobility’ draws attention to several changes that occur in the life of indigenous people in India, which have created main tribal identity issues. Simon K focuses on various problems of tribal people like cultural changes, and mobility. He gives relevant explanations of how the tribal people had undergone changes due to the influence of the mainstream society. The impact of the modernization brought many changes in the lifestyle of the tribal people such as changes in their family, stratification, living conditions, food patterns, religious practices, educations, political organisations and so on. Some of these changes cause of the social movements among the tribal communities to get back their tribal identity. Simon K has also pointed out that, the influence of the modernization resulted in vanishing their tribal identity. At the same time the study on ‘Transformation of Tribes in India: Terms of Discourse’ by Virginius Xaxa (1999) also have pointed tribes transformations of the Indian tribal over the period. Tribes are identified as people who own the ancestor property and practice animism. Xaxa argues that Hinduisation, acculturation and social stratification had made changes in the tribal culture over a period. In order to fall under the linguistic region, they had assimilated the regional languages. Hinduism also had influenced the tribal communities. The Hindu religion and other mainstream culture brought them under the caste system, which made losing their own original tribal culture identity.

On the other hand Arundhati Roy (1999) in her article ‘The the millions Common Good’ highlighted that millions of displaced Indians won’t exist in the history. They are invisible in the government’s statistics. The majority of the indigenous people, who lived in the forest, had lost their land due to many development projects. The life of the indigenous people depended on the forest. They believed that the forest could provide them with food, fuel, medicinal herbs, ropes and housing materials. They too depended on their livestock, fish and fresh water from the river. Indigenous people had considered the forest as their heart beat and once they lost their land and forest, it affected their livelihoods. At the same, time Dr Haseena V. A (2014) in her article entitled ‘Land Alienation and Livelihood Problems of Scheduled Tribes in Kerala’ explains various causes of land alienations. According to her, loopholes in the legislative systems and lack of the unimplemented laws helped the non-tribes to get the

14 tribal land. At the same time, the government had converted the majority of the tribal land for the conservation of nature and they permitted the private and public companies to set up different industries, power, mining, windmill, dams and irrigation projects in the tribal locations. The author rightly points out that, 90 percent of the Kerala tribes depended on their agriculture land. Losing their land pushed them to backwardness in the society. As a result, tribal’s life became miserable. Haseena also had stated that, unaware of the forest acts and land laws, lack of education, financial debts, poverty and honesty and simplicity of the tribal people are the main factors responsible for the land alienation. According to Nithya (2013), land alienation is the major problems faced by the scheduled tribes in Kerala. Tribes are emotionally attached to their land. Since different laws had made barriers to the accessibility of the forestland and it had forced them to depend on the settled agriculture. The article shows that almost 90 percent of the tribal depends on the agriculture. The land alienation had caused many serious issues among tribal communities. As she expresses, the tribal people have to face issues like lack of job opportunities, poverty deaths, and exploitations of their women and socioeconomic life of the tribal communities. Development projects also are some of the reasons for their landlessness. She had cited different reports on the displacement of the tribes due to different projects. Between1960-80 tribal people in Attappaddy had lost 10,796 acres of land due to different development projects. Around 67 percent of the tribal families displaced due to the Pooyamkutty Hydro Electric project. The Periyar Tiger reserved project had also displaced too many tribal families. Even though the government had offered the rehabilitation packages, the displaced tribes were failing to produce the legal documents on their possessed land. The tribal communities have less bargaining power and have less capacity to pressure the authorities for the rehabilitation package and alternative land. This shows that many of the development projects in Kerala had created a large number of the landless tribes.

The reviews discussed above clearly express various problems and issues of the tribal communities in India as well as in Kerala. It noticed that over the period, the problems of the tribal communities in India had increased tremendously. The researcher noticed that land alienation or the landlessness of the tribes created most of the other issues. According to the above reviews, the tribal communities identified land alienation as one of their major concerns and the reason for the land alienation is recognised as various development projects. The following reviews look at various development projects that had caused for displacement and land alienation of the Scheduled Tribes.

2.4 Development-induced displacement and resettlement issues

The following reviews focus on the various developmental projects that caused displacement and resettlement. The researcher has collected various studies regarding development induced displacement and replacement issues of different populations in India, especially Tribal population across India.

Parshuram Ray (2000) in his article ‘Development-Induced Displacement in India’ explains that how the development and displacements are contradictory terms. More than 50 million India people have displaced within past few decades. They have to scarify their own homes, farms, forest and rivers for so-called ‘National Interest’. The writer had listed out the various development projects that caused displacement in Indian population. Development projects like a nuclear power plant, Super Thermal, Industrial Complex, Hydro eclectic projects, irrigation projects and forest protection projects had uprooted many people from their original inhabitants. Parshuram questions the government and the policy makers for not considering the common people’s issues and problems due to their displacement. He also mentioned that it is sad to realise that there is no actual data on the displaced and resettled people in India. In order to understand the reality, the author had incorporated many data, from across the country, which reveals the truth about the number of the people affected by displacement and resettlement. According to the government records, the Hinakund dam in Orissa caused one looks people’s displacement. Whereas, Walter Fernandas (2007) in his study ‘Internally Displaced person: Challenges to Hunan dignity’ shows that 400 Lakhs people have affected in the same mentioned project. The official records of West Bengal, none of the families has displaced due to Farakka Super Thermal power project. Walter examines the different problems faced by the displaced people. According to his study, the replaced and resettled people lose their ancestral property, which consists of graves, traditional temples and their ethnicity. It also affects their family system, social relationships, kinship patterns, culture changes, productive systems such as their trading and marketing creates psychological stress among them.

On the other hand, Theodore E. Downing (2002) in his article ‘Avoiding New Poverty: Mining-Induced Displacement and Resettlement’ focused on the societal sustainability due to the mining industry. It revealed that due to mining process 2.53 million people have displaced during 1950-1990. The majority of these displaced people fall under the tribal category. They

16 often portrayed as powerless and weaker section. The Theodore’s study shows that the loss of one’s land and assets due to displacement can lead to losing their income earning assets, ancestral properties and house, cultural sites, social networks, relationships and its ties, social structure and political systems and cultural identity. It affects the human rights too. The study shows that the displacement and resettlement had affected the tribe people, especially their women and elderly people in their community. At the same time D C Sah (2004) in his writings on ‘State Civil Society and Community: Tribal Displacement in Gujarat’ argues that the large irrigation projects had helped a large number of the people in the civil society. But at the same time, a group of tribal families was affected by the development projects. D C Sah looked at the Sardar Sarovar Project and it shows that the tribal people were negatively affected by this project. The project had forced them to displace from their original place. They face problems in accessibility of basic services, relocation of new sites and it had affected their livelihood rights. The displaced people had to undergo different negative consequence both cultural and material. On the other hand, the study on ‘Rehabilitation and Status of Human Rights: A case of Sardar Sarovar Project’ by Manu Gautam (2004) had looked the positive outcome of Sardar Sarovar projects. His study shows that the displaced people from the Sardar Sarovar Project had improved their lifestyle. The government could provide the best compensation packages for the resettled people due to the Sardar Sarovar Project. They could get the agriculture land and house plot with the compensation amount, which helped them in resettling. The government also had provided all the basic facilities to their resettled area. According to the government records, the Sardar Sarovar project had caused only less number of human rights violations. Comparing with other development projects in India, the Sardar Sarovar Project had less consequence. W. Courtland Robinson (2004) in his article ‘Minimizing Development-Induced Displacement’ explains about the emergence of the new paradigms like social justice and human rights. It helped the world to realise both the benefits and cost of the displacement. In association with the World Bank, he found out that around 40 million people in China had displaced in the past few decades due to different development projects. At the same time, 25 million displaced Indian people should resettle. Robinson’s studies and contributions reveal that more than the non-tribes, the tribal people have been mostly affected by the displacement. The displacement and resettlement affected negatively in the lives of the indigenous communities. Often resettling in the unfamiliar place in the inhospitable location negatively influences their economic, social, cultural, traditional, political and spatial aspects of their life. At the same time, Geory Caspary (2007) in his article ‘The Impact of Development-Induced

Displacement on Human Security: A Study on Dam Finance’ argues that the dam construction had caused forced displacement among a large group of people. In this article, the writer mentioned about the direct and indirect violence that threatens human security due to displacement and resettlement. According to Geory Caspary’s view slavery, trafficking, violent deaths take place in the direct violence. Whereas, indirect violence focuses on the non- accessibility of the basic need like food, drinking water and shelter, which leads to health issues in the resettlers.

According to Rajashree Mohanty (2011) in her study ‘Impact of Development Project on the Displaced Tribals: A Case Study of a Development Project in Eastern India’ claims that coal mining in Orissa had displaced 19 villages. Around 1306 families had affected by the MCL projects. The majority of the displaced families belong to scheduled tribes. According to her study, Orissa government had given compensation for the lost land due to the coal industry. However, most of the tribal families failed to find a new land with the small amount of compensation. Displaced tribal family’s life became miserable as they deprived of their facilities, which had promised, by the government. As she explains, displacement and resettlement had badly affected the life of the tribal families in Orissa. It caused the decline in the joint family system. They also lost their common properties like house, forestland and their assets. The government promised them to provide a job for one person in the family, but the discriminations by the authorities hampered them. The majority of them remained jobless. The displaced tribal people also had to face other problems like lack of basic facilities, unavailability of wage works, loss of the family income for the land and the decline in the family system. The article clearly says that the government had failed to provide all the arrangements for the displaced tribal families and it had affected their living condition and family system. In the same way an article by Shilpi Jain (2014) ‘Development Induceddevelopmentt’ states that industrial developments projects like highways, dams, railways and industries had resulted risks to human rights and human security. Her article shows, 55.6 percent of the displaced people were categorised under tribals. She also pointed out that displacement could affect the tribal people for many years. Tribal people identified as unique because of their family system, traditional occupations, social relationships, traditional and religious practices, political system. The original inhabitance and the environment had made their uniqueness. Tribal people had to forgo their unique community and its culture after the displacement. The study on ‘Acculturation and Identity Crisis: A Case Study of Karen Refugees’ by Secil Erdogan Ertorer (2010) proves that the migration of the Karen Refugees

18 had resulted in identity crisis among them. His study reveals migration and resettlement can bring identity crisis, which creates identity confusions and failures in recognising their community roles and duties. The resettlement process can lead to acculturation. Secil’s study shows acculturation and identity crisis have a close relation. The lower level of acculturation can lead to high levels of an identity crisis. In order to survive in the resettled area, they should accept new lifestyle and they should learn new norms, rules and culture. All those acculturation can lose their community identity.

The above reviews enlightened the researcher on the various development projects and its displacement and resettlement issues. Reviews reveal that in India a large number of tribal people face displacement due to various types of development projects. The articles reveal that displacement and the resettlement can cause socio-cultural and economic issues among resettles. The reviews also show that many times the displacements have caused various problems and issues among displaced people. Researcher strongly believes that the tribal communities in Kerala also have lost their land due to various development projects and migrations in the tribal area. Researcher feels the need to look at the resettlement process of landless tribal people in Kerala. The above-mentioned literature reveals that a huge number of the tribal people have affected by the development projects in India and most of them face resettlement issues. The following reviews focus on the various contributions by different scholars on displacement and resettlement risks that had occurred due to various development projects.

2.5 Displacement and Resettlement Risks

The following studies focus on the various contributions by the sociologists on the displacement and resettlement issues. Most of them have studied on displacement and resettlement risks and various measures to reduce the problems.

During the late eighteenth century, the resettlement studies became popular around the world. Several studies have done only on displacement and resettlement across the developing countries. The book entitled ‘The social consequences of resettlement: The impact of the Kariba resettlement upon the Gwembe Tonga’ by Elisabeth Colson (1988) is considered as a fundamental text for resettlement studies. The first extensive study on resettlement had undertaken, by the American Social-Anthropologists Elizabeth Colson and Thayer Scudder in the year 1956. Their study of Gwembe Tonga Research Project revealed that 57,000 Gwembe Tonga people resettled due to the Kariba dam. Six years of their study had brought out four

19 stage models such as labelled recruitment, transition, potential development and incorporation. This model reveals how people and the social economic system respond to compulsory or involuntary resettlement. The four stage models brought out the attention on behavioural changes among the wrestlers. On the other hand, between the 1980s and 1990s, Social Scientists Michael M Cernea and Scott Guggenheim (1990) along with the cooperation of the World Bank brought out an important theoretical conceptualization on the issues of involuntary resettlement projects. They researched on ‘development-induced displacement and resettlement’. They had chosen India’s Sardar Sarovar dam in Narmada River and China’s Thre Gorges dam, for understanding the displacement and resettlement issues. Michael Cernea (1985) in the book entitled ‘Putting people first: Sociological Variables in Rural Development’ had brought out the ‘Impoverishment Risk and Reconstruction (IRR) model’. The model analysed various consequences of the different development projects. Cernea’s (1999) IRR model represents eight interlinked potential risks intrinsic to displacement and resettlement. The potential risks are Landlessness, Joblessness, Homelessness, marginalisation, Food Insecurity, Increased Morbidity and Mortality, Loss of Access to Common Property and Social Disintegration. W. Courtland Robinson (2003) in his study ‘Risks and Rights: The Causes, Consequences, and Challenges of Development-Induced Displacement’ borrowed some of the ideas from Theodore Downing and Robert Muggah and have added two additional intrinsic risks to displacement. They are; Loss of Access to Community Services and Violation of Human Rights.

Lakshman Mahapatra (2003) had applied IRR model for analysing the Super Thermal power project in Vindhyachal. He found that around 2,330 tribal families displaced and only 272 families rehabilitated yet. Compensation for their lost land as in the form of money led increase in the number of the landless tribal families. Bogumil Terminski’s (2012) study ‘Environmentally -Induced Displacement. Theoretical Frameworks and Current Challenges’ shows that 50 million people from across the world forced to resettle every year. Big development projects like irrigation projects, construction of dams, highways and other transporting networks, expansion of agriculture and urban cities, various mining processes, and conservation of nature causes the displacement of a large number of the group around the world. Bogumil Terminski had used the IRR model for analysing the Mining Induced displacement and resettlement (MIDR). The study reveals MIDR can lead to humanitarian issues, human rights, sustainable development and environment problems. Nalin Singh Negi and Sujata Ganguly (2011) in their paper ‘Development Projects vs. Internally Displaced

Populations in India: A Literature-Based Appraisal’ analysed the impact of various development projects using the IRR model. Their study shows, in the past few decades, the development projects in India mostly focused on Mining, river system and forest conservation. All the development projects are directly or indirectly affecting the lives of tribes in India. According to them, in the forthcoming years, there will be many development projects, which can be the affect, the tribal communities. At the same time, the study of ‘Land Acquisition, Amendment Bill 1998: Rights of Project Affected People Ignored’ by Walter Fernandes (1998) shows that overall 23 lakh Orissa people had displaced from 1951 to 1995. Most of the displacement had taken place due to dams and irrigations, mining, and other types of industries, highways and railways. The majority of these displaced people belong to different tribal communities in Orissa. Government rehabilitation policies had not helped many of the displaced tribes for their resettlement. According to him, the government should bring new bills that support the displaced population to resettle and live a normal life. There should be very strict laws that prevent the public or private companies to take over the tribal land.

The above reviews prove that the IRR model considered as a valuable tool for assessing the impact of displacement and resettlement. Past few decades, many researchers attempted to look at various development projects using the IRR model. All these studies played an important way to realise the problems of displaced and resettled people. The various studies brought out different guidelines and practical policies and methods for rehabilitation and resettlements of the displaced people. The researcher also noticed that very few studies conducted on the displacement and resettlement issues, due to forest development and nature protection projects in India. There are no available studies using the IRR model on displacement and resettlements in Kerala. In this study, the researcher attempts to use the IRR model to understand the impact of resettlement on the tribal people from Wayanad and Kannur district who have relocated and resettled in the Aralam Farm. The following reviews look into the government policies and programs and for resolving the various issues of the tribal communities.

2.6 Tribal development programs by the government

Following collections of reviews focuses on the various development projects and the policies that introduced by the Government to solve the various issues faced by the tribal communities in India.

The book entitled ‘Tribal Development: Issues and Policy Options’ written by S. N. Tripathy (2013) express different issues that involved in the tribal development. The development itself is a very complex in nature. It should well examine to bring out any centralised development programmes in the Indian society. It also should consider social-culture of the each tribal community Though many programmes was planned to bring out the positive changes in the tribal communities became a failure. The policy makers should look at the grass root level problems and then they should tune the programmes based on their specific area. According to Raghunath Rath’s (2011) study on ‘Development and Cultural Change Among the Kandh Tribals of Kandhamal’ discusses the government agencies who had implemented different policies and schemes for the development of tribal communities in India. They had the vision of bringing Indian tribes into the mainstream. Many of these development policies did not help in conservation of tribal heritage. Many of the programs had de-cultured the tribal communities. According to his study, the government should make policies and programs that are unharmful and it should protect their colourful cultural heritage. His study on Kandha tribe reveals that many of the development programs and schemes by the government had a negative impact on retaining their cultural heritage. Many of the development projects were contradicting to their culture, belief, and traditional practices. The force implementation of the development projects of the mainstream society had brought confusions in their culture. On the other hand, the article on ‘Formulation and Implementation of Tribal Sub-Plan (TSP) in Kerala’ by Jose Chathukulam and M Gopinath Reddy (2013) reveals the paincipation of the tribal communities for a various development project are identified as a week. Kerala government had initiated the decentralised framework for Tribal Sub Plan and it found to be successful among Kerala tribes. The State government had tried formulating different schemes and plans with the help of the participatory approach. The article evaluates the project and the result shows different obstacles that prevent the tribal communities to get the expected results. Gnana Prakasham (2004) in his study ‘Tribals and Their Right to Livelihood: Tribal Right to Land in Madhya Pradesh’ discuss the rights of the tribal communities are closely related to their natural resource. It includes the right to water, food, work, forest and land. The tribal people in India deprived of their human rights through the dispossession of their land resources and their territories. The study attempts to investigate the recognition, protection and promotion of the tribe's land rights of Morgan village in Madhya Pradesh. The study shows that the tribal people from Morgan village owns their land for more than 30 years, but the revenue department and the forest departments have not given the entitlement of the land demanding they should provide the proof for 50 years of their

22 settlement. It clearly shows the division between tribes and non-tribes. Many tribes in the area possess the land without the entitlement. But the non-tribes had got the entitlement without possession. The deceptive legislation and unfulfilled implementations had denied the human rights of the tribal communities, especially in their livelihood rights on their resources.

Kripa Shankar (2006) in her article “Land Alienation among Tribals in Uttar Pradesh” expresses the views on land alienation among Uttar Pradesh tribes. She studied the tribal community Kols. The study reveals that Kols served as assistants for the king during hunting. Kols depended on the forest land which was governed under the King. However, later on, the king had distributed the forestlands as gifts for the authorities and migrants. They had converted the forestland into agricultural lands and made the Kols as bonded labourers. Kols have been fighting for their soil from Pre-Independence. The study shows that large chunk of the land is in the hand of a few wealthy people. According to her suggestion, the government interventions can bring changes in the successful distribution of land for the tribes. According to her, millions of rupees have spent for the tribal development; but the Kols are still facing the same situation. So it will be a good option for the government to provide the land back, which can secure the livelihood and it itself bring development among them. The article on ‘Politics of Language, Religion and Identity: Tribes in India’ by Virginius Xaxa (2005) looks at the constitutional developments in tribal had brought out violence to tribal’s culture and languages. Many tribal communities had resisted against the government projects. He also had argued that the government had tried to set up a common structural development for all the tribal communities, which created an identity politics in the communities. The government had categorised the tribal communities based on their regional languages. Most of the tribal policies, schemes and laws had made by the mainstream society. the consciousness of the tribal communities not taken into consideration. Nithya N R (2013) in her article ‘Land Question and the Tribals of Kerala’ argues that the tribal people have oppressed in terms of deprivation of their land. The globalisation and its development projects had made the gap between tribal and non-tribal communities in India. The article explains that different development schemes and policies by the Central and State government had created deprivation among the tribes. Customary rights, poverty right over the natural resources had negatively influenced the cultural heritage of the tribal communities.

The scholars have pointed out that most of the policies and tribal development programs have established by the non-tribals. They also looked at the diverse tribal culture, which remained as barriers for the tribal development. The majority of the tribal development projects is made

23 by the mainstream society. Different intermediaries like consultants, contractors or government officials from the civil society implemented these development schemes and programmes. The political parties and ruling government consider the tribes as showpieces and easy way for corruption. Therefore, the researcher looks at the implementations and the outcome, various tribal development projects and programmes in the Aralam Farm. The above reviews have shown the failure of the government policies and the interference of the mainstream society forced the tribal communities to raise their voice in the form of various movements. The following reviews look into the various studies on tribal movements and struggles against the mainstream society and the government.

2.7 Tribal movements and land struggles

The following literatures look at various tribal movements and struggles that took place in India. The researcher also looks at the various reasons for the movements that occurred in India and Kerala.

The book entitled ‘Tribal Resistances’ by John MacDougall (2008) highlighted two different social movements among Bihar tribes. The first movement called Sardar movement and it took place in the Ranchi District among Munda and Oraon tribes. Another movement called Kherwar movement and it took place in Santal Parganas District among the Santal tribes. The author expresses different reasons that cause for movement in the early 1850s. Sardar movement was an agrarian movement. It aims to restore their land. On the other hand, the Kherwar movement was mainly concerned with religious revitalization. John MacDougall talks about different social movements. The author analysed that two different movements that occurred in two different districts and how it influenced by each other. Though they had different forms of social movements, they still have some common aims like land, social structure and tribal culture that they fought. Sardar movement was completely for land ownership and related agrarian. However, through the land restoration, they had aimed for the protection of their own culture and tradition. The Mundas and Oraons had occupied the land for many years. However, during the British period, they lost their land. The non-tribes were occupied the huge amount of land and they became the landlords. When they lost their land, they lost their culture too. In order to get back their culture, they started to fight for their land. Kherwar movement, on the other hand, looks at the religious renaissance and repudiated for institutionalising the religious practices. The Lutheran missionaries who came along with the British had influenced the tribal people in the region. Though the government had warned

24 them not to involve in converts, many tribal people became Christian. Moreover, the number of Christian tribal people increased day by day. In order to protect their culture, they started to have social movements. The book gives an idea about the various reasons that causes the social movements among the tribal communities. According to the authors view the land restoration and protection of their cultural tradition were the main reasons for many of the tribal movements in India.

Arun Kumar (2006) in his article ‘From Landlessness to Ownership: The Tribal Struggle for Poverty Rights’ had enlightened the tribal struggle for the ownership of the land in the Jeelumill, Andhra Pradesh. According to the article, the non-tribal immigrations to the tribal area had changed the structure of land relations. He says that the alienation in Andhra Pradesh is not an accidental but it is the sign of the slow moving process of deprivation. Lack of awareness of the tribal people on protective legislation considered as a major hurdle in the tribal agitation for land ownership. As he rightly said, the state land legislations had coincided with the interest of the mainstream society. Most of the land legislation and laws have loopholes, which help the mainstream society to possess the tribal land and other assets easily. Anti-tribal activities like unsystematic land administration, lack of proper surveys and contradicting land regulations of the mainstream society had a negative impact on the life of scheduled tribes. The book entitled ‘1970 kalile Adivasi Samarangal’ by Palliyara Raman (2007) explains different tribal fights and movements among tribal people in the early 1970s. The book clearly shows that tribal movements for the ownership of the land are not a new phenomenon. The fight and the demand for the ownership of their land had many years of history. According to the author’s investigation, the tribal movement in the Wayanad had begun in the year 1969. The main demand of the movement was for the removal of the huge tax amount by the government and misuse of the proprietors. In 1972, around 101 tribal people had walked 20 days and visited 16 Panchayaths. The main intention of their walking was to give awareness of the tribal problems and collected 20000 signatures for their new demand. Some of their demands were for the restoration of their lost land, removal of the slavery among tribes, employments opportunities and shelter, burial place only for the tribal people, should bring measures to protect their culture traditional occupations, and should declare the Wayanad districts as Tribal Districts. At the same time Niju P (2013)in his article ‘Land Alienation: Challenges before Kerala Tribals’ examines about three different tribal struggles which occurred during 2001 to 2007. All the three struggles had the same aim as ‘restoration of the tribal land’. In 2001, tribal communities from Wayanad had launched

‘refugee Camps’ for demanding their land and they had encroached the Muthanga forest area. In 2004, the landless tribes had taken part in the massive movement in occupying the Aralam Farmland in Kannur district. In 2007, thousand of landless tribes occupied the land, that owned by Harrison Malayalam estate in Pathnamtitta district. The intention behind the massive movement was to retain their lost land. The writer had also suggested some of the measures for solving the land issues in Kerala. The government should implement the Parent Act 1975 and restoration of alienated land suggested in the Dhebar commission should consider. Either the government should restore the alienated land or they should find out the fresh land for the landless tribal people in Kerala.

Darley Jose Kjosavik (2006) in his article on ‘Articulating Identities in the Struggle for Land: The Case of the Indigenous People of Highland Kerala, South India’ mentioned different land struggles that had occurred in Wayanad districts demanding their land. Kerala tribes face various barriers to re-claiming the land rights. His study of the Wayanad tribal population shows that the tribal groups in Kerala have been fighting for their land for many years. The article reveals that the tribal identity attached to the land that they own. They identified and known after their culture. In order to protect their culture they even had to fight with the mainstream society. At the same time the article by Jose Chathukulam and M S John (2006) on ‘Issues in Tribal Development: The Recent Experience of Kerala’ pointed out the movements that occur for the restoration of their alienated lands. According to them, the non- violent protest movements by the Kerala tribes have spotlighted in the recent years. Without the help of political support, they could create a new form by the tribal communities, which demanded their land and other social needs. Different methods had used for bargains with the politicians and government officials. Through society looked at them as a weaker section, the collective movement helped them to achieve their goals to an extent. C R Bijoy and K Ravi Raman in their article ‘Muthanga: The Real Story, Adivasi Movement to Recover land’ gives a brief history of the Muthanga Movement that had occurred in Wayanad district by the landless tribes. Tribals in Kerala lost their land over centuries and the tribals in Kerala taken various steps to protest against the mainstream society. The Muthanga Movement had forced the ruling government to hand over the land to the tribal community as the symbol of ’Sacrifice and tribute’ to the incident. This article examines different issues that caused for the movements. Kerala legal Administrative were able to identify the 2,300 acres of land by the end of 2002 and only 568 landless tribal families had given 1,308 acres in Idukki District. The government could give only 3 per cent of landless tribes got their land by the end of 2002.

The government was in legal crises in converting the forestland for the distribution. The 1980 forest conversation act remained as barriers to the distribution process. The article really shows the government was under pressure for the distribution of land to the landless tribes in Kerala.

The book entitled ‘Thantedangal: Kerala Samooha Bhoopatam Muthanga Samarathinu Sesham’ edited by Dileep Raj (2003) is a collection of different article on Muthanga Tribal Movement in Kerala. The book shows light on the reason behind the ‘Muthanga’ movement. The author claims that the mainstream society had suppressed the tribal society in Kerala. The mainstream society had chased out the tribal communities from the mainstream land and they want to remove them from the forest too. The mainstream society, who has not even seen a forest, claims that we should protect the forest. They had come up with lots of suggestions and made distinguishes like wildlife protection, reserved forest, natural forest, protection forest, etc. The fake love for the forest courses the life of different tribal communities who depend on the forest. The particular book brings out the reality of Muthanga movement. The movement was not only to demand their lost land, but also to express the different ways that government could solve their problems. According to the author, Muthanga movement demanded the alternative land. The book entitled ‘Mother Forest: The Unfinished Story of C.K. Janu’ written by Bhaskaran (2004) gives an elaborate idea for Janu’s life story and her initiatives for the Muthanga movement. In this book, she explains the way the tribal people lost their land and its ownership. The king of the Malabar region had given the in-charge of their land to the Jenmis. Centuries later, many migrants had taken over their land from the Jenmi. The book reveals that during 1930sto 50s the tribes who were the original inhabitant of the land were pushed back to the wasteland. According to the government statistics in 1975, the landless tribals in Kerala were 57 percent and by the end of 1976, the percentage had gone up to 61 percent. This shows that tribes lost the land rapidly. However, in the end of the 19 th century, most of the tribal people became the agricultural slaves of the mainstream society. According to the author, the mainstream societies discovered the land as the commodity for assets. The migrants brought the tribal lands at a high price for their leisure and vacations. They also created artificial lakes and gardens. The folk arts academies looked at the tribal communities as the subject of their study. The mainstream society had done many types of research on nature and the forest. Many discussions conducted to protect the forest and its resources from the tribal people. All the development projects by the government emphasise profits for the so-called civil society. She draws attention on different projects for the tribal

27 communities that are not at all applicable to them. For example, shining roads to the tribal village were not even having a bicycle. Janu criticises the mainstream society and tells them that tribal culture is greater than the civil culture. She wanted to protect their land in order to protect their culture.

The above-discussed reviews various tribal movements and its reasons. Above reviews show that there are several reasons for the tribal struggles in India. However, it also noticed that most of the tribal movements were in their traditional. Reviews show that the tribal movements in Kerala demanded their land forced the government to distribute the land for the landless Scheduled Tribes. The following reviews portray the land struggle and resettlement issues faced by the landless Scheduled Tribes from Wayanad and Kannur district.

2.8 Resettlement issues on Aralam Farm

The following reviews look at the resettlement issues in the Aralam Farm. Very few scholars have looked at the problems of the Aralam Farm in Kannur district.

The book entitled ‘Nanga Eppimalena Makka’ by Vasudevan Chickllur (2011) gives an elaborate explanation of different problems that they faced by the Paniyan tribe in Kerala. Among all the tribal population in Kerala, the Paniya tribes are considered to be backward community. The government had given special attention to bring changes in this community. However, most of the government development programs were inefficient for the change. The landless paniya tribes got land in Aralam Farm, Sugantha Giri and many other available places. However, not all this was fully fruitful. The government had tried to remove from their own origin and re-root them in a different place. They have no idea with the land that they got from the government. Most of them went back to their old place. The author highlighted that deep-rooted traditional practices and customs make them separate from other society. The same unshakable traditional practices and customs make them not to mingle with the other tribal communities. They are still comfortable with their simple life. The author had mentioned in the society that, we should consider the Paniya tribe as the differently able. The society has to protect and treat them with the patient and help them to come out of their problems. At the same time, Bhaskaran (2004) mentioned the agreement was to settle the agitation by the tribes. According to the agreement; landless tribal families gets not less than 5 acres and the distribution would start on 1 st January 2002, members of the tribal families would be provided job opportunities and enterprises that would help them get a steady income. The state government will request the central government to declare as scheduled

28 areas. The state Planning Board will prepare a Master Plan for the overall development, the involvement of the tribes would ensured in the planning and implementation of the projects related to them, the maximum extent of land to be provided to the landless tribal families in the District of Wayanad.

M S Sreerekha (2010) in her article ‘Challenges before Kerala's Landless: The Story of Aralam Farm’ clearly describes the challenges that faced by the landless tribes in Kerala. Sreerekha brought out the reality of the land reforms that had taken place in Kerala. The struggle for the land by the landless tribes started in the early nineteenth century. The voice was unheard until last two decades. Muthanga incident spotlighted the tribes in Kerala. They demanded their land for their survival of their communities. The article had discussed different struggles that faced by the tribal communities in Kerala for many decades. This is one of the main sources, which lead the researcher to the further investigation. In this article, the writer also examines the life of the tribal people of the rehabilitation. After the transfer from Central government to State government, the Farm neglected for nearly five years, which had resulted in degeneration of the land and its product. Sreerekha pointed out the other facilities that the government had offered along with the land. The government had promised to provide different facilities along with the one-acre land. It includes basic amenities like a house, road drinking water, schools food security, hospitals, electricity, occupation, materials assistance and financial support for the cultivation. The various facilities promised by the government as follows: Title deeds for 1 to 5 acres for the landless tribal family, Housing facilities (Rs. 3000 per family to build the huts for immediate shelter and Rs. 1 lakh to build a proper house), Basic facilities like Drinking water (Rs. 10,000 for the construction of well). At the same time government also had promised the road and transportation facilities, Electricity, Sanitation (Rs. 7000 for building toilet) Schools and school buses, Healthcare services, Food security (10 kg rice per month), Employment opportunity in the new place. Government also had offered the agricultural support such as financial and material assistance to start cultivation (Rs. 1000 for buying tools for farming) and Training camps for the basic knowledge on agriculture. The article shows that after two years of their resettlement the basic facilities had not even reached the tribal people. After five years of their resettlement in the Farm, they still face serious issues on shelter, drinking water and transporting facilities. They think the life in the Aralam Farm is in the dangerous situations, as they had to face wild animals attack.

The above discussed reviews show very little information is available regarding the Aralam Farm resettlement. There are no proper studies available regarding the life of resettled tribal families on the Aralam Farm.

To conclude, the above-mentioned reviews, under various themes helped the researcher to define the research objectives and finalise the research topic. The above discussed reviews portray that the term Scheduled Tribe is officially used for representing the various tribal communities in India and the researcher applies the term Scheduled Tribe in the present study. Reviews clearly demonstrate that there are 36 tribal communities identified under the Scheduled Tribe category in Kerala. According to the reviews, Wayanad is recognised as one of the tribal populated districts in Kerala and the Paniyan tribe is identified as the largest tribal community in Kerala. Various studies show that Scheduled Tribes are the most vulnerable group in India and they face various problems of their existence. According to various studies, landlessness of the tribal people has led the other problems. The reviews demonstrate that various development projects have caused the displacement of the tribal people from their homeland. According to various studies, the majority of the tribal population in Kerala had lost their land due to various development projects. Reviews show that various tribal movements had taken place for the land restoration. Kerala had witnessed massive tribal movements in the last two decades that forced the government to distribute the land to all the landless tribal families. Aralam farm was one of the land area identified for the distribution. Reviews clearly show that the landless tribal families from Wayanad and Kannur districts have moved to Aralam Farm. The resettlement had occurred less than ten years of the span and there was no available research work related to the impact of the resettlement in Aralam Farm. The IRR model is one of the verified tools to examine the displacement and resettlement issues. The researcher also noticed that there are no available studies on resettled tribes in Kerala using the IRR model. The researcher also noticed that the resettlement of the Scheduled Tribes in the Aralam farm is one of the untouched areas by the research scholars. Thus, the researcher identifies the study area as Aralam farm to examine the outcome of the resettlement among Scheduled Tribes. In the next chapter, the blueprint of the research methodology is discussed in detail.

CHAPTER III

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

This chapter explains the research methodology chosen by the investigator in order to study the research problems. The chosen research methodology explains the various sequential steps adopted by the investigator for solving the research problem systematically. This chapter starts with the statement of the problem to simplify the chosen topic. The operational definitions give a various outlook for different terms used in the study. The objectives throw a light on the specific areas that covered in the study. Research design explains different scientific methods and techniques, which used, to carry out the present study. The study area describes the geographical area chosen for the study. The sampling techniques, tools for data collection justify the ways that used for the data collection.

3.1 Statement of the problem

Last two decades, Kerala government tried to distribute the available land to all the landless tribal families. Aralam Farm was one of the major land portions that the government had distributed to the landless tribal families from Kannur and Wayanad districts. Various tribal families, who got their one-acre land, had moved to Aralam Farm in Kannur district. According to the government records from 2007 to 2015, around 3,500 landless tribal families got their possession certificate for one-acre land in the Farm. According to the available secondary source, more than half of the tribal families who got their possession certificates have not yet settled on the Aralam Farm. There are multiple reasons like lack of facilities, socio-cultural problems or mixed cultures in the resettled area that forced the resettled tribal families to settle back to their previous settlements. The present study examines the reality of the resettled tribal families in the Aralam farm. The study assesses the different aspects of the resettled tribal’s lifestyle in the new place and assesses the implementation and availability of different facilities offered by the government. The present study is an attempt to examine the impact of the relocation and resettlement of the landless tribal families in the Aralam Farm.

3.2 Operational definition

Cultural identity: Cultural identity is a person’s sense of belonging to a particular group, who follow same cultural traditions, which have been practising for many years. It can be a similar belief system, religious practices, interest, ethnicity or once basic living principle.

Resettlement: Resettlement is a process of resettling the entire family, from one place to another place. It can be due to the availability of the land that forced them to leave their old settlement and relocate in the new area.

Relocation: Relocation is a transfer from one location to another for the establishment of new residence.

Tribal household: Tribal household is a group of people, which consist of parents and their children, who dwells together in one residence. The household unit should belong to any one of the tribal community and minimum of one parent should belong to any Scheduled Tribal category.

Tribal Settlement: Tribal Settlement is a group of families who belong to same communities stay together within the same geographical area. They share a common culture, follow same religious practices, speak theirs on language and work in their traditional occupation.

3.3 Objectives

The objectives of the present research indicate the primary aim of the research or the investigative questions to the research. The following objectives of the study specify in the form of statements. The chosen objectives refer to different questions that answered through this study. Present study mainly focused on four important objectives to understand and examine the impacts of the resettlement among Scheduled tribes in the Aralam Farm.

• To evaluate the implementation and availability of the various facilities promised by the government for the resettled tribes in the Aralam Farm • To find out the socio-cultural changes among the tribes as the result of their resettlement • To understand the various problems influencing the life of the tribes in their resettled area • To examine the impact of resettlement among the scheduled tribes in the Aralam Farm

3.4 Research Design

The present study is based on descriptive research design. The researcher, who is more interested in various characteristics of a particular community, chooses a descriptive design.

As a descriptive design focuses on the specific problem, the researcher had chosen the life of resettled tribal. The study describes the impacts of the resettlement among tribal families in the Aralam Farm.

The researcher has chosen both quantitative and qualitative methods for the present study. The researcher used quantitative methods for gathering the numerical data for the statistical analysis of resettled tribes in Aralam Farm. Highly structured and focused techniques in quantitative method used for exploring the research problems on resettled tribes. The quantitative method helped to uncover the problems of resettled tribes in the Aralam Farm and it helps the researcher for generalising the impact of resettlement of Kerala tribes. The qualitative method has also used for supporting the arguments in the analysis. The researcher used participant observation techniques, as one of the ethnographic types in the qualitative method. It helps to gather in-depth information and explore the whole picture of the resettled tribes broadly.

3.65 Study Area

The researcher had chosen Aralam Farm resettlement area for carrying out the present study. The Aralam Farm is located in Iritty Taluk of Kannur district Kerala. The major parts of the Aralam Farm have surrounded by the Western Ghats. On the west slope of the Western Ghats is Aralam Wild Life Sanctuary, which followed by the Wayanad Wildlife forest area. The Northwest slope consists Karnataka’s Coorg forest area.

The total area of the Farmland divided into 13 blocks, out of which six blocks that distributed to the tribal families from different districts. The blocks which are distributed to the tribal families consist of block no. 7,9,10,11,12 and13. Those tribes who got their possession certificates from different places and districts were relocated and resettled in the Farmland. Almost 3500 tribal families from different tribal communities got their title deeds for one-acre land. The study had focused only on those families who own the possession certificate and resettled in the Farm for more than one year. Households have selected as the unit of analysis. The following figures 3.1 shows the study area.

Figure 3.1.2 Kannur map (2013)

Figure 3.1.1 Kerala map (2015) Figure 3.1.3 Map of Aralam (2013)

Figure 3.1 Study Area

3.6 Sampling procedure

Probability technique was used for the present study to choose the sample size. The population element was the household of the resettled tribes. Ten percentages of the total universe of the resettled tribal families were chosen for the study. A total of 150 tribal households had been selected using a cluster sample method. A cluster sample is used because the population elements are scattered over a wider area. Based on the geog raphical area the household divided into six clusters or sample units. From e ach s ample unit 25 household had randomly chosen for the study.

35 3.7 Inclusion and Exclusion criteria

3.7.1 Inclusion Criteria: Tribal families who got their title deeds from the government and have permanently resettled in Aralam Farm for more than a year was selected for the present study. The title deeds should be registered in the name of Husband, Wife or both husband and wife.

3.7.2 Exclusion criteria: The Non-tribal families and individual tribal members who stay in the Farmland excluded from the study. The tribal families who resettled for less than one year and tribal families who stay, temporary were also excluded from the study.

3.8 Source of Data Collection

The researcher had chosen both primary and secondary sources for gathering the data for the present study.

• Primary data were collected from the fieldwork. Structured interview method and participant observation were used as a technique, during the fieldwork. • Secondary data was collected using different documents. Government official records, survey reports, records from Panchayath, school and hospitals were added in the study. Reports from newspapers, magazines and NGO surveys and reports also used for supporting the primary data. The available images, videos and photos from different source also considered in the study.

3.9 Tools used for Data Collection

Both structured interview method and participant observation were used for data collection. The researcher had a prepared interview schedule based on different factors and variables related to a chosen research questions. These factors and variables were driven from reviews.

The interview schedule was prepared in English and it was then translated into vernacular language (Malayalam) for the easy conduction of the fieldwork. The researcher had prepared 126 questions based on research questions. Language experts and research experts verified it. After the verification and pilot studies, the researcher had excluded some of the questions. The final interview schedule consists of 86 questions. Along with the interview schedule

36 researcher had also prepared the checklist. Some of the common questions were included in the checklist.

Participant observation method was used to understand the daily life of the tribal families. A Field note, minutes notes and photographs also used for participant observation during the fieldwork. The information collected through participant observations had noted in the field notes. Minutes notes were used during a formal and informal meeting with tribes during the fieldwork. Photographs were collected while doing the fieldwork.

3.10 Explanation about the inputs

The researcher had visited the Aralam Farm on February 2015, for the pilot study. On a small scale, the researcher had conducted the preliminary study. Information collected through the pilot study was used for the reconstruction of the interview schedule and checklist. The pilot study helped the researcher for building rapport with the tribal families. Pilot study helped the researcher in understanding the overall picture of the Aralam Farm and its respondents.

The researcher had stayed on the Aralam Farm from April 08 to May 22, for the data collection. In between researcher had to leave the Farm for the security reasons. Overall, the researcher had spent 29 days for the data collection. Most of the tribal families were cooperative during the data collection. The researcher had visited all six blocks were tribal families are resettled. In each block researcher had randomly chosen 25 tribal families for the conduction of the structured interview. Overall 150 families interviewed by the researcher. The researcher also had visited hospitals, schools, pre-schools and TRDM office inside the Farm, for the collection of secondary data. The researcher had also attended religious functions and different meeting, which occurred during the time of the visit in the Farm.

3.11 Methods for Data Analysis

The collected data were analysed scientifically using different statistical methods. There were different steps for the analysis of the data. The data analysis comprises of following steps:

The first step was the classification of the data. The collected data classified systematically into different categories. The systematic classification helps the researcher for the meaningful interpretations.

The second step was editing. It used for examining the collected data from the field using different methods. Editing helps the researcher to detect the errors and omissions. A final check up made to make sure that the data were edited properly for the further steps.

Cording was the third step, in which the researcher organised the edited data into different categories and numerals. It helps the researcher for utilising the available data more efficiently.

Fourthly, the collected data were coded and analysed using SPSS (Statistical Package for the Social Sciences). Frequency, cross tabulation and other Non-parametric test was used to draw the result. SPSS and Microsoft excel is used for illustrating the result as tables, charts, graphs and diagrams.

Finally, the discussion was carried out based on the result and analysis and the conclusions are drawn using obtained result and analysis.

This chapter covered various methods used for carrying out the present study. The next chapter looked at the details about the respondent’s profile.

CHAPTER IV

PROFILE OF RESPONDENTS

This chapter deals with the profile of the respondent. It gives a brief history of Aralam Farm and its transformation as a tribal village. This chapter explains the land allotment among different tribal categories. It gives an elaborate picture of tribal families who took part in this study. It includes their tribal categories, ownership of land, place of origin, and the duration of stay in the Farm.

History shows that Aralam Farm was a forest area and it was the homeland for the tribal population in Kannur district. In the early stage of 1900, particular Farm area was dominated by the Paniya tribal community. In the late 1950s to 1960s, there was a massive migration to the north region of Kerala. Many non-tribal families from the central region of Kerala were migrated to the surrounding area of Aralam Farm. The majority of the land became under the control of nontribal landlords. A large group of the tribal families who stayed in this area forced to gather near the Aralam forest area for their survival.

In 1970s, India had witnessed Green Revolution. In order to spread the Green Revolution, the Central Government showed special interest in converting the uncultivated land and some of the forest areas in the Kerala state. Central Government investigators found out the Aralam forest area had undergone deforestation and it had the best quality of fertile land. In 1970, the Central Government of India in association with the former Russian Government established the Aralam Farming co-operation. The advanced scientific technologies and hybrid seeds were used for the cultivation. Different cash crops like coconut, cashew, rubber, pepper, coffee, cocoa, and varieties of fruits were cultivated in the Farm. Later on, Aralam Farm was recognised as a scientifically productive agricultural Farm.

Due to the conversion of the forestland area into the agricultural, Farm, many of the tribal families evicted from their land. Very few tribal families were allowed to stay as workers on the Farm. Many of the tribal families who depended on the forest had struggled for their existence. The majority of the tribal families ended up living as extended families. Over the years, the life of tribal families in Kerala became harder. They faced many struggles in their daily life. The indigenous land was one of the main livelihoods of the tribal families. However, once they lost their homeland, many of the tribal families fall into poverty. Struggles for their livelihood had forced the tribal communities to call out the Muthanga movement and Aralam struggles for demanding their homeland.

The tribal communities realised that silence will never help to retrieve their lost land. They raised their voice for their own native land in which they were born. Several protests by the

40 tribal people force the government to give back their land. The Kerala state government brought Aralam Farm from the Central government using Tribal Sub Plan (TSP). The area of Aralam Farm consisted of 12,500 acres out of which the Central Government declared 5,500 acres for the Aralam wildlife sanctuary in 1987. The Kerala state government brought the rest of the 7000 acres of Farmland from the Central government for the distribution.

Out of 7000 acres, 3510 were separated for the distribution to the landless tribal families in the state. The rest of the land retained as an agricultural Farm. The entire Farm area had divided into thirteen blocks and six of these blocks were given to the landless tribal families. Out of 3510 acres, the government had distributed around 3502 acres for the landless tribal families. Around eight acres were kept aside for the other development purposes and facilities like preschools, school, hospitals, clubs, etc.

Kerala Government had received around 6000 applications from landless tribal families. Half of the applicants were from Wayanad district. After the detailed evaluation, the district collector office had found that nearly 500 applicants were landless and eligible for the land distribution. Later the district administrator had made changes in the criteria. Based on the revised criteria, applicants who had less than 21 cents were identified for the land distribution. The tribal assembly selected around 1717 families. According to the newspaper ‘The Hindu’ reports on 21 September 2007, shows that 859 tribal families were short-listed, but only 751 tribal families were given the Possession Certificates. Other families got their Possession Certificate in the successive years.

Out of 7000 acres, 3510 were separated for the distribution. The rest of the land remained as a Farm. The entire Farm area had divided into thirteen blocks and six of these blocks were given to the landless tribal families. Out of 3510 acres, the government had distributed around 3502 acres for the landless tribal families. Around eight acres were kept aside for the other development purposes and facilities like preschools, school, hospitals, clubs, etc.

It should note that the possession certificate is not the title deeds. Landless tribal families who were eligible for the land, got the possession certificate (in Malayalam ‘Kayivakavasa Rega’). This shows that this family possesses the given land. Even though the government had promised to give them title deeds, none of the tribal families got their title deeds. According to the official government records, tribal families who settled permanently on the Farm for 12 years can opt for their title deeds. Though they get the title deeds after twelve years, the land

41 is not transferable because it continues to belong to the government. This land can only transferred to the next generation as gift transaction.

Table 4.1Household’s details on the Aralam Farm

Total households Total Total Total Total who got the households households who households households who possession who partially stay who not at all stay without certificates permanently stay possession stay certificates 3502 1503 461 1538 32

The above table shows the details of the tribal household in the Aralam Farm. According to the Aralam Farm Tribal Resettlement and Development Mission (TRDM), official records from 2007 to 2016 shows that Kerala government had given the possession certificates for 3502 tribal families. After 10 years, only 1503 tribal families resettled permanently in the Farm. Most of these families left everything in their old place and relocated to the Farm. Around 461 families partially stay on the Farm. However, 1538 tribal families got their possession certificates for the one-acre land had left the Aralam Farm. The majority of these families had gone back to their old settlement due to many reasons.

The percentage level of the permanent and temporary household of the rehabilitated and resettled tribal families shows a huge variation. The percentage wise analysis shows that Only 43 percentages of the rehabilitated tribal families settled permanently on their one-acre land. Around 57 percentages of the rehabilitated tribal families from different tribal communities not yet settled on the Farm. Most of these families left the Farmland and went back to their old place. Some of these families visit in the harvesting time and they stay at the Farm temporally. Once the harvesting gets over, they settle back to their previous place. Some of the families who got their possession certificates have not even seen their land yet.

There are 32 Muslim families also stay on the Farm without any title deeds or possession certificates. These families settled as workers for many years on the Farm for supporting the cultivation system in the Farm. Since Aralam Farm is brought from the Central Government using tribal sub plan, fund, and the land cannot be distributed to the non-tribal families. Since these families are staying in the block no.10, they were asked to leave the Farm. This led the

Muslim families to react through the violence inside the Farm . The political arguments and violence by the Muslim settlement force the government to give them the al ternative lands. However, they were not satisfied with the government offers. They continue to stay at the Farm.

The researcher had chosen 150 permanently settled tribal families for the detailed study on the impact of the resettlement among the tribal population in the Aralam Farm . Around 25 families, each from six blocks were selected for the study. The respondent profile as fol lows:

4.1Tribal category

Tribal Category

46 38

10 7 6 5 6 5 3 1

Figure 4.1 Tribal category of the respondent

Aralam Farm became the largest tribal village in India. Overall, eleven categories of tribal communities are found on the Farm. The above figure explains the tribal cat egory of the respondent. A mong 150 resettled tribal household 46 of the families, belong to a paniyan tribe. Around 38 households were Karimbalan and 23 of them belong to Mavilan tribe. Kurumban were 10 a nd 7 households were Kurichian. Kuruman and vettuvar were 6 households. Vettakuruman and kattunayikkal were five each. Thenkrumban were 3 and one household from the Kani community. This clearly shows that land distribution among different tribal communities varies from each other. Among eleven tribal categories, Paniyan families have the highest number in the Farm . They are found in all the six blocks. For the better understanding of the impact of the resettlement process, the researcher looked into the background of these tribes. The researcher visited some the older settlements of

43 Paniyan, Mavilan, Kurichiyan and Karimbalan tribal communities and collected the details directly. The secondary sources like books and websites were used for collecting the rest of the tribal community’s details. A book entitled ‘The Scheduled Tribes’ by K. S. Singh (1997) gives an elaborate description of the Indian tribal communities. Another author Thurston (1906) had explained about the South Indian Tribes. Website ‘Focus on People’ (2006) explains the details of Kerala tribes. The above-mentioned sources were used to trace back the history and other details of the eleven tribal communities that exist presently in the Aralam Farm.

4.1.1 Paniyan

Paniyan is found in Wayanad, Kannur, Palakkad, Malappuram and Calicut districts of Kerala. Paniyan tribal community is one of the largest scheduled tribal categories in Kerala. The traditional name came from the word ‘pani’, which means work. The meaning of Paniyan signifies that one who works. According to their oral traditions, they were living freely in the hill area and the king of Malabar brought them as the agricultural labourers. At present, they work as manual works for mainstream society. They have their own mother tongue called ‘Paniya Basha’ . They follow the joint family system. The headman called ‘Koyma’ rules each settlement of the Paniyan communities. Paniyans are known for birth, matrimony, and death ceremonies. Though they had their traditional religion, due to the influence of outside world forced them to practice different religions like Hinduism and Christianity. However, they still worship Banyan tree, sun and the river. They also have the rich traditional art form like ‘Thudi and Kakkapattu’. The paniyan tribal community considers themselves as self- sufficient. On the other hand, the civil society considers them as one of the backward tribal community in Kerala.

4.1.2 Karimpalan

Karimpalan tribal community mainly found in Kannur Kasaragod and Wayanad district in Kerala. Etymologically the term Karimpalan came from the word ‘kari’ that means charcoal. The term originated based on their traditional occupation of collecting the charcoal. Headman for the Karimpalan is known as ‘Tharavadis’ which means the head of the clan. They play a major role in regulating marriages and other traditions in the clan. Traditional occupations of the Karimpalan’s were basket making and firewood collection. At present, they follow agricultural cultivations and youngsters acquired new skills for the different employment.

4.1.3 Mavilan

Mavilan tribal can be found in the Kannur and Kasaragod district in Kerala. Etymology shows that they used mango tree leaves ‘Mavila’ for covering their body as well as a medical herb. Their language was a mix of Tulu and Malayalam. A Mavilan headman is known as ‘Tharavadu Karnavar’ . The headman is the in-charge person for all the religious rites and rituals. Their traditional occupations are basket making and collecting the medicinal herbs. They are known for their rich oral heritage in music, legends and traditional stories. They have a well-known art form of ‘Theyam’.

4.1.4 Kurichiyan

Kurichiyan is distributed mainly in Wayanad and Kannur districts. Historically, they are known as warriors or fighters. They are also known for their archery skills and martial arts. Etymologically the term Kurichiyan came from ‘Kuri’ means to target and ‘Chiyan’ means people. They follow matrilineal family type and lives in the joint families. The present generation speaks North Malabar Malayalam but the elders of Kurumban speak their own dialect. The head of their extended family is called as ‘ Moopan ’. At present Kurichiyan’s traditional occupation became agriculture. They worship deceased ancestors, shadows and unique gods in the Hindu culture.

4.1.5 Kurumban

Kurumban tribal community is mainly found in Palakkad and Wayanad Districts. The hamlet of Kurumban’s was found near forest area. Their traditional occupation was ‘Punja Krishi’ which means shifting cultivation. The head of the Kurumban community is called as ‘Ooru Moopan’. He is the responsible person for their socio- political and other traditional functions. Though they use Malayalam, they mix Kannada and Tamil while speaking. Though they worship Hindu deities, they believe more in their traditional god as nature.

4.1.6 Kuruman

Kuruman is mainly distributed in the Wayanad district of Kerala. The history shows that they are the descendants of the Veda King and they were the ruler of this place. They have a common headman (‘porathavan’) for each settlement for the traditional activities and chief headman (‘Nadukarnavan’) for their traditional political organisations. Though the elders speak their own dialect, the present generations have already switched to Malayalam. They

45 are known as hunters, honey collectors and also gathers other forest products. At present, Kuruman works as manual labourers and forest guards.

4.1.7 Vettakuruman

Vettakuruman is mainly found in Wayanad district. Vettakuruman is known as forest dwellers and there are basically traditional hunters and collect forest products. The headman ‘Moopan’ regulates all the traditional and cultural events like marriage, agricultural activities and political issues in their clan. Vettakuruman speaks mix language of Kannada and Malayalam, but elders in the community speak their own tribal dialect. They are well known for their pottery and artistic skills like carpentry and fashion wood work. Women in the Vettakuruman community have specialised in the basket making and weaving the bamboo mats.

4.1.8 Thenkurumban

Thenkurumban is found in Wayanad district. The name derived from their traditional work. The word ‘Ten’ means honey and they are known as honey collectors. They are well trained in collecting the honey and wax from the forest. The head of the clan is called ‘Moopan’ he plays a role as priest and magician in their community. The traditional occupation of this community was carpentry and basket making. At present, they have entered into the artificial basket making.

4.1.9 Vettuvan

Vettuvan is basically distributed in Kannur and Kasaragod districts. They speak a mixed language of Tulu and Malayalam. The headman Kiran plays a major role in interacting with the landlord and outsiders for their economic purposes. The headmen are also known as the medicine man. The traditional occupation of the Vettuvan was shifting cultivation, hunting and gathering. At present, they work as agricultural labour. They also have special skills in collecting the medical herbs and the natural treatment.

4.1.10 Kattunaikkan

The Kattunaikkan are distributed in Wayanad, Malappuram, Calicut and Palakkad districts. History reveals that they were the descendants of the powerful kingdom. Etymologically know as the lord of the forest. The word ‘Kattu’ means forest and ‘Naikkan’ means Lord. The headman ‘Muthan’ is the officiating priest in the community. The traditional occupations of

46 the Kattunaikkan are hunting and skilled in gathering the forest products. At present, they changed their occupation into settled cult ivation and forest guards in the forest department.

4.1.11 Kanikaran

Kanikaran is mostly found in Trivandrum and Kollam district and few of them stays in Kannur district too. Etymologically the words ‘Kani’ means land and ‘Karan’ means owner. This shows that they were the owner of the land. The headman is ‘Muttukani’ and he has the power over their religious, p olitical and socioeconomic organisations in their settlements. They speak a mixed language of both Tamil and Malayalam. The traditional occupation was hunting and gathering of the forest product. They are well known for the natural treatment of all the diseases with the special herbals. They follow both Hinduism and traditional tribal religion. They also have known for the oral tradition of songs and tails and instrumental music.

Land Registration 128 83.1%

13 5 4 8.4% 3.2% 2.6%

Husband Wife Both Husband Children and Wife

Figure 4.2 Land Registration among the respondents The above gr aphical representation shows the land registration details. According to the government’s rule, the land can only transferred to the landless ST families . The land should register for both husband and wife , who belong to a ST category. According to their possession certificates, 83.1 % of the land transaction registered for both husband and wife. If the partner does not belong to the scheduled tribes then the land should registered in the name of the other person. 8.4 % of the household registered only on wife’s na me and 3.2% of the household registered the land in the husband’s name . This shows that the other partner does not belong to the scheduled trib es. The researcher also came across some of the interesting reality, that men from ge neral category got married to the tribal women for getting the one-

47 acre lan d. Around 2.6 % of the land registered in the child’s name. These families mostly follow the joint family system in the Farm. Duration of Stay

70 58

1-3Years 4-6 Years 7-9 Years

Figure 4.3 Duration of Stay The above graphic representation shows the duration of stay in the Aralam Farm. The government’s record shows that the first group of the tribal families had received their possession certificates in the year 2007. Many other tribal families got their pos session certificates in the successive years. Out of 150 households, 58 households have been staying since 7 -9 years on the Farm . Around 70 households stay from 4-6 years and 22 households had just stayed from 1- 3 years. The data shows, a higher number of tribal families settled on the Farm between since 4-6 years. The above data shows that the resettling process is still going on.

Ownership of Other Land

No Response 19% Yes 39%

No 42%

Figure 4.4 Ownership of Other Land

48 The above graphic representation shows that ownership of another land. Among 150 families, 42 % of them were landless and another 38.6% hold less than the 21 cents of land in their older place. The majority of the families who hold another land in the previous place have given to their relatives and settled on the Farm permanently. 19.3 % of the respondents did not answer the respective question.

Place of Origin

Wayanad 37% Kannur 63%

Figure 4.5 Place of Origin The above graphic representation shows that 62.7% of the resettled tribal households were from Kannur district. On the other hand, 37.3 % of the household were from Wayanad district. According to the Government official order, 2/3 of the Aralam Farm land decided to give to the landless tribal families from Wayanad district. Whereas only 1/3 of the landless tribal families from Kannur district got one-acre land in the Aralam Farm . The data reveal that the majority of the Wayanad tribal families, who got their l and, were gone back to their previous place . At present, the majority of the tribal families in the Aralam Farm belong to Kannur district. Political party’s pressure also forces the authorities to give the Farmland for their own district people from Kannur. In 2015 , the government authorities declared Kannur district as the first district in K erala were no landless people. An official record says that there are few tribal families were from other districts too.

This chapter covered the background of the Aralam Farm and respondent’s details such as various tribal communities, their origin, duration of selling in the Farm and ownership of another land area. The next chapter provides the detailed description of the data analysis and interpretations of the present study.

CHAPTER V

DATA ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION

The present chapter examines the impact of resettlement on Scheduled Tribes in the Aralam Farm. The study looked at both positive and negative outcomes of the resettlement among the Scheduled Tribes from both Wayanad and Kannur districts. Last ten years, the resettlement processes took place on the Aralam Farm. At the time of data collection, the Kerala government has given the possession certificates of the one-acre land for around 3502 tribal households.

The present chapter attempts to answer various objectives of the study. The researcher looks at the implementations of the different facilities that had promised by the government for the resettled tribes in the Aralam Farm. Socio- Cultural changes and various problems that had occurred due to the resettlement of the tribal communities also had analysed using different tables and graphs. Lastly, the effects of the resettlement of the tribal families have analysed using the IRR model.

The researcher used both structured interview and participant observation methods for the data collection. The researcher uses various graphs and tables for representing the quantitative data. In addition, the observation field notes and photographs have incorporated in the analysis for the better results.

5.1Implementation and availability of the various facilities

Along with the one-acre land, Kerala government also had promised various facilities for the resettled tribal families. The State government had promised to provide the basic facilities like a house, sanitation, drinking water, food security, electricity, transportation, education, health care and employment opportunities for all the resettled tribal families in the Aralam Farm. To understand the impact of the resettlement processes, the researcher had looked at the implementations and the availability of the various facilities. The following data and its analysis show the implementation and the availability of the different facilities given by the state government for the resettled tribal families in the Aralam Farm.

5.1.1Housing and Sanitation

Once the landless tribal families moved to the Aralam Farm, they had built small huts for their temporary settlement. Most of these huts made with coconut leaves and plastic sheets. According to the government records, the government provides Rs.3000 for building huts for

51 their immediate settlement. However, the record from the TRDM office shows that less than 100 families received the amount for their huts. The rest of the households has not yet received the amount.

The government has given the contract work to ‘Kerala State Nirmiti Kendra’ for building houses within two years for all the resettled tribal families in the Aralam Farm . Around two lakh were given to each household for building th e model home. The amount had given to the head of the household on three instalments. The first instalment had given after the construction of the basement. The second instalment has given after the construction of walls and concrete works on the roof . The third instalment gets only after fixing doors and building proper sanitation facilities. The strict instalment methods had both positive and negative outcomes . The government wants to make sure the house should built properly. Therefore, the Government used the instalmen t system for releasing the funds. On the other hand, the contractors demanded additional money for building their house. Only after receiving the each instalment amounts the contractors had built the next steps, which prolong ed the construction work. The contractors took almost seven years to build houses for all the permanent resettlers.

Residential building

Hut 6% Sheet 8%

Concrete 86%

Figure 5.1 Nature of the residential building The above graphic representation shows the nature of the residential building of the respondent. Out of 150 households, 86 percent of the respondents have concrete roofing for their houses. 8 percent of them have still sheet houses and 6 percent of them have just huts to live in. The below photographs por tray the nature of houses at present.

Concrete house Hut Sheet house Figure 5.2 Photographs of different kinds of houses According to the observations of the researcher, it found that all the households who had settled permanently for more than two years have the concrete houses. Most of the household who lives in the huts and sheets are presently building their proper houses close by.

At the beginning, the model ho uses without toilet consist 300 square feet and they get additional Rs. 7000 for constructing the sanitation facilities. The model was later changed into 324 square feet with toilet. The model house consists of one corridor, hall, bedroom and a kitchen. The toilet was built outside their house. According to the researcher’s observation, some of the houses have extra rooms and attached toilets. Especially some of the Karimbalan and Kurichiyan families have good houses and even they have tiled floors. But at the same time majority of the households not yet completed the construction works. Most of the households only fix the main doors and the rest of the doors and win dows, kitchen setting and furniture were found unfixed.

Latrine Type

140 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 Hut Sheet Concrete latrine type Permanent 0 0 127 latrine type Temporary 7 14 2

Figure 5.3 Latrine Type

53 The above graphic representation explains the sanitation facilities in the Farm. All the households have sanitation facilities either permanent or temporary. The above data shows 127 households have permanent latrine facilities and 23 of households have temporary latrine facilities. Most of the concrete houses have permanent latrine facilities. The families who live in the huts and sheet houses have temporary latrine facilities.

From the above findings shows that all the permanently settled tribal households for m ore than two years hav e concrete houses and permanent latrine facilitie s. This shows that the Government could provide the house and sanitation facilities for the resettled tribes at the Aralam Farm. On the other hand, the government had failed to provide the good qualities. Most of the household had mentioned that their houses are leaking during the monsoon season. Some of the houses after its construction had collapsed due to heavy rain. The contractors had built the houses with very low-cost items. Since the contractors prolonged the construction work, the cost of the materials had gone up. This had caused the quality of the house construction . Most of the resettled tribal households were unha ppy with their model home.

5.1.2 Drinking Water

In the early years of th e resettlement process, tribal people had struggled in finding the water sources. They mainly used the rivers for their water source. In order to provide cleaner drinking water for the resettled tribal households, the government had introduced the ‘digging well’ program. Th e government offered Rs. 10000 for entire households who dig their own well. However, ver y few households could find water sources for digging their own well.

Drinking Water

44 37 37 25

own well Others well Pond Streams River

Figure 5.4 Drinking Water

54 The above graphic representation shows that resettled tribal households use various sources of drinking water facilities. The findings show that only 25 resettled households have their own well and another 37 households depended on other’s well. 7 households use small ponds available on the Farm as their water source. Around 37 households depend on the small streams in the Farm as their main water source. Around 44 of them depend on rivers for their water source. However, the hygiene of this water is questionable.

The above finding shows that the resettled tribal households had to depend on various sources for their drinking water. Almost ten years of their resettlement, they still have to face the various water issues. Especially block No 10 and 13, face lot of water scarcity. The researcher also had observed that government is trying to resolve the water issues in the Farm. At the time of data collection, the government had introduced a new program called ‘JalaNithi ’ pipeline water for all the resettled houses on the Farm. During the time of data collection, only block number 7 had given the pipeline connections. According to the TRDM officers, once all the six blocks get their pipeline connections they will provide the clean water on a regular base. This shows that after a few years, the government may resolve the water issues for the resettled tribal families in the Farm.

5.1.3 Food Security

The resettled tribal people were finding hard for their survival in the Farm. The majority of the tribal families had faced the hunger issues in the early stage of their settlement. In order to solve the hunger problems of the resettled tribal population, the government had brought the public distribution system in the Farm. Almost three years after the resettlement, the TRDM officers have taken control over the Public Distribution System (PDS) in the Farm. PDS provides various food products for the resettlers in the reduced rate. Those who have the ration card under Farm location can afford 25 kg rice for Rs. 25. In the first week of the month, they get 9 Kg and the next two weeks 8 kg each. Along with the rice, they also get around 2kg (400 gramme per person) of sugar for 15 rupees per one kilogramme. They also can get one litre of kerosene for 17 rupees. Some of the households are using kerosene as cooking fuel. All these discounts were given for the resettled households who have a Ration Card within the Public distribution system in the Farm locality.

Table 5.1 Nature of house and Ration Card

Cross Tabulation on Nature of house and Ration Card Count Ration Card Total Yes No Nature of house Hut 0 9 9 Sheet 3 9 12 Concrete 127 2 129 Total 130 20 150

The above table illustrates the cross tabulation of the nature of the house and the ownership of the ration card. The data reveal that 130 households have a ration card and they get the benefits of public distribution system by TRDM office. Around 20 households not yet have the ration card and they are not benefited out of the public distribution system. The data show that the majority of the concrete houses have th e ration card; which means the majority of the households who settled permanently for more than two years have the ration card and gets the benefits from the public distribution system.

To an extent, government could resolve the problem of hunger among re settled tribal households. However, most of the tribal households follow the traditional food habits. They prefer having various herbal leaves , roots and other forest products. Since they have moved to an unknown place and the limitations of using the forest product have changed their food habits after their resettlement. In ter ms of nutrition, the government also had provided them domestic animals and livestock for the resettled tribes.

Livestock

27 14 7

Cow Goat Rabbits Chicken Don't Have

Figure 5.5 Available l ivestock

56 The above graphic representation shows the lists of livestock resettled households have. Around 14 households have a cow, 42 households have goat, seven households have rabbits and another 27 households have chicken. On the other hand, 60 households do not have any of the above livestock.

According to the TRDM office records, the government had provided the cow, goat and small chicks for most of the permanently settled households. The intention behind the distribution was for them to have nutritious food like milk, eggs, and meat. Also, the government wants to generate some income out of it for their survival in the Farm. Most of the houses lost their livestock because of the wild animal attacks. The fox ate many of the hens, ducks and rabbits. Many cows and goat died because of the snakebite. Some of the households also mentioned that they sold their livestock in their financial crisis. The government had good intention of distributing livestock to provide them with food security. However, the resettled households find difficulties to protect them from wild animals.

5.1.4 Electricity

Last four years state government has achieved in providing the electricity facilities for all the resettled households at the Farm. In the early years of their settlement, the government had provided the solar lights for fewer houses. In the last four years, the government could provide the electricity facilities for all the permanently settled households. Once they finish their house construction, government provides some amount for electric wiring. The electric connectivity is provided after they finish the wiring procedure.

Table 5.2 Availability of the Electricity facilities

Cross Tabulation on Electric Equipments and Availability Electricity Electricity Total Yes No Electrical Television 3 0 3 Equipments Radio 27 3 30 Mobile 63 11 74 Refrigerator 1 0 1 Don't Have 32 10 42 Total 126 24 150

The above table illustrates the cross tabulation of the availability of the electrical facilities and the electrical equipment used by the resettled households. The data show that 126 resettled households have the electricity facilities. Only 24 households not yet had the electrical connectivity. It was observed that most of the permanently settled households have the electrical connections. The data also show that the households are using different electric types of equipment. Three households have television in their house. Around 30 households have radio and 65 households have mobiles. One of the households has a refrigerator in their house. Out of 150 households, only 33 households do not have the above-mentioned electric equipment.

The findings show the resettled tribal households are provided with the electricity facilities. According to the researcher’s observation, the household who owns the television could invite the neighbouring children for the entertainments. They also use small electric radios for their entertainments. The one who owns the refrigerator have a small shop on the Farm and they use it for keeping milk and other products. Good numbers of households have mobile phones. They use their mobiles mainly for connecting with the outside world, especially their old settlements. They also use their phones for any emergency purpose. Since they live in an isolated house, they face many issues in terms of wild animal attacks; during that situation they use their phones to call the neighbouring families or the forest departments for help.

5.1.5 Transportation

During the resettlement possesses, the government had promised the tribal communities, proper roads and transportation facilities. At the time of the resettlement of the tribal families in 2007, there was only one proper road, which connects the resettled people with two towns, Keezhppally and Peravoor. The tourists also use the same road for reaching the Aralam wildlife sanctuary. It took 10 years for the government to build a few roads in the Farm. At present, they have many good roads that connect different blocks. Some of the roads were under construction at the time of the data collection. They also have small mud roads for each house. At the time of the data collection, all those who had settled permanently have the road facilities in their house.

The government tried to provide various transporting facilities for the resettlers in the Farm. At the time of data collection, it was noticed that government provided only one KSRTC

58 service in the evening from the main city Thalassery to Aralam. TRDM office authorities provided the free bus service, 10 in the morning and 4 in the evening. In order to solve the travelling issues, the tribal committee on the Farm arranged for the jeep service under ‘Janakiya Jeep’ . They also have auto rickshaw services available on the Farm.

Table 5.3 Ownership vehicle and preferable transportation

Cross Tabulation on Own Vehicle and Preferable Transportation Preferable Transportation Total Walking Bicycle Bike Auto Jeep Bus Own Yes 0 3 2 3 0 0 8 Vehicle No 65 0 0 23 7 47 142 Total 65 3 2 26 7 47 150

The above table illustrates the ownership of the vehicle and the preferable transportation facilities. The result shows only eight households have their own vehicles. Three households own bicycle, two households owns a bike and three of them owns Auto rickshaws. The resettlers who own vehicle prefer to travel by their own vehicle. However, rests of the household have to depend on other transportation facilities. Around 65 of them prefer walking, 26 of the households prefer Auto rickshaw services and seven of them depend on jeep service and 47 of them depending on the bus service.

The above findings show that very few households have their own vehicle and majority of the households depend on various transportation facilities. A large group of people prefers walking. It was observed that most of the resettlers prefer walking inside the Farm. They walk more than 10 kilometres per day. The facilities like schools, hospitals, public distribution store and other office facilities are in different blocks. The school is in the 7 th block and in order to reach the school, the children from other blocks have to walk 6 to 9 kilometres. The public distribution store is in the 12 th block and people from block number 9 and 10 have to walk 11 kilometres to get the food products. It is the same situation for the hospital care services. There is a long distance between various blocks. Though the blocks are connected with good roads, the resettlers face the unavailability of the transportation facilities inside the Farm.

Another group of people prefers different bus service for travelling. TRDM bus service is mainly for the officers and other workers in the Farm. The bus service starts from the Keezhppally town at 9 am in the morning. The TRDM officers, schoolteachers, doctors and other farm workers use the bus services to reach the Farm. The resettlers use the bus service while returning to Keezhppally. The same process takes place in the evening. Leave the officers and workers in the town and take the resettlers back to Farm.

Some of the resettlers use auto as their preferable transportation facilities. The auto fare is very high and very few can afford the cost. The minimum auto fare is Rs. 100 from town to block number 7. To reach Blocks no 12 and 13 the autos charge 250 rupees. The returning autos from Farm to town charges 25 rupees. As compared to the auto fare, the jeep is more affordable. The jeep charges 20 rupees per person. However, their services are very limited. Though the auto fares are too high, the resettlers still depend on the autos during emergencies.

The above finding reveals the various transportation issues faced by the resettlers. Though the government provided few transportation facilities, their services are very limited. Many resettled tribal people work outside the Farm and to reach their destination, they should start walking from early morning. The travelling issues became obstacles for the resettlers in the Farm.

5.1.6 Education

Aralam School was established for the Aralam Farm officer’s and workers’ children. After the resettlement process, the school is functioning for the rehabilitated tribal children. All the six blocks have one Pre- School ( Anganwadi ) each and the main school from 1 st standard to 10 th is in the 7 th block. The government directly runs Aralam School and all the play schools. The government introduced many facilities for the school going, children. In order to attract the children, the government had introduced midday meals and other nutritious foods for both pre-school and school. The government also provided free uniforms, school bags, books and umbrella along with a grant amount 0f Rs. 600 for all the school-going children.

Preschool Preschool in block No.7

Aralam Farm School 2014-15 SSLC Bach Figure 5.6 Photographs of educational facilities The above photographs explain the nature of the pre-school and Aralam School. At the time of data collection, some of the preschools and the Aralam School were under construction. The other photo shows the SSLC Bach 2014-15. Overall, 19 students passed in the academic year 2014 -15.

According to the TRDM records, there is 1178 school going children in the Farm. However, the school record shows only 536 students enrolled in the school and only 67 children enrolled in the pre-school. Some of the students preferred choosing other school facilities outside the Farm. The rest of the children of the Farm have not yet enrolled in any of the schools.

The long distance for the school remained as an obstacle for not attending the school. Most of the children from block no. 9,10,11,12 and 13 need to walk a minimum of five to ten kilometres to reach the schools. In 2015, school authorities took initiatives to arrange the transportation facilities for the school-going children. Most of the time they failed to reach out to the entire blocks.

Table 5.4 Tribal category and preferable school

Cross Tabulation on Tribal category and preferable school Preferable School Government Management Private Total

Name of Paniyan 39 7 0 46 the Tribes Mavilan 16 6 1 23 Karimbalan 26 10 2 38 Kurumban 8 2 0 10 Kurichiyan 4 3 0 7 Kuruman 6 0 0 6 Vettakuruman 5 0 0 5 Thenkrumban 3 0 0 3 Vettuvan 5 1 0 6 Kattunayikkan 5 0 0 5 Kanikaran 1 0 0 1 Total 118 29 3 150

The above data reveals 118 parents prefer government schools for educating their children. On the other hand, 29 parents want to send their children to the management schools and 3 of them prefer the private schools. More Karimpalan and Mavilan tribe prefer the management and private schools. According to the researcher's observation, tribal families from Kannur are more open to modern education than that of Wayanad.

The researcher noticed that most of the parents prefer to teach their children. It also observed, in terms of education there is no discrimination between male and female child. They encourage their children to attend school regularly. According to the school authority, attendance is very less in the school. The study shows that children were less motivated and have a high level of dropouts. Most of the children stop their education after SSLC.

Reasons for dropout 69

36 31

Unavailability of Language/ Poverty Lack of interest school curriculum problems

Figure 5.7 Reasons for dropout The above data reveals that the major reasons for the dropouts from the school. Around 36 of them consider the main dropout reason as unavailability of the school facilities. Another 31 of them have issues with language and curriculum used in the school. Around 14 of them consider the main dropout reason as poverty. Around 69 of them believe that the dropouts are happening because of their lack of interest. The findings of the study r eveal that the lack of interest for education is one of the main reasons for the dropouts. At the same time, they also consider the unavailability of the schools in the Farm and the language issues. Language issues in the school and the curriculum used in the school may not be at their level.

The unavailability of the school and colleges are the major reasons for the drop out after their 10 th . The government Higher Secondary School (HSS) is 8 kilometres away from the Farm and the management Higher Secondary School is 12 kilometres away from the Aralam Farm. The government also provided residential school system for the tribal children. For boys, the residential school is available in the Kelakam 26 kilometres far from the Farm . For girls, it is in Iritty 35 kilometres away. The researcher’s investigation reveals that most of the parents will not allow them to stay separate from the family. The long distance to the school and residential schools force them , not to continue t heir studies. The unavailability of the Higher Secondary School ( Plus Two ) in the Farm forces the students to stop their education. The available Higher Secondary School is 10 kilometres away from the Farm . Very few students join the Higher Secondary School outside the Farm.

63 5.1.7 Health Care

In the early stage of the resettlement, tribal resettlers faced many health issues because of the new environment and wild animal attacks. Many tribes lost their life due to snakebite, wild pigs and elephant attacks. In order to solve the health issues and to handle the emergencies, the government introduced many health care centres in the Farm.

At present, government had opened an Allopathic clinic in the 7 th block which functions for two days in a week. Block No. 8 also has an Allopathic health centre which functions almost round the clock. Block number 9 has a Homeopathic clinic, which functions in the weekdays. In the 12 th block, an elderly Paniyan person from Wayanad provide the Indigenous treatment and outside Farm, the private owner run the Ayurvedic health centres.

Table 5.5 Preferable Hospital and Preferable Treatment

Cross tabulation on Preferable Hospital and Preferable Treatment Preferable Treatment Total Allopathic Ayurveda Homoeopathy Indigenous

Preferable Government 98 0 24 0 122 Hospital Private 7 6 3 12 28 Total 105 6 27 12 150

The above data illustrate the preferable hospitals and preferable treatment facilities. Among 150 households, 134 of the respondents prefer government hospital facilities. On the other hand, 16 households prefer private hospitals for their treatments. At the same time, 105 of them prefer allopathic, 6 households prefer Ayurvedic, 27 of them prefer homoeopathy and another 12 use the indigenous treatment.

The finding of the study shows that the majority of the resettlers prefer government hospitals and allopathic treatment. Most of the resettlers choose government hospitals because those hospitals provide free treatments and medicines. They prefer allopathic because of the fast recovery and the result. The researcher also observed that the provided health care services in the Farm are very limited. In the case of serious issues, they should depend on the outside hospitals.

Satisfaction on Healthcare Services

Not Much 29%

Yes No 59% 12%

Figure 5.8 Satisfactions on Health Care Services The above graph representation reveals that 59 percent of the respondents are happy with health care services provided in the Farm . Around 29 percent of them are not so happy and another 12 percent of them are not at all happy with the health care services provided in the Farm. According to them, the services are provided in the Farm ar e very limited. There are no inpatient facilities and for any major issues, they have to approach other hospitals which far from the Farm.

5.1.8 Occupation

The intention of distributing the half of the Farmland was to generate employment for the resettled tribal families. Around 3500 acres kept as State Farm ing, to give employment opportunity for all the resettled tribal households. The government promised the resettlers to provide the employment opportunity for all the future vacancies in the State Farm . According to the records of the TRDM, only 164 tribal people are working on the Farm and they earn Rs. 290 per day.

After few years of their settlement, the state government has leased out the Farm area for the private companies. The private companies have not taken any workers from the Farm. The high demand for the wages and the strong labour union of the resettled tri be force the companies to bring the labourers from Bengal. According to the research’s observation, most of the private company labourers in the Farm were Bengalis. Therefore, the notion of employment for the resettlers remained in the paper. At present r esettled tribal household depends on various other occupations for their survival on the resettled land.

65 Table 5.6 Job reservation and occupation

Cross tabulation on job reservation and occupation Government Traditional Agricultural labourers / Total employers occupations Manual labourers Job Yes 17 2 0 19 Reservation No 0 27 104 131 Total 17 29 104 150

The above data shows the different type of occupation and job reservation facilities for the resettlers. Out of 150 families, only 19 households have enjoyed the job reservation facilities. Around 131 households not yet received reservation policies for a various job in and out of the Farm. At the same time, 17 households have enjoyed the government employment. Around 29 of them follow traditional workers and rests of the 104 households, are depending on agric ultural labour and manual work in and around the Farm.

Reason for unemployment

37 23 9

Lack of Competition Corruption Lack of skills qualification

Figure 5.9 Reason for unemployment Some of the reason for the unemployment as mentioned in the above graph. Around 81 per cent of the households agree to lack of education and qualification as their unemployment. Around 23 households feel that the competition blocks them from pursuing employment. Around 37 of the households consider the corruption as the major reasons for the unemployment. Moreover, nine of them have believed in the lack of skills that prevent them getting government employment. The above findings show that there are different reasons behind the unemployment of the resettlers.

66 5.1.9 Agriculture

The intention behind the distribution of agricultural land for the landless tribal families was to eliminate their financial problems and hunger issues. Once the landless tribal families moved to the Farm, the government promised them to give all the support for the cultivation. All those who got their one-acre land was given different types of equipment for the cultivation process. The government also brought many programs for giving basic training for maintaining and cultivation of the land. Table 5.7 Uncultivated land and reason for un-cultivation

Cross Tabulation on uncultivated land and reason for un-cultivation Reason for Un-cultivation Total

Lack of Lack of finance Lack of equipment Threat of animals wild Non-co-operation from members family Lack of knowledge of cultivationthe Uncultivated <1 acre 11 2 44 5 23 85

Land 1 acre 7 7 31 7 13 65 Total 18 9 75 12 36 150

Out of 150 households, 65 households are not cultivating the entire one-acre land. Whereas 85 of them cultivate some portion of their land and rest of their land are not cultivated. The resettled tribal households have a different reason for the uncultivated land. Out of 150 households, 18 households face a lack of finance for the cultivation. Most of the households are unable to afford the labour cost, plantation and irrigation cost, manure and other material cost. Nine households pointed out the reason for the lack of equipment. Though the government had distributed the equipment, some of them have not received yet. 75 households face the threat of wild animals in their cultivating land. Most of the time, the agricultural products attracts the wild animals on the farm. The wild animals destroyed most of their agricultural plantations. Though they cultivate the land every year, the wild animals will destroy it. These situations force the resettlers to restrict their land as uncultivated. Around 12 households consider the lack of co-operation from the family members and relatives as main reasons for the un-cultivation of their land. On the other hand, 36

67 households face a lack of knowledge for cultivation. Most of them got Rubber, coconuts cashew nuts and other cash crops in their one-acre land. Since they are not familiar with the cultivation style and harvesting methods, they left the land as uncultivated.

The above finding shows that most of the families have uncultivated lands. A large numbers of the households uncultivated their land because of the wild animal attacks. As the researcher’s investigation noted, most of the distributed land was given during the re- plantation period. As soon as they got their land, the resettlers faced financial difficulties for the re-plantation process. Very few Karimpalan households have re-planted their land because they support each other. Block number 10 and 13 have hill area and they face many water issues for the irrigation process. It also noticed that all the six blocks are surrounded by different forest area. According to the resettlers, wild elephants, monkeys and pigs destroy most of their agricultural products. Though the government had promised to train the resettlers, only two training programs were connected within ten years. The government has not yet posted any agricultural officers in the Farm. Since the Farm is under the control of TRDM, the resettlers are unable to get other agricultural subsidies from the Panchayath. At present most of the agricultural land looks empty and different reasons made them not cultivating their land.

5.1.10 Income Generation

Hunger death of the tribal people in 2000 was the main reason for the tribal struggles in Kerala. In order to solve their survival problems, the government resettled the tribes in the Aralam Farm. As a result, all the landless tribal families got minimum one-acre land, which helps them generate some income for their survival. Though government offered employment for at least one person in the family, it was not yet implemented. The following graph represents the source of income of the resettlers.

Sources of Income

61 52 37

Agriculture Wages Both

Figure 5.10 Sources of Income The above data shows that 37 of the households only depend on their agricultural land. Another 61 households depend only on their wages from their works and 52 holds depends on both agriculture and wages. It reveals , to an extent they have improved their financial background after their resettlement. According to the researcher's investigation, it was found that at least one person in each family work s for their income . Most of them work as manual labour for the non-tribes outside the Farm. It was noticed that o nly two members of the Farm get the pension for the differently abled and very few elderly tribal people get the old age pension. Since all the money transaction from the government is taking place t hrough a bank account, all the permanently settled households have an account in the bank. However, none of them saved th eir money. To an extent, the resettlement has helped them in their survival. However, after ten years of their settlement, they have not yet settled financially.

The above-discussed matters reveal that to an extent government tried to implement different promises. Though the government could provide them with house , sanitation, electricity, roads, schools and health care centres, they have taken almost ten years for the implantation. However, at the same time, government authorities are failing to provide the best health care facilities, education system, transportation facilities, drinking water and irrigation facilities, employment opportunities, training programs and protection from wild animal attacks for the resettlers. The government could have implemented most of the facilities that they promised during the time of their settlement. However, the availability of various facilities for the resettled tribes is still not achieved a hundred percentages.

69 5.2 Socio-cultural changes among resettlers

Tribal families from different place have moved to the Farm. The government has tried to distribute the land based on their tribal category and the area specific. The government had good intention to protect each tribal community’s culture and traditions. During the first land distribution process, the government had distributed the house plots for all the Paniyan communities from Wayanad, similar to their colony system and the rest of the agricultural land in the different area. Different tribal communities of Kannur district allotted their land based on their tribe and area that they belong. For example, landless Karimpalan tribal community from Naduvil Panchayath got an allotment of their land in the same location in the Farm; same way Mavilan communities from Eruvessy Panchayath got their land in the same block. In the same way, the government allotted the land for the landless tribal families based on their tribal category and Panchayath that they belong to.

The government allotted the land very systematically. The good intention of the government to protect the tribal culture was not fully successful. Since many families left the Farm, those who stay at the Farm are left alone. Since their neighbouring families have not occupied the land, the entire area became a small forest. Those who settled on the Farm became isolated. Since the same tribal categories are not settled in the Farm, they have to depend on other communities for their basic requirements. The researcher considers the social-cultural life of the tribal communities is a very important factor for their survival. Each tribal category is recognised based on their culture and tradition. The following findings and analysis look especially in the socio-culture changes of the resettlers.

5.2.1 Social changes

Table 5.8 Social changes

Social changes Communit Blood relation Power Religious Social Social y structure and communal Structure Oneness participation Interaction unity Yes 94 69 104 97 106 86 No 56 81 46 53 44 64 Total 150 150 150 150 150 150

The above table illustrates the various social changes occurred in the resettled area. Around 94 of the respondents believe that there is a change in their community structure. On the other hand, 56 of them disagreed. Around 104 of the respondents said they have faced changes in the power structure; whereas only 46 of them disagreed that there are no changes in their power structure. In terms of social participation, 106 of them agreed that there is a change in their social participation and 44 of them disagreed with it. Around 69 of them think that after the resettlement there is a change in their blood relationships and communal unity whereas 81 disagreed. In terms of religious oneness, 97 of the respondents agreed that there is a change in their religious beliefs that make them united; whereas 53 of them disagree with it. On the other hand, 86 of them agreed that there is a change in their social interactions and other 64 of them denied it.

A tribal person is recognised based on their tribal community. Their special culture and traditions make them unique. Mostly they are found themselves being together in the same colony. Once they move to the Aralam Farm, they lose their community structure and they are no more staying as a colony. Each community has their own moral values, rules and regulations. Since they stay in an isolated house and mixing with other tribal communities have forced them to forgo their own community structure. Once they lose their community structure, they lose their tribal category’s identity too.

At the same time, the tribal’s community structure has a close connection with blood relation and communal unity. Most of the tribal families stayed together as an extended or joint family in a clan. Once they have moved to the Aralam Farm, they lost their tie in the blood relation and oneness within their tribal community.

Each tribal community follows their own power structure. Though they come from different political parties, each tribal community follows their own political system in their tribal community. Once they have resettled in the new place, they lost their political systems too. Since they have various tribal communities in the Farm, it made difficult in choosing their right parson for their political power system. According to the observation of the researcher, it was noticed that in some of the blocks they have elected an elder person as their head. The elder person in each block had elected as head of their block.

Tribal communities are united in terms of their religion. Most of their traditions and culture are based on their religious belief. Each tribal category has their own unique religious practices, which make them special. However, it was noticed that the Aralam Farm failed to

71 provide the space for their religious practices. They should travel at least 50 kilometres for visiting a temple. At present, they are trying to build a small temple in one of the resettlers lands. They noticed some special, about the land and the owner of the land gave his land for conducting the religious functions.

In terms of social participation and interaction, moving to a new place has blocked them to have participations with various groups. It was observed that the y mingl e with each other only in the emergency. It was also noticed that they interact with outsiders only for their wages, trading and transportatio ns. It also observed most of the women in the Farm took part in the SHG (Kudumbashree ) and other social groups. At the same time, they have tried to mingle with their own community members than another tribal category . The researcher observed that most of the Karimbalan and Kurichiyan households stick with their own community and they help each other, their communities in their needs. Other communities mingle with others for their survival in the Farm.

5.2.2 Cultural Changes

Cultural Changes

36 31 28 20 16 11 8

Figure 5.11 Cultural Changes The above graphic representation shows the various cultural changes noticed by the resettled tribal households. According to the respondents, 36 of them consider that their family structure is changed due to their resettlement. 20 of them have come across changes in their kinship pattern. 28 of them think their customs and tradition activities have changed. On the

72 other hand, 31 of them strongly believe that the resettlement has made changes in their religious activities or practices. 11 respondents have come across the changes in their community’s moral and ethical values. Eight of them feel difficulties in their communication with others and 16 of them have to forgo their traditional occupations due to their resettlement. The above findings show the resettlers face various cultural changes.

Table 5.9 Previous and Present family settlement system

Cross tabulation on Previous and Present family settlement system Previous Family System Total Colony system Isolated houses Extended family Present Nuclear 94 12 40 146 family Joint 2 0 1 3 system Extended 0 0 1 1 Total 96 12 42 150

The above data representation shows the previous and present family system among resettled tribes. Among 150 households 146 houses presently, follow the nuclear family system. Most of these families have less than six members, which consist of both husband and wife and their children. Only three families were found to be joint family. Some of these joint families have grandparents. Only one family comes under the extended family. In the extended family, they have siblings and other relatives who stay together. Even though the extended families possess individual land in the Farm, they still stay together due to wild animal attacks. On the other hand, the result shows the family system in their previous place differs from the new system. Out of 150 households, 96 of them followed the colony system to their previous place. Around 42 households followed the extended family system and only 12 households stayed in the isolated or nuclear family system in their old place.

The above data shows that there is a change in their family system due to their resettlement in the Farm. In the old settlement, most of the families followed the colony system and some of them even stayed in the extended family. The above finding shows that in their old settlement, very few houses followed the nuclear family system and stayed in an isolated house. However, in the resettled area majority of them stay in the isolated houses. This clearly shows there is a change in their family structure. Changes in the family structure are one of the visible changes of the resettlers in the Farm.

Another area of cultural change is noticed in their Kinship pattern. In their previous settlement, most of the tribal communities followed the colony system. Each colony consists of various clans. Ten to fifteen extended or joint families, who often tied together with their blood relations stays together in the same location, are called clans. However, the above data shows that the resettlement forces them to stay as a nuclear family and it caused to forgo their relatives. In their resettled area, they have no space for settling them based on their clan. The houses are very far from each other. Most of their relatives or siblings got their land very apart from each other, which cause of lost their connection in their kinship patterns.

The other area of their cultural changes is visible in their customs and traditions. Overall, eleven tribal communities are there in the Farm. Each tribal community has their own cultures and traditional activities. Some of the resettlers feel that their traditions and customs have changed in the new place. The main reason that they raised was the unavailability of the priest or elders for officiating the rituals and cultural activities. Most of the rituals and the rites are officiated by their community’s elder person or allotted priest from their own tribal category. The functions like birth, puberty, marriage and death ceremonies among tribes are more important. In the resettled area, families depend on their old place for various ceremonies. Sometimes the long distance blocks them in travelling to their old place. Many a time, the family head or priest denies for coming to the Farm for the conduction of various rituals. These situations force them to follow their own methods using an available person in the Farm. The non-availability of the priests or elders of the same communities to officiate the special rituals force them to forgo their own rituals and traditional practices in the resettled area.

Table 5.10 Traditional and Present Religion

Cross Tabulation on Traditional Religion and Present Religion Present Religion Total Hinduism Christianity Tribal Religion Traditional Hinduism 79 0 0 79 Religion Christianity 0 22 0 22 Tribal Religion 30 1 18 49 Total 109 23 18 150

The above table represents the old and present religious beliefs of the resettled tribes in the Farm . In their old resettlement 79 households, followed Hinduism, 22 of them followed Christianity and 49 of them followed their own tri bal religion. On the oth er hand, presently 109 households follow Hinduism, 23 of them follow Christianity and only 18 of them still practice their tribal religion. The above finding shows that there is a change in their religion in the new place. Many household s changed their religion from a tribal religion to Hinduism. The res ult of the study reveals that the resettlement has influenced their religious practices.

At the same time, some of the r esettlers feel that the new place has infl uenced their moral values. It also noticed that different tribal communities have different rules and regulations and their moral values differ from each other. Once they have resettled and started to mingle with other communities, they are confused with their own moral values. Since different tribal categories stay together, the resettlers mixed up their moral values and rules of their own community with others. In some situations, this has made problems among them in their resettled area.

Language Spoken 73 56

Tribal language Malayalam Mixed

Figure 5.12 Language Spoken The above graphic representation shows the medium of their communication in the Farm. Among the 150 households only 21 households still, speak their tribal language. Around 56 households speak Malayalam as their communication medium. On the other hand, around 73 of the households speak both Tribal language and Malayalam. The above findings show that very few of them still follow their own tribal languages. Most of the tribal communities who have resettled in the Farm have their own tribal languages. Some of them have their own dialects and others use a combination of Malayalam, Tamil, Kannada or Tulu as their dialects. Since the resettled place has mixed culture, they are unable to use their tribal language. At present, the majority of them follow mixes language, both Malayalam and Tribal language

75 inside Farm. It also observed that most of the younger generation prefers Malayalam for their communication and the elders are least bothered to teach their own tribal language for their children.

Some of the resettlers feel that the resettlement caused them to lose their traditional occupational space. The majority of the resettlers followed their traditional occupations like hunting, gathering of forest products, carpentry, basket making, and other art forms. However, in the new place, they face challenges like non-availabilities of materials, people, and facilities, which stop them from following their traditional occupations. Therefore, the new place has forced to forgo their traditional occupations.

From the above findings and analysis, it is very clear that the resettlement has caused various socio- cultural changes. Many resettlers find hard to adjust to the new lifestyles in the Farm. Culture is a shorthand version of the rules, which guided the way of life of the tribal people. The tribal people often express their cultural identity and distinctiveness in their socio-cultural and religious activities. The amazing traditions, beliefs, rituals and festivals of the tribal communities have always associated with their life and it gives in-depth meaning to their solidarity and social structure of each community. The researcher observed that those people who denied the social-cultural changes in the Farm have already adjusted to the new system. Those who stayed for longer durations have already accepted the reality. They tried to create a new cultural environment on the Aralam Farm. Since they want to survive, they find various ways that unite different tribal communities in the Farm. According to researcher’s observation, some of them took initiatives to build a new community altogether. In order to survive in the new place, the resettlers are trying to adopt a new lifestyle in the Farm. Each tribal categories adopts others culture and trying to bring the new tribal community in the Farm.

5.3 Various problems of the resettlers

The study shows the resettlers face various issues in their relocated land. According to the researcher’s observation, major issues faced by the resettlers are from wild animal attacks. The various forest areas like, Aralam wildlife Sanctuary, Kottiyoor Reserved forest area, Wayanad forest area and Karnataka’s Coorg forest area have surround the allotted blocks. The wild animals often come to the Farm for the food and water. They must cross the tribal area for reaching ‘Bavali River’ for their main water source. The majority of the State Farming

76 area now leased out to the private companies and they have cultivated pineapples that attract the elephant for their food sources. The below photographs shows the way private companies protected their cultivation using electric facilities.

Pineapple cultivation by the Private Companies Figure 5.13 Photographs of pineapple cultivation Wild animal attacks have reported more during the pineapple’s harvesting time. According to the resettlers, the pineapple’s fragrances attract the wild animals. To reach the river and the pineapple-cultivated area, the wild animals should cross the resettlers land. Once the wild animals come into their place, it never returns to the forests. Since many families left the Farmland, wild animals have lots of jungle for hiding during daytime. Many wild animal attacks have reported during the night.

Table 5.11 Life threat due to Wild animal attacks

Wild Animal Attack Hospitalized No. of Reported Deaths Snake Bite 23 7 Wild pig attack 12 3 Wild elephant attack 7 2 Attack of honey bees and other poisonous insects 27 4 Total 69 16

The above table illustrates the number of people who faced various wild animal attacks. The data from 2010-2015 was collected from different health care centres and hospitals in the Aralam Farm. It shows, around 69 resettled tribal people faced various forms of wild animal attacks and within this duration, 16 of them died due to wild animal attacks.

Since their allotted land is surrounded by various forest areas, the poisonous snakes are very common in this area. Last five years, 23 tribal people have been admitted to the hospitals due to snakebite and seven of them died. Another dangerous wild animal is wild pigs and it is always visible on the Farm. The data shows, 12 of them admitted to the hospitals due to wild pig’s attacks and three of them died. At the same time, wild elephants are very problematic. Around seven tribes admitted in the health care and hospitals due to wild elephant’s attacks and two of them died within five years. Some of them still practice their traditional occupation like gathering the forest products. While they collect honey and other forest products, they often face attacks from honeybees and other poisonous insects. Overall 27 of them admitted due to the attacks of poisonous insects and four of them died among them.

Table 5.12 Newspaper reports of wild animal attacks

List of newspaper reports of Various Products wild animal attacks Cash crops Fruits Vegetables Other Total materials Wild elephant attack 17 7 12 8 44 Wild pig attack 9 12 14 2 37 Attack from other wild animals 4 8 7 3 22 Total 30 27 33 13 103

The above table shows the different reports of wild animal attacks and loss of various products. The researcher used the secondary data from three Malayalam newspapers (Malayala Manorama, Mathrubhumi and Deepika) from Kannur edition, for analysing the different reports. The researcher collected newspaper reports from January to May 2015. The above result shows, overall 103 different cases have reported within five months. Around 30 cases reported on destroying the cash crops like rubber, coconuts, Areca nut, pepper and cashew nuts. 27 cases reported on destroying the fruits like mango, cocoa, guava and banana. 33 cases reported regarding destroying the various vegetables in their land. Another 13 cases reported on destroying the other materials like household items. At the same time, 44 cases reported on the wild elephant’s attacks, 37 cases reported on the wild pig’s attack and 22 cases reported in different wild animals have destroyed various products.

Resettled tribal communities requested the government to take necessary actions for the wild animal attacks. State government asked the forest department to take care of the issues in the

Farm. The government also gave permission to kill the small wild animals if it is causing the life threat. However, most of the rules for killing animals have very limitations attached to it. For examples, resettlers have the permissions to kill the wild pig. The rules permit them to kill only the male pig above 50 kg. They must not kill the female pig, which is pregnant and less than 50 kg. Some of the tribal categories believe that the wild pig meat is medicinal. However, according to the strict rules the killed pigs should burn or buried under the ground. Therefore, the strict rules allow the pigs to wander around the Farm. They have the same situation with snake too. The tribes catch the snake and put it near the forest area. It comes back within a day. In the case of elephants, it comes for the food and water. Once it comes out of the forest area, it never returns.

In order to prevent the wild animals attacks government tried to implement different measures. Building walls, rail system around the resettlers area. Elephants come in the same route from forest to Farmland. In order to stop the elephant and other wild animals to enter the Farmland, the government introduced digging 3x3 meter trenches in the forest border. The government also encourages the resettlers to build their own fences out of thorny plants for their land.

But at the time of data collection, the government has built the rail system for only 7 kilometres and the rest of the project area remained as it is. According to the researcher’s observation, the government authorities are very clever enough to distribute the problematic lands to the tribal people. They have actually made fences out of tribal people for their land. All other 7 blocks of the state farming area are secured from the wild animal attacks. Even State farming and other office spaces remained well secured. They even protect their cultivation using the electrical system. The authorities have failed to understand the feeling and real situations of the resettled tribes. The resettled tribes face other problems too. Various problems of the resettlers are discussed below.

Various Problems

22 23 18 14 7 9

Figure 5.14 Various Problems The resettled tribal families face different issues in the new place. Out of 150 respondents, 18 respondents pointed out that the resettlement led to unemployment. Seven of them looked at their social backwardness as the cause of their resettlement. Around 22 respondents have noted that resettlement had increased the alcoholism among the family members . 57 respondents consider their major problem as lack of basic amenities. Nine respondents have considered in debt as an outcome of their resettlement. On the other hand 14 of them feels, they face different sort of exploitation in the resettled place. Around 23 respondents feel that the resettlement had caused losing their traditi onal and religious place.

The above findings shows, a large group of the respondents has pointed out the unavailability of the basic facilities in the Farm as their major issues. After ten years of their resettlement, the government implemented different f acilities for the resettlers. However, the ava ilability of these facilities is questionable. As researcher observed, resettlers face many issues regarding their transportation facilities. The bad transportation facility in the Farm is affecting the day- to-day life of the resettled tribes .

Another group of respondents had looked at the unavailability of the traditional places and space for their social activities. In the new place, they face the problem of finding a common place for their religious celebrations and traditional practices. The g overnment has given one or two acres of land in different blocks for different purposes. The common land in each block

80 has distributed to Schools, preschools, Hospitals, Tribal and Forest offices. They also have kept some land as a burial ground. In terms of religious practices, the government has not yet distributed any land for constructing, temple, churches or other religious places.

Some of the resettlers face issues regarding the alcohol consumptions of the family members. Mingling with the different tribal communities in the resettled area have caused for their alcohol consumption. On the other hand, the resettlers feel that relocation has forced them to forgo their traditional occupation and they find difficulties in finding a new job in the new area. Both alcohol and unemployment have led them to in debt issues.

Some of the resettled tribal households feel as socially backwards. They keep very less contact with non-tribal people. They only contact the non-tribes for their work or financial transaction like selling and buying products. Most of them have inferiority complex, which pulls them down and it remains as a barrier for mingling with other tribal communities and outsiders.

The social backwardness of the tribal communities causes exploitations by others. Many incidences have reported in the Farm regarding their exploitations. The non-tribal people from outside Farm have manipulated them in many ways. After their resettlement, the outside people misused their women. In such cases, tribal communities forcefully made the non-tribal person to get married the girl. To get a one-acre land some non-tribes purposefully done the same. Such incidents shook the tribal communities and they asked the authorities for stricter rules for the outsider’s interference in the Farm. The resettlers also face exploitation from the officers in and outside Aralam Farm. Many of their needs are unnoticed and many of their demands are unheard by the authorities. They keep prolonging to implement different programs and projects in the Farm. Another way of exploitation is from the traders. Since the tribal people are illiterate and unaware of the product’s market value, the traders cheat them while trading with them. Many a times the resettlers also face different discriminations from other tribal categories and non-tribals

Discriminations

Yes 42% No 58%

Figure 5.15 Discriminations The above graphic representation shows the experience of the discrimination in the resettled area. Around 58 percent of them have not experienced discrimination, whereas 42 percent have agreed that they have experienced discrimination from different people . The above data shows that a large group of respondents did not face any discrimination; on the other hand, there are people who faced some sort of discrimination in their resettled area.

The Aralam Farm has eleven different tribal categories and each on e has their own unique culture and way of life. As an outsider, researcher could not come across any discrimination in the Farm. However, while interacting with the trib al people, they revealed the invisible hierarchy and discrimination among different tribal ca tegory. Mavilan and Karimpalan communities consider themselves as higher, among other Tribal category and all other tribal communities consider Paniyan tribe has a low social position in the Farm . Though the discrimination is invisible, in some situation, it affected their life in the Farm. The discrimination among the tribal communities remains as barriers for their unity and oneness in the Farm . Since they are staying away from their own people and living in the isolated houses force them to depend on the other tribal categories. According to the researcher’s observation, to an extent they support each other in the Farm. However, it is also noticed that each tribal category extend their helping mentality only for their tribal community. This is very visible in the Karimpalan and Mavilan communities.

At the same time, the resettlers also face human right violation from authorities and police. The resettlers are always under observation by the police and forest officers. The authorities believe that the resettlers have a close connection to the Maoist group. During the time of data collection, the researcher also experienced the questioning by the authorities. The Maoist

82 group has posted attacking notice in the police station, which is located on the Aralam Farm’s boarder. Around three tribal people arrested for the same issue. Many at a time, the tribal people charged with various cases unnecessarily.

Table 5.13 Awareness of different programmes

Awareness of government programmes Awareness of Awareness of Awareness of welfare government projects government policies activities Yes 53 41 129 No 97 109 21 Total 150 150 150

The above table illustrates the result of the awareness of the tribal people regarding government programs, schemes, and policies for the Scheduled Tribe. Only 53 of the households were aware of the Central and State, tribal projects and 97 of them were not aware of the various projects by the government. On the other hand, only 41 households were aware of the various tribal laws and policies by the government and 109 of them were not aware of the government laws and policies for the Scheduled Tribes. At the same time, 129 of the households were aware of the various welfare activities carried out by the TRDM office on the Aralam Farm and only 21 households do not have many ideas about the TRDM activities at the Farm.

Each year, Central and State government introduces various programmes, policies, schemes and activities for the upbringing of tribal categories in the society. Most of the time, the implementation of these various projects and policies have just remained in the paper. The backwardness of the tribal communities remains as barriers for bargaining with the government. It also noticed that most of the tribal people are not aware of the various government programmes introduced for the tribal people.

The above findings show that the most of the households are unaware of the various government projects, policies, laws, and schemes for the Scheduled Tribe. On the other hand, most of the households are well aware of the various projects and welfare activities by the TRDM in the Aralam Farm. At present TRDM has housing and sanitation programs, JalaNithi Water program, transportation facilities, food security programs and projects for preventing

83 wild animal attacks. In each block, the resettlers have selected a person as TRDM promoter and they become the mediator between resettled tribal families and TRDM officers. In order to block the exploitation from outsiders, TRDM has introduced the pass system for the permanently settled tribal families. A permit card allows them to take the agricultural and other forest products for selling in the market. TRDM officers also asked the forest department to provide the security for the resellers. The Forest department has provided security guards for the security, protection of Aralam Farm borders. They also watch the outsiders and tourist activities in the Farm. The guards also have given in charge for providing protection from the wild animal attacks.

It noticed that the Aralam Farm is under TRDM Kerala and they have full control over the resettled tribal area. All the development programs in the Farm are done by the TRDM. The resettled tribes have limitations for enjoying the other programs by the government. Since they are under TRDM, the resettlers are unable to get any benefits from the Panchayath. To some extent, the direct control by the TRDM does well for the resettlers and on the other hand, it blocks them from enjoying the other benefits from the government.

The above-discussed points reveal the various issues of the resettled tribes in the Aralam Farm. The resettlement of the various tribal communities in the same locality has created a few issues like discriminations, unemployment, social backwardness, alcoholism, problems of basic amenities, in debt, unavailability for cultural and religious space, exploitations and control by the TRDM which remains as barriers from receiving the various benefits from governments. This shows that the resettlers are not paying attention to their cultural change and least worried about their tribal identity.

5.4 The impact of resettlement in the Aralam Farm

In the 21 st century, the resettlement studies became popular around the world. The famous sociologist Michael Cernea had brought out the ‘Impoverishment Risk and Reconstruction (IRR) model’ to analyse various consequences of displacement and resettlement risks. The IRR model considered as a validated tool for assessing the impact of displacement and resettlement. In the present study, the researcher used the IRR model to analyse the impact of resettlement of the scheduled tribes in the Aralam Farm.

Table 5.14 IRR model

IRR Model Various findings in the Aralam Farm Landlessness Ownership of land Yes 150 No 0 Homelessness Nature of house Permanent 129 Temporary 21 Joblessness Occupation Government employee 17 Manual labour 104 Traditional occupation 29 Food Insecurity Food Security Yes 130 (Ration Card) No 20 Marginalization Sources of Income Agriculture 37 Wages 61 Both 52 Increased Mortality No. of reported deaths Due to wild animal attack 16 Other health issues 9 Loss of Access to Common Common space Basic service space 14 Property Social/ religious space 2 Social Disintegration Family system Nuclear 146 Joint 3 Extended 1 Loss of Access to Health and educational No of pre-schools/ Schools 7 Community Services facilities No of health care/hospitals 4 Violation of Human Rights No. of reported human Government authorities 13 rights violations Political leaders/ non tribals 8

The above table shows the various results based on IRR model. Most of these results are discussed in detail under different objectives. However, in order to understand the impact of the resettlement issues, the researcher uses the IRR model to examine the real problems of the resettlement in the Aralam Farm. For better understanding researcher discussed each risk separately. All the other three objectives clubbed together in the IRR model to examine the outcome of the resettlement.

Landlessness: According to the IRR model, most of the displaced and resettled people face the problem of landlessness. The resettlers should cross many barriers for getting the new land. Most of the time the quantity and quality of the new land may not be as good as their old property. Once they lose their inherited land, they may lose various social and psychological ties attached to their land. The above result in the table shows the ownership of the land. Out of 150 households, all of them possess one acre of land. This explains that the government provided one acre of land for all the displaced landless tribal families and made them resettle in a new place. Findings show that the government has distributed lands for all displaced and alienated tribal from Kannur and Wayanad district in Kerala. Therefore, there is no question of landlessness in the area, but the quantity and the quality of the distributed land are questionable.

Homelessness: According to the IRR model, homelessness is one of the major issues of the resettlement. Most of the resettled people stay in small shelters and building a proper house remains only as a dream. Once they lose their home, they lose their family system, kinship pattern and cultural space. The present study data reveals that out of 150 households, 129 of them have proper houses, other 21 of them have temporary houses, and most of them are building their proper houses nearby. The result shows that most of the resettlers have their own proper houses, but in terms of the psychological attachments and social settings in the resettled area is not same as their old place.

Joblessness: IRR model shows that once the resettlers move to a different place, they find it difficult to find a job in the new place. Once they lose, their job due to resettlement they may face deprived of their economic status. The study shows that out of 150 households, 17 of them have employment on the Farm. Around 29 of them still follow the traditional occupation and remaining 104 households became manual labourers or agricultural labourers. Manual workers depend on the non-tribes from outside the Farm and the agriculture labourer’s work in their Farms and some of them look after the domestic animals too. The finding shows that very few of them have secured a job in the Farm and others depend on others to provide for their livelihood.

Food Insecurity: As mentioned in the IRR model, resettlement to a different place often creates a risk of finding food. Most of the resettled people tend to develop malnutrition. The result shows that government is providing the food products for 130 households and out of 150 households 20 of them has recently settled and they have not yet shifted their ration card

86 for getting benefits from the government. All those who have the ration card get the reduction on various food products. To an extent, the government has strived to provide food security for the resettlers. On the other hand, they have to change their traditional food habits based on the available food products they get to the Farm.

Marginalisation: According to the IRR model, most of the resettlers face economic marginalisation in the new place. Most of the time, the financial crisis has accompanied by the social status and psychosocial marginalisation among the resettled people. The study shows that the resettlers in the Aralam Farm depend on various ways to meet their economic needs. Out of 150 households, 37 of them depending only on their one-acre agriculture land. 61 of them depending on their wages and another 52 of them depend on both agriculture and wages. According to the study, the resettlers in the Aralam Farm find their own ways to find their income that improves their economic status.

Increased mortality: As mentioned in the IRR model, the massive resettlement can cause various health issues in the resettlement area. Mostly the children and elderly will affect by the resettlement. The resettlement also can bring psychosocial stress and trauma among the resettled people. The data on last five years records reveals that around 25 of them died due to various reasons such as wild animal attacks and other health issues. In comparison, they faced many hunger deaths in their old place. The present study suggests that the government can take initiative to bring proper measures to protect them from wild animals.

Common property: According to the IRR model, displacement and resettlement can result in losing their common properties like ancestor’s land, religious spaces, burial ground, forestland and water source. Losing their common property can affect their economic resources as well as psychosocial attachments to their land. The result shows, the resettlers in the Farm have 14 basic service spaces like schools, hospitals, tribal office, forest department office and also they have 2 social spaces like meeting hall and a burial ground. This shows that their religious space and other social spaces are not found on the Farm. The government has not yet allotted land for their religious activities.

Social disintegration: As mentioned in the IRR model, relocation and resettlement in a new place can scatter the family structure and kinship groups, of the tribal people. Psychological attachments and social roots in the old place can cause a crisis in the cultural identity in the new place. The formal and informal relationships with their own group can decay. The result shows that 146 of them follow the nuclear family system in their resettlement place. Only four

87 of them follow joint and extended family system in their resettled place. However, in their previous place, most of them lived as an extended or joint family and stayed together in the colony system. This shows there is a change in the family system and in the social organisation pattern.

Community services: According to the IRR model, moving to a new place the resettlers can lead to unavailability of the various community services such as health care, educational institutions, and other social services. The result shows the government has provided 7 educational institutions, and 4 health care services. This shows that the government could provide the basic services to the resettlers. However, the other facilities like post offices, banks, markets, trading centres, bus stations and other transportation facilities are lacking. They should cross at least 10 to 15 kilometres to meet their needs.

Human rights: The IRR model shows that the massive resettlement can cause many violations in terms of economic, social, political and civil rights. The result shows that around 21 legal cases on resettlers have reported by the government authorities or the political leaders. Tribal people got their land because of the long fights. Moreover, the authorities always have a negative outlook of the tribal people. Many a time police keep vigilance on the tribal people because they think that the resettlers have a close connection with the Maoists. Many times, tribal people were arrested due to the misunderstanding of the police.

The Sociologist Michael Cernea had classified various risks in the IRR model under economic, common property, social and psychological factors. The results and its analysis based on the IRR model show that there is a positive impact of resettlement among scheduled tribes. However, the data result represents only the interview schedule, results and the observed results are not included in the table. The researcher strongly believes that the resettlers also face various negative impacts.

In order to understand the actual impacts, the researcher has taken further steps and classified the IRR model into two risks such as Visible Risks (VR) and Invisible Risks (IR). In the visible risks, researcher looks at the economic and common property factors such as home, job, land, income and common property. On the other hand, in the invisible risk, the researcher looks at the psychosocial factors such as family systems, blood ties and kinship patterns. The visible risk can identified and documented easily and the invisible risks can only understand through deep interaction with the people and it difficult to analyse it using proper data.

The researcher has analysed the available statistical results of the present study under Visible Risk. The present study of resettled tribal in the Aralam Farm reveals that all those who have resettled permanently in the Aralam Farm have gained one-acre land, concrete houses and permanent latrine facilities. They also could find various job facilities for their income generation. The government has provided other facilities like food, health care, educational institutions and different forums. They also enjoy the common properties like burial ground, meeting hall and various office spaces. All this has brought them in the mainstream society. The resettlement helped them to increase their standard of living, economic and social status in the society. Researcher strongly believes that based on Visible Risks there is a positive impact of resettlement on scheduled tribes in the Aralam Farm.

Along with the statistical results researcher also used the observation notes for the analysis and this has classified under the Invisible Risks. The various analyses in this chapter reveal that the resettling to an unknown place has resulted in various socio-cultural changes in the tribal communities. Resettlement to a new place has forced them to let go of their kinship patterns and the family ties attached to it. It also influenced their family structure, from extended families to nuclear family and the colony system to isolate households. Many of the resettlers left their traditional occupation and adopted a modern occupational system like agricultural or manual labourers. They also face a lack of spaces for their religious and traditional activities. It noticed that there are changes in their power structure. The resettlers also face life threat from the wild animal attacks, which show that there is no security for their life in the Farm. They also faced many human rights violations in the resettled area. Results and analysis of the present study reveal the negative picture of the resettlement. According to the Invisible Risks in the IRR model, it found that the resettlement in the Aralam Farm also has negative impacts.

The above analysis reveals that the resettlement of the Scheduled Tribe in the Aralam Farm has both positive and negative impacts. The distributions of the one-acre land for all the landless tribal families have made an end to the long-term fights for the tribal land. The state government has succeeded for the distribution of the land for all the landless tribal households in Wayanad and Kannur districts. At the same time government failed to implement the various facilities within the period that led them to leave their dreamland. The good intention of the government, for establishing the biggest tribal village in India was unable to achieve the expected results.

CHAPTER VI

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

This chapter points up the major findings and a summary of the present study. The various findings anticipated to understand the impact of the resettlement among the Scheduled Tribes in Aralam Farm. It also covers the implications and suggestions for the future study. The purpose of the study was to understand the real outcome of the resettlement of the Scheduled Tribes in Kerala.

The study was undertaken in the Aralam Farm in Kannur district Kerala. Findings show that 3502 tribal families got their Possession Certificates in the Aralam Farm. The resettlement process started in the year 2007, only 1503 families have permanently settled even after ten years, and 461 families found to be temporary settled on the Farm. On the other hand, around 1538 families left their land. The study also shows that around 32 Muslim non-tribal families also stay on the Farm without the possession certificates. The study also reveals that none of the resettlers have the title deeds to their land.

The present study focused just on the 150 households in the Farm and researcher has chosen 25 households from six blocks. Out of 150 households, 46 of them belongs to Paniyan tribes and 38 Karimbalan, 23 Mavilar, 10 Kurumban 7 Kurichian, 6 Kuruman and Vettuvar, 5 Vettakuruman and Kattunayikkal, 3 Then Kuruman and one Kanikkaran community. This clearly demonstrates that land distribution among different tribes varies from each other. Among eleven tribal categories, Paniyan families have the highest number in the Farm and they are found in all the six blocks.

In the case of land registration, 83 percent of the land registration occurred on both husband and wife’s name. Other registrations are done in the name of either husband’s or wife’s name or in a few cases in the child’s name. The study found that most of the land registration took place under both husband and wife, which shows both belong to the Scheduled Tribes category. The study reveals that 20 households stayed for less than three years on the Farm. Around 70 of the resettlers have settled between 4 to 6 years and 56 of them settled much longer, between 8 to 10 years. All of them have with no land in their old place or less than 21 cents. Though 70 percent of the land distributed to Wayanad district, most of them left the Farm. Around 63 households found to be from Kannur district.

In terms of the first objective on the implementation and the availability of the various facilities , the study found that the government has implemented most of the promised facilities for the resettlers. The study found that 86 percent of the resettlers have proper

91 houses, 14 of them are newly settled, and their houses are under construction. All those who have their proper houses have the permanent latrine facilities and other households have temporary latrine facilities. On the other hand, it also noticed, the contractors are building the poor quality of the model house for the resettled tribes.

At the time of data collection, the resettlers have been depending on various water sources like well, ponds, streams and rivers. However, the government has already started the drinking water pipeline program under JalaNithi. It found that most of the permanently settled households benefit from the reductions for the food products distributed by the TRDM public distribution system.

Out of 150 resettlers, 124 households have electricity facilities in their houses. The resettlers use different electric equipment like television, radio, mobile phones and refrigerator. It found that 74 households use mobile phones to contact others in their emergencies. The study also found that only 8 households have own vehicle and others are depending on other facilities like an auto rickshaw, jeep, and bus services. It also found that the cost of transportation is high for the private transportation facilities and the public transportation in the Farm is very limited. The study shows that the transportation issue is one of the major concerns for the resettlers. The lack of transportation facilities forces them to walk 10 to 15 kilometres per day.

The government has facilitated preschools for all the blocks and schooling facilities until SSLC for the resettled tribal children. The government provides various facilities like free uniforms, books, umbrella, midday meal and grants to attract the tribal children to attend school. The study shows that there are many dropouts in the schools; especially after tenth, very few children have continued their studies. The major reason for the dropout is a lack of interest, unavailability of the schools and colleges, poverty and the language and curriculum used in the schools force them to leave their school. Most of the resettled tribal children also face travelling issues for attending school. The government tried to provide various health care services on the Farm. Most of the blocks have at least one health care service. Out of 150 households, 122 families prefer government health care services and the reason that they pointed out was the free services of the doctors and low cost for the medicine. Most of the resettlers prefer Allopathic treatment because of the fast result for curing their sickness. At the same time, they also expressed their dissatisfaction for the health care facilities in the Farm. According to them, the hospitals or

92 the clinics have limited services and in the emergencies, they should travel 40 to 50 kilometres for the good hospitals that provide bed services.

The government also tried to generate job opportunities for the resettlers in the Farm. But the study reveals that very few resettlers are enjoying the employment in the Farm. The study shows that only 17 people have employment on the farm. On the other hand, 29 of them continue to do their traditional occupations and 104 of them works as agricultural or manual works. This shows most of the resettlers do not have any job in the Farm. It observed that the private companies have given all the job opportunities for the Bengalis in their leased Farmland. At the same time, most of the resettlers have uncultivated land. According to the study, most of them left their land as uncultivated because of their lack of skills in the cash crop cultivations. At the same time, the wild animal destroys agricultural plantations in the resettled area. Most of the resettlers depend on non-tribes for their manual work, which supports their survival. It is found that to an extent, the resettlement has brought them in increasing their economic status. On the other hand, they have not yet achieved the financial stability. The second objective looks at the socio-cultural changes among the resettled tribal families . The study found that a maximum number of resettlers come across many changes in their community structure, power structure, religious oneness, social participation and social interaction in the Farm. On the other hand, the majority of the resettlers disagreed regarding the blood relations and communal unity. According to them, resettlement has not affected in their blood relationship with their family members and relatives.

The study also shows that most of the resettled tribal families agreed that the resettlement has influenced in their family structure, kinship pattern, religious activities and their customs and traditions. Some of the resettlers also have mentioned about their traditional language, occupations and moral and ethical life of the tribal community have changed after their resettlements.

The study found that the resettlement has made a huge impact on their tribal culture. Most of the tribal communities hold their own community, culture more strongly. Some of the resettlers confused on the mixed culture in the Farm. On the other hand, it found that most of the tribes who have settled more than six years have already adjusted to the new environment and they are trying to create a new tribal community on the Farm. Therefore, it is very visible that they are undergoing a transformation process in the Aralam Farm.

Another objective of the study looks at the various problems of the resettlers in the Aralam Farm. The results show that there are different forms of the problems are faced by the resettlers in the Farm. The result shows that the wild animal attacks are considered as the major problems of the resettlers in the Farm. Overall 69 resettlers hospitalised due to various animal attacks and 16 of them died due to snakebite, wild pig and elephant’s attacks and the poisons insects attacks. It observed that the wild animals destroy their agricultural crops and other properties. It is unsafe to walk alone in the Farm because of the wild animal attacks. Since the resettlers lands are surrounded by the various forest areas, they often face the attacks from the wild animals. The government authorities have asked the FD offices to provide the protection, but it was noticed that they provided the limited services. The government had failed to implement various measures from protecting the resettlers from the wild animal attacks. The study has clearly shown that after completing ten years the Government have fixed the rail system only for 7 kilometres. Other projects are still remaining in the file. The study also reveals that pineapple cultivation by the private companies and the water source that attract the wild animals. The researcher was surprised to see the government distribution of the land. They actually made a fence out of tribal families for their Farmland and office. The cultivation by the Farming Corporation and the private companies have protected by the electric system.

The resettlements of the various tribal communities in the same locality have created a few issues like discriminations within their various tribal categories. They also face issues like unemployment, social backwardness, alcoholism, in debt, exploitations and problems of basic amenities. At the same time, the resettlers feel that the unavailability of the cultural and religious space in the Farm have negatively influenced their traditional cultural practices. The study demonstrates that the resettlers are facing transformation on their tribal identity.

The study also reveals that most of the resettlers have very limited knowledge about the various government projects and policies for the ST communities. Resettlers only have the knowledge about the various projects by the TRDM. It noticed that since the resettlers are under TRDM, many of the ST projects and policies denied for the resettlers in the Farm. Most of the time, TRDM remained as barriers for receiving the various benefits from governments. Overall, there are various issues affected by the resettlers in the Aralam Farm. The resettlers are more concern about the wild animal attacks and the lack of cultural space for their traditional and religious activities.

In order to understand the final objective on the impact of the resettlement processes in the Aralam Farm , the researcher used IRR model for analysing the result. The study proves that the resettlement of the tribes has both positive and negative impacts. In one point, the resettlement has helped the resettlers to improve their social and economic status in the society. On the other side, it also brought many issues regarding their tribal cultural status in the society. The study also explains that the peaceful survival in the resettled Farm is very difficult and the main reason that many of the tribal families left the Farmland. The researcher has attempted to create a new conclusion for the IRR model. The ten risks have classified under two category Visible Risks and Invisible Risks. The study shows that in the visible risks, researcher looks at the economic and common property factors, such as land, home, job, food security, income and common properties and various community services like educational institutions, and health care services. The study shows to an extent government has tried to provide the economic and common property factors. At the same time, in the invisible risks looks at the psychosocial factors of the resettlement process. The study shows that the family system, blood ties, kinship pattern, communal unity, life security exploitation, marginalisation, human rights violations and social disintegrations have affected the tribal families in the Aralam farm.

The study demonstrates that the resettlers are concerned about the unavailability of the religious and cultural space. The study also shows that some of the resettlers are least bothered about their unique cultural identity. It noticed that the resettlers are trying to create new tribal community in the Farm. The study shows that some of the resettlers are more concerned about the wild animal attacks and other problems like transportation and employment issues. Though the resettlers are trying to adjust with various tribal communities, they are gradually losing their own tribal identity. From the study, it established beyond doubt that the resettlers have many negative impacts of the resettlement in their life on the Farm. However, the data also show that there are many positive outcomes of the resettlement. Since the study has looked at all the aspects of the resettlement effects, it shows that the resettlement process in the Aralam Farm has both positive and negative outcomes.

6.1 Limitations of the Study

The present study is limited to a particular area called Aralam Farm. This study concentrates only on the tribal families who permanently resettled for more than one year. Those tribal families who left the Farm were not included in the study. Their opinion may have contrasting views and may lead to a different conclusion of the study. There are other tribal families who got their land in different parts of the state as well as in the same district Kannur is also not included in the study. Due to the time constraint, the researcher had chosen limited sampling for the study. Only 150 tribal families from different blocks were chosen for the study and the researcher had generalised different tribal categories throughout the studies. The opinions and response from the tribal families who belong to different tribal communities from different locations have also misled the researcher for drawing some of the conclusions in the study. The researcher chose the descriptive research design was another drawback for the study. The instruments used for the present study was prepared by the researcher, which was verified by the research and language expert and it was not scientifically validated.

6.2 Future research direction

Further research can be done on the tribal families who left the Farm to understand the actual reasons that forced them to leave their dreamland. Kerala government also has distributed the land to the landless tribal families in different parts of Kerala. Therefore, the researcher feels that a comparative study can be conducted between the Aralam Farm and another area, to know the land distribution patterns and various resettlement issues. Ethnographic studies can be conducted in a particular tribal community to understand the exact social-cultural changes in the Farm.

6.3 Implications

According to the policy maker’s viewpoint, the study should consider to bring out changes in the upcoming tribal programs in Kerala, especially for the resettlers in the Aralam Farm. The study could be useful to understand the real problem of resettlement. Government and the TRDM officers should take necessary measures to solve the problems faced by the resettlers and should bring fruit full outcome of the resettlement. The study has highlighted both

96 positive and negative outcome and if the government could reduce, the invisible risks can bring back all the 3504 tribal families in the Farm.

6.4 Conclusion

To sum up this study, it was important to understand the impact of the resettlement of the scheduled tribes in the Aralam Farm. The tribal communities in Kerala had undergone different hardship for the restoration of their land. Most of the tribal people in Kerala depend on the forest area for their occupations, such as hunting and gathering. History shows that they were self-sufficient and they kept a distance from the mainstream society. The tribal communities considered the land as their biggest asset and the restoration of their lost land can retrieve their tribal culture and identity. The voice of the tribal communities was unnoticed until the 20 th century. The hunger death and the other land issues force the tribal people to raise their voice in the form of different struggles and movements. The various struggles of the tribal communities force the government to distribute the Aralam Farm for the landless tribal families from Wayanad and Kannur. The Aralam Farm project helped the landless tribal households in Kerala to retrieve the alternative land. Aralam Farm considered as one of the biggest tribal villages in India. From an outsider’s perspective, the resentment of the tribal families in the Farm is a very successful one. The government authorities and the public have no idea about the real life struggle in the Farm. The study has attempted to show the reality of the resettled tribal life at the Farm. The results of the study clearly demonstrate that the resettlement of the Scheduled Tribes in the Aralam Farm has both positive and negative outcomes. Ongoing development projects and schemes in the Farm gives hope, for the better future for the resettled tribal families in the Aralam Farm.

APPENDICES

Appendix I

INTERVIEW SCHEDULE

Dear respondent: This interview schedule intends to collect data on the study on “Impact of resettlement on Scheduled Tribes in Kerala: A study on Aralam Farm ”. Please answer all the questions according to the instructions. I hereby state that the collected data will be used only for the purpose of the study and your personal details will be kept confidential.

Date of Visit: Respondent’s signature: ------

I General Information

1. Name of the head of the household: ------

2a. Ward no: ------2b.House No: ------

2c. Block No: ------2d. Plot No: ------

3. Name of the Tribe: ------

4. In whose name is the title deed of this land registered?

1. Husband 2.Wife 3.Children

5. Place of origin? ------

Place Name: ------District: ------

6. How many years have you been staying here? ------

7a. Does the family own any other land?

1. Yes 2. No

7b. If yes, the total area of land owned by the family? ------

II Family details

8. Family composition

SL Name Relation with Age Sex Marital Education Occupation Monthly NO the head of the status income family

9a. Is there any change in the family structure compared to the one which was followed in the older place?

1. Yes 2. No

9b.If yes, explain ------

III Details of other properties

10. Do you own any vehicle?

Bicycle Bike Auto Jeep Car Any other

11. What kinds of electric equipment you own?

Television Radio Landline Mobile Refrigerator Computer Mixi/ Induction Washing Other Grinder Cooker machine

12. What are the Domestic animals / Livestock & poultry you have?

Cow Goat Buffalo Pig Rabbits Chicken Ducks Any Other

13. What type of fuel is used for cooking?

Firewood Kerosene Stove Bio - gas Natural Gas Electric induction Any other

IV Basic amenities

House

14. Nature of the residential building

1. Hut 2. Thatched 3. Tiled 4. Sheet 5.Concrete

15a. Did government provide any help for building your house?

1. Yes 2. No

15b. If so, what are they: ------

Sanitation

16a. Do you have latrine facilities?

1. Yes 2. No

16b. If yes, Permanent Temporary

17a. Did you get any help from the government for building the toilet?

1. Yes 2. No

17b. If so, how much was the amount: ------

Drinking Water

18. What are the sources of your drinking water?

Public own Other’s Pond Streams River bore Canal Check Other tap well well well dam

19a. Did you get any help from the government for digging the well?

1. Yes 2. No

19b. If so, how much: ------

Food composition

20. Do you have a ration card?

1. Yes 2. No

21. What are the benefits you get for the food items with ration card? ------

Electricity

22a. Do you have access to electricity?

1. Yes 2. No

22b. If no, what are the other sources do you use? ------

23. Did you have access to electricity in your previous place?

1. Yes 2. No

Transport facilities

24. Is there any government or private bus service to this area?

1. Yes 2. No

25. What Mode of transportation do you often prefer?

1. Walking 2.Bicycle 3. Bike 4. Auto 6.Jeep 7. Bus 8. Any other

Education

26. Do you send your children to school?

1. Yes 2. No

27. Which type of school do you prefer to send your children?

Government Management Private Any other

28. What are the reasons for not enrolling or the drop out of your children in the school?

1. Poverty 2. Unavailability of school 3. Language problems 4. Other reasons

29. Are there any transportation facilities available for your children by the government or school authorities?

1. Yes 2. No

30. Are they provided with mid-day meals at school?

1. Yes 2. No

31. Do you prefer to teach your girl child?

1. Yes 2. No

Health

32. What type of medical treatment do you prefer?

Sector Allopathic Ayurveda Homeopathy Indigenous Naturopathy Any other Government Private Co -operate

33. What are the reasons for preferring such medical facilities?

------

34. Are you satisfied with the hospital and healthcare system which is provided by the government?

1. Yes 2. No

Occupation

35. Has anyone in the family enjoyed the benefits of job reservation?

1. Yes 2. No

36a. Is any of your family members presently working in the government sector?

1. Yes 2. No

36b. If yes, 1. Where: ______2. What post: ______

36c. If no, what do you think is the reason for not getting the proper job?

1. Lack of qualification 2. Competition 3. Corruption 4. Lack of skills

5. Other reasons: ------

37. What are the traditional occupations followed by the family/ your tribe? ------

38a. Is anyone in the family still practising the traditional occupation?

1. Yes 2. No

38b. If no, reason ------

Agriculture

39. What crop was grown in the land before you possessed it?

Rubber Coconut Arecanut Pepper Cocoa Coffee Vegetables Fruits Cashewunt Any other

40. What are the crops grown in your land presently?

Rubber Coconut Arecanut Pepper Cocoa Coffee Vegetables Fruits Cashewunt Any other

41a. Have you left your land uncultivated?

1. Yes 2. No

41b. If yes, the reason for the un-cultivation?

1 Lack of finance 2 Lack of equipment 3 Threat of wild animals 4 Non-co-operation from family members 5 Lack of knowledge for the cultivation 6 Any other:

42. What type of labour do you use for the cultivation?

1.Family labour 2.Hired labour 3. Thozhilurapu 4. Any other------

43a. Did you get any financial support from government to buy the agricultural equipment?

1. Yes 2. No

43b. If so, what: ------

44. Do you have sufficient water for the agricultural purposes?

1. Yes 2. No

45. Do you sell the products which you produce in your land?

1. Yes 2. No

46. Have you adopted improved agricultural methods for the cultivation?

1. Yes 2. No

47a. Have you got any training for the cultivation?

1. Yes 2. No

47b. Is yes, explain: ------

Economic/ Income generation

48. What are the sources of your income?

1. Agriculture 2. Wages 3. Any other ------

49. Do you have a bank account?

1. Yes 2. No

50a. Do you deposit your savings anywhere?

1. Yes 2. No

50b. If yes, where do you deposit?

1. Bank 2. Post office 3. Co-operative Bank 4. Other institutions

51. Is anyone in the family covered under any social security scheme?

1.LIC 2. Family pension 3. Welfare fund 4. Poverty alleviation programmes 5. Any other ------

Political

52. Do all the adults in your family have an election ID?

1. Yes 2. No

53. Did you cast your vote in the last elections?

1. Yes 2. No

V Socio- cultural

Social Structure

53. What was the style/ system of living in the old settlement?

1. Colony system 2. Isolated houses 3. Extended family 4. Any other ------

54. Are there any changes in your way of living? ------

55. Whom do you approach, if you have any problem within your own tribe?

1. Village chief or elder 2. Priest 3. Police station 4. Any other -----

56a.. Is there any change in the power structure of the community?

1. Yes 2. No

56b. Is yes what are they------

Social participation

57. Source of participation

Sl.No Source Often Sometimes Rarely Never A Districts/ village development council B Panchayath Board C Co -operative society D Orrukuttam E Farmers association F Club (youth, women) G Training programmes H Visiting neighbours I Visiting friends & relatives J Education institution K Religious institution/ space

58. Do any women of the family participate in self-help groups like Self Help Group?

1. Yes 2. No

59. Do you have interaction with other community or settlements?

1. Yes 2. No

60. Do you mingle with your neighbours?

1. Yes 2. No When needed

61. Which tribe do they belong to?

House 1 House 2 House 3 House 4

62a. Do you interact with non-tribals?

1. Yes 2. No

62b. If yes, Purpose of interaction------

63. How do others treat you? ------

64. Do you get the co-operations of other social categories during wedding or funerals?

1. Yes 2. No

Religion

65. What is your traditional religion? ------

66. What religion do you follow presently?

1.Hinduism 2. Christianity 3. Islam 4. Tribal religion 5. any other---

67. Did you have any changes in your beliefs after your relocation?

1. Yes 2. No

68. Do you have a worshiping place in this area?

1. Yes 2. No

69. The average distance for the worship place: ------

70. What are the religious and traditional festivals you have? ------

71a. Is there any myth associated with the traditional festivals?

1. Yes 2. No 3. I don’t know

71b. If yes, explain ------

72. Are there any changes in the religious practices due to resettlement? ------

Culture & rituals

73. Customs and Traditional practices

Sl Rites and Rituals Past Present No A Birth Rites and rituals associated with birth B Puberty Rituals associated with puberty C Marriage Customs& rituals associated with marriage

Where are the marriages usually conducted?(house, temple) Who officiates the marriage? (priest, tribal chief, elder) Type of marriage system (love marriage , own clan, own tribe, cross& parallel cousin marriage) D Death Rituals & rites associated with Death

Way of death rites (bury, criminated)

Who presents the death rites (priest, tribal chief) Any Other Rituals Language

74. What language do you usually use?

1.Tribal language 2. Malayalam 3. Mixed

75. What is your tribal language? ------

76. Do you teach the same to your children?

1. Yes 2. No

77. Have you faced any difficulties in communicating with your neighbours?

1. Yes 2. No

Other Issues

78. Have you ever experienced social discriminations in this land?

1. Yes 2. No

79. What are the problems that trouble you the most in this new place?

Sl no 1 Unemployment 2 Social backwardness 3 Alcoholism 4 Famine 5 Lack of basic amenities 6 In debt 7 Exploitations 8 Lack of space for the traditional practice 9 Any other

80. List out the social changes that took place in the community?

Economical Customs Culture Religion Moral &Ethical life Educational Family Any other

81a. Do you notice any cultural changes due to resettlement?

1. Yes 2. No

81b. If so, what are they: ------

82. Are you happy with your present condition?

1. Absolutely 2. To an extent 3. Not at all

Government programmes and schemes

83. Who is doing the welfare activities in the settlement? ------

84. Are you aware of various projects available in your area?

1. Yes 2. No

85a. Are you aware of the government policies and schemes?

1. Yes 2. No

85b. Is yes, what are they------

86. Any suggestions or opinion: ------

Appendix II

“ ത: ”. . .

തത : : ----

1. :------

2 a. :------2 b. : ------

2 c. :------2 d. : ------

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6. ത ത ത? ------

7 a. ?

1. 2.

7 b. ത :

ത

9 a. തത ?

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III

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12. ത?

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13. ത ത ത ?

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14. ത തത ?

1. 2. 3. 4.

15 a. ?

1. 2.

15 b. , :------

16 a. ?

1. 2.

16 b. , 1. ത 2. ത

17 a. ?

1. 2.

17 b. ത ത

18. ത ത ത?

ത

19 a. ത ത ?

1. 2.

19 b. , ത ത :

20. ?

1. 2.

21. ത ത ? ------

22 a. ത ?

1. 2.

22 b. ? ------

23. ത ത

1. 2.

24. ?

1. 2.

25. ത ത തത ?

26. ത ?

1. 2.

27. ത ത ത ത?

28. ത / ?

1. 2. ത 3.

29. , ത തത ?

1. 2.

30. ?

1. 2.

31. ?

1. 2.

32. ത ത ?

ത ത ത

ത ത

33. ത ? ------

34. ത തത?

1. 2. 3.

35. ത ത ത ?

1. 2.

36 a. ത ?

1. 2.

36 b. 1. : 2. തത:

36 c. , ത ?

1. ത 2. 3. ത 4.

5. ------

37. ത/ ത ത ത? ------

38 a. ത ത ?

1. 2.

38 b. , ------

39. ത ത ത?

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40. ത ത ?

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41 a. ത ?

1. 2.

41 b. ,

1 2 ത 3 4 5 ത 6 :

42. തത ?

1. 2. 3. തത

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43 a. ?

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43 b. , ------

44. ?

1. 2.

45. ?

1. 2.

46.

ത ?

1. 2.

47 a. ത ത ത ?

1. 2.

47 b. ------

48. ത ?

1. 2. ത 3. ത

49. ?

1. 2.

50 a. ?

1. 2.

50 b. , ? ------

1. 2. ത 3. 4. ------

51. ത ത ത ?

1 ത 2 3 4

51.

1. 2.

52. ത ?

1. 2.

53. ത ത ത ?

1. 2. 3. തത

4. ത

54. ത ? ------

55. ത ത ?

1. 2. ത 3. 4. -----

56 a. ത ?

1. 2.

56 b. ത ത ------

57. Often / Rarely / Never /

A ത B C D E F ( , ത ) G H I J K ത /

58. ത ത ?

1. 2.

59. ത ?

1. 2.

60. ?

1. 2. 3.

61. ത ത ?

1 2 3 4

62 a. ?

1. 2.

62 b. ------

63. ? ------64.

1. 2.

65. ത ത ? ------66. ത ? 1. ത 2. തത 3. 4. ത 5. ത ------

67. ത ? 1. 2.

68. ? 1. 2.

69. : ------70. ത/ ത ? ------71 a. ത ത ?

1. 2.

71 b. , ------

72. ത ? ------

73. ത ത Past Present ? ( , ത )

( ത, )

ത ( , ത )

( ത, )

74. ത

1. 2. 3.

75. ത? ------

76. ?

1. 2.

77. ത ത?

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78. തത ? 1. 2.

79. ? Sl No 1 ത 2 3 ത 4 5 6 7 8 ത

9 ത

80. – ത?

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81 a. ത ത ? 1. 2.

81 b. , : ------

82. ത തത?

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83. ? ------

84. ത ത ?

1. 2.

85 a. ത ?

1. 2.

85 b. , ------

86. ------

Appendix III

Check List

Panchayath Officials

Total Tribal population in the Panchayath:

Total tribal population in the Farm:

Details of the tribal household on the Aralam Farm:

Total households Total households Total household Total households Total households who got the who permanently who partially who are not at all who stays possession stay stay stay without the certificates possession certificates

Other facilities

SL NO Other facilities ½ KM 1 2-5 6-10 11-15 16+20 21+ Nearest town/ city Nearest Bus station Nearest Post office Nearest police station Nearest hospital Nearest bank Nearest Panchayath office Nearest S T office Nearest forest office Nearest health centre Nearest Railway station Tribal development cent re

What are the available educational facilities nearby?

Types of School Play School LP UP HS HSS COLLEGES Hostel Transportation & other facilities Government

Private

Co - operative

School authority

Total no of Total no of Total no of Total no of Total no of Total no of school students students who students who students who teachers in children in the register at have full are frequently left the school Farm the school attendance absent school

Preschool authority

Total no of Total no of Total no of Total no of Total no of Total no of pre-school children children who children who children who teachers in children in the register at have full are frequently left the pre- the pre- Farm the pre- attendance absent school school school

What are the medical facilities available in this locality?

Sector Allopathic Ayurveda Homoeopathy Indigenous Naturopathy Any other KM

Government Private Co-operate

Hospital authority

What are the health problems faced by the tribal people? How do they react to the treatment?

What are treatment facilities do you have? No of people hospitali sed due to wild animal attacks. No of death reported

Causes of death

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