Aufheben What Was the USSR?
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Raya Dunayevskaya Papers
THE RAYA DUNAYEVSKAYA COLLECTION Marxist-Humanism: Its Origins and Development in America 1941 - 1969 2 1/2 linear feet Accession Number 363 L.C. Number ________ The papers of Raya Dunayevskaya were placed in the Archives of Labor History and Urban Affairs in J u l y of 1969 by Raya Dunayevskaya and were opened for research in May 1970. Raya Dunayevskaya has devoted her l i f e to the Marxist movement, and has devel- oped a revolutionary body of ideas: the theory of state-capitalism; and the continuity and dis-continuity of the Hegelian dialectic in Marx's global con- cept of philosophy and revolution. Born in Russia, she was Secretary to Leon Trotsky in exile in Mexico in 1937- 38, during the period of the Moscow Trials and the Dewey Commission of Inquiry into the charges made against Trotsky in those Trials. She broke politically with Trotsky in 1939, at the outset of World War II, in opposition to his defense of the Russian state, and began a comprehensive study of the i n i t i a l three Five-Year Plans, which led to her analysis that Russia is a state-capitalist society. She was co-founder of the political "State-Capitalist" Tendency within the Trotskyist movement in the 1940's, which was known as Johnson-Forest. Her translation into English of "Teaching of Economics in the Soviet Union" from Pod Znamenem Marxizma, together with her commentary, "A New Revision of Marxian Economics", appeared in the American Economic Review in 1944, and touched off an international debate among theoreticians. -
The Russian Revolutions: the Impact and Limitations of Western Influence
Dickinson College Dickinson Scholar Faculty and Staff Publications By Year Faculty and Staff Publications 2003 The Russian Revolutions: The Impact and Limitations of Western Influence Karl D. Qualls Dickinson College Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.dickinson.edu/faculty_publications Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Qualls, Karl D., "The Russian Revolutions: The Impact and Limitations of Western Influence" (2003). Dickinson College Faculty Publications. Paper 8. https://scholar.dickinson.edu/faculty_publications/8 This article is brought to you for free and open access by Dickinson Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion by an authorized administrator. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Karl D. Qualls The Russian Revolutions: The Impact and Limitations of Western Influence After the collapse of the Soviet Union, historians have again turned their attention to the birth of the first Communist state in hopes of understanding the place of the Soviet period in the longer sweep of Russian history. Was the USSR an aberration from or a consequence of Russian culture? Did the Soviet Union represent a retreat from westernizing trends in Russian history, or was the Bolshevik revolution a product of westernization? These are vexing questions that generate a great deal of debate. Some have argued that in the late nineteenth century Russia was developing a middle class, representative institutions, and an industrial economy that, while although not as advanced as those in Western Europe, were indications of potential movement in the direction of more open government, rule of law, free market capitalism. Only the Bolsheviks, influenced by an ideology imported, paradoxically, from the West, interrupted this path of Russian political and economic westernization. -
Raya Dunayevskaya's Intersectional Marxism Race, Class, Gender, and the Dialectics of Liberation
palgrave.com Political Science and International Relations : Political Theory Anderson, K.B., Durkin, K., Brown, H.A. (Eds.) Raya Dunayevskaya's Intersectional Marxism Race, Class, Gender, and the Dialectics of Liberation Presents the first edited collection on Dunayevskaya, a significant yet understudied figure in 20th century thought Covers the entirety of Dunayevskaya’s writings, thematically separated into four areas Features chapters from a diverse and global array of Humanist Marxists scholars Raya Dunayevskaya is one of the twentieth century’s great but underappreciated Marxist and Palgrave Macmillan feminist thinkers. Her unique philosophy and practice of Marxist-Humanism—as well as her 1st ed. 2021, XXI, 350 p. 1 grasp of Hegelian dialectics and the deep humanism that informs Marx’s thought—has much 1st illus. to teach us today. From her account of state capitalism (part of her socio-economic critique of edition Stalinism, fascism, and the welfare state), to her writings on Rosa Luxemburg, Black and women’s liberation, and labor, we are offered indispensable resources for navigating the perils of sexism, racism, capitalism, and authoritarianism. This collection of essays, from a diverse Printed book group of writers, brings to life Dunayevskaya’s important contributions. Revisiting her rich Hardcover legacy, the contributors to this volume engage with her resolute Marxist-Humanist focus and her penetrating dialectics of liberation that is connected to Black, labor, and women’s liberation Printed book and to struggles over alienation and exploitation the world over. Dunayevskaya’s Marxist- Hardcover Humanism is recovered for the twenty-first century and turned, as it was with Dunayevskaya ISBN 978-3-030-53716-6 herself, to face the multiple alienations and de-humanizations of social life. -
SCHILLER, NOVALIS, and the CONCEPT of AUFHEBUNG Hammam Aldouri
Cosmos and History: The Journal of Natural and Social Philosophy, vol. 15, no. 1, 2019 BEFORE HEGEL: SCHILLER, NOVALIS, AND THE CONCEPT OF AUFHEBUNG Hammam Aldouri ABSTRACT: Philosophical explorations of the concept of Aufhebung (sublation, supersession) immediately prior to its formulation in Hegel’s work have remained relatively absent within the context of both Hegel scholarship and German Idealism studies. Hegel is often simply represented as the originator of the concept and the latter is understood almost exclusively within his oeuvre. This essay addresses this lack by offering an exposition of the notion as it unfolds in two works from 1795-1796: Friedrich Schiller’s Letters on the Aesthetic Education of Man and Novalis’ Fichte Studies. In these works, we find distinctive examinations of Aufhebung understood as the name of a process in which a subject comprehends itself in relation to its own processual development. My guiding premise is that without an adequate comprehension of the way in which Aufhebung is constructed and comprehended in the last years of the eighteenth century, we cannot establish the vantage point from which to reconstruct Hegel’s early conception of the notion, a conception which begins to emerge in his earliest Frankfurt writings in 1797, as a contribution to the constellation of post-Kantian conceptions. Keywords: Aufhebung, Schiller, Novalis, Aesthetic Education, Fichte Studies INTRODUCTION The concept of Aufhebung (sublation, supersession) is, without question, one of the most contested and discussed concepts of Hegel’s philosophical enterprise th th 1 and its critical reception in the 19 and 20 centuries. One distinctive 1 So much so, in fact, that it has led philosopher’s such as Jean-Luc Nancy to state that there is “no great study of Hegel that is not a study on the Aufhebung.” Nancy 2001, 158n7. -
Mainstreaming Radical Politics in Sri Lanka: the Case of JVP Post-1977
Mainstreaming Radical Politics in Sri Lanka: The case of JVP post-1977 Nirmal Ranjith Dewasiri Abstract This article provides a critical understanding of dynamics behind the roles of the People’s Liberation Front (JVP) in post-1977 Sri Lankan politics. Having suffered a severe setback in the early 1970s, the JVP transformed itself into a significant force in electoral politics that eventually brought the United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) to power. This article explains the transformation by examining the radical political setting and mapping out the actors and various movements which allowed the JVP to emerge as a dominant player within the hegemonic political mainstream in Sri Lanka. Furthermore, it also highlights the structural changes in JVP politics and its challenges for future consolidation. Introduction The 1977 general election marked a major turning point in the history of post-colonial Sri Lanka. While the landslide victory of the United National Party (UNP) was the most important highlight of the election results, the shocking defeat for the old leftist parties was equally important. Both the victory of the UNP and the defeat of the left were symbolic. The left’s electoral defeat was soon followed by the introduction of new macro-economic policy framework under the UNP’s rule, which replaced protective economic policy framework that was endorsed by the Left.1 Ironically enough, as if to dig its own grave, the same UNP government helped People’s Liberation Front (JVP), which became a formidable threat to the smooth implementation of the new economic policies, to re-enter into the political mainstream by way of freeing its leadership from the prison. -
The Personal, the Political, and Permanent Revolution: Ernest Mandel and the Conflicted Legacies of Trotskyism*
IRSH 55 (2010), pp. 117–132 doi:10.1017/S0020859009990642 r 2010 Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis REVIEW ESSAY The Personal, the Political, and Permanent Revolution: Ernest Mandel and the Conflicted Legacies of Trotskyism* B RYAN D. PALMER Canadian Studies, Trent University, Traill College E-mail: [email protected] JAN WILLEM STUTJE. Ernest Mandel: A Rebel’s Dream Deferred. Verso, London [etc.] 2009. 460 pp. $34.95. Biographies of revolutionary Marxists should not be written by the faint of heart. The difficulties are daunting. Which revolutionary tradition is to be given pride of place? Of many Marxisms, which will be extolled, which exposed? What balance will be struck between the personal and the political, a dilemma that cannot be avoided by those who rightly place analytic weight on the public life of organizations and causes and yet understand, as well, how private experience affects not only the individual but the movements, ideas, and developments he or she influenced. Social history’s accent on the particular and its elaboration of context, political biography’s attention to structures, institutions, and debates central to an individual’s life, and intellectual history’s close examination of central ideas and the complexities of their refinement present a trilogy of challenge for any historian who aspires to write the life of someone who was both in history and dedicated to making his- tory. Ernest Mandel was just such a someone, an exceedingly important and troublingly complex figure. * The author thanks Tom Reid, Murray Smith, and Paul Le Blanc for reading an earlier draft of this review, and offering suggestions for revision. -
Jacques Camatte Community and Communism in Russia
Jacques Camatte Community and Communism in Russia Chapter I Chapter II Chapter III Chapter I Publishing Bordiga's texts on Russia and writing an introduction to them was rather repugnant to us. The Russian revolution and its involution are indeed some of the greatest events of our century. Thanks to them, a horde of thinkers, writers, and politicians are not unemployed. Among them is the first gang of speculators which asserts that the USSR is communist, the social relations there having been transformed. However, over there men live like us, alienation persists. Transforming the social relations is therefore insufficient. One must change man. Starting from this discovery, each has 'functioned' enclosed in his specialism and set to work to produce his sociological, ecological, biological, psychological etc. solution. Another gang turns the revolution to its account by proving that capitalism can be humanised and adapted to men by reducing growth and proposing an ethic of abstinence to them, contenting them with intellectual and aesthetic productions, restraining their material and affective needs. It sets computers to work to announce the apocalypse if we do not follow the advice of the enlightened capitalist. Finally there is a superseding gang which declares that there is neither capitalism nor socialism in the USSR, but a kind of mixture of the two, a Russian cocktail ! Here again the different sciences are set in motion to place some new goods on the over-saturated market. That is why throwing Bordiga into this activist whirlpool -
From Proletarian Internationalism to Populist
from proletarian internationalism to populist russocentrism: thinking about ideology in the 1930s as more than just a ‘Great Retreat’ David Brandenberger (Harvard/Yale) • [email protected] The most characteristic aspect of the newly-forming ideology... is the downgrading of socialist elements within it. This doesn’t mean that socialist phraseology has disappeared or is disappearing. Not at all. The majority of all slogans still contain this socialist element, but it no longer carries its previous ideological weight, the socialist element having ceased to play a dynamic role in the new slogans.... Props from the historic past – the people, ethnicity, the motherland, the nation and patriotism – play a large role in the new ideology. –Vera Aleksandrova, 19371 The shift away from revolutionary proletarian internationalism toward russocentrism in interwar Soviet ideology has long been a source of scholarly controversy. Starting with Nicholas Timasheff in 1946, some have linked this phenomenon to nationalist sympathies within the party hierarchy,2 while others have attributed it to eroding prospects for world This article builds upon pieces published in Left History and presented at the Midwest Russian History Workshop during the past year. My eagerness to further test, refine and nuance this reading of Soviet ideological trends during the 1930s stems from the fact that two book projects underway at the present time pivot on the thesis advanced in the pages that follow. I’m very grateful to the participants of the “Imagining Russia” conference for their indulgence. 1 The last line in Russian reads: “Bol’shuiu rol’ v novoi ideologii igraiut rekvizity istoricheskogo proshlogo: narod, narodnost’, rodina, natsiia, patriotizm.” V. -
The Bolshevil{S and the Chinese Revolution 1919-1927 Chinese Worlds
The Bolshevil{s and the Chinese Revolution 1919-1927 Chinese Worlds Chinese Worlds publishes high-quality scholarship, research monographs, and source collections on Chinese history and society from 1900 into the next century. "Worlds" signals the ethnic, cultural, and political multiformity and regional diversity of China, the cycles of unity and division through which China's modern history has passed, and recent research trends toward regional studies and local issues. It also signals that Chineseness is not contained within territorial borders overseas Chinese communities in all countries and regions are also "Chinese worlds". The editors see them as part of a political, economic, social, and cultural continuum that spans the Chinese mainland, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Macau, South East Asia, and the world. The focus of Chinese Worlds is on modern politics and society and history. It includes both history in its broader sweep and specialist monographs on Chinese politics, anthropology, political economy, sociology, education, and the social science aspects of culture and religions. The Literary Field of New Fourth Artny Twentieth-Century China Communist Resistance along the Edited by Michel Hockx Yangtze and the Huai, 1938-1941 Gregor Benton Chinese Business in Malaysia Accumulation, Ascendance, A Road is Made Accommodation Communism in Shanghai 1920-1927 Edmund Terence Gomez Steve Smith Internal and International Migration The Bolsheviks and the Chinese Chinese Perspectives Revolution 1919-1927 Edited by Frank N Pieke and Hein Mallee -
The Politics of the Militant Tendency
18 August 1982 Marxism Today Witch-hunts are the last thing the Labour Party needs: yet the politics of Militant are a blind alley for the Left. John Callaghan The Politics of the Militant Tendency The recent decision by the Labour Party open debate. If the ideology and political Socialist Fight was replaced by The Militant National Executive Committee to establish practice of the Militant Tendency are char in 1963; but, more fundamentally, from a register of organised groups within the acterised by major shortcomings they will being an integrated group of entrists in ranks of the party is generally acknowledged not be any less significant merely because 1955, the Revolutionary Socialist League to be a move against the Militant Tendency. the Labour Right draws attention to them gradually gave way to the much looser form It is possible that this decision may, by Sep while the Left remains silent. which is today's Militant Tendency. This tember, result in the expulsion of leading consists of a small centralised leadership figures from the group. The Labour Party Origins and nature echelon around Ted Grant, who control and has on many previous occasions taken such of the Militant Tendency1 own The Militant, supported by the bulk of repressive action against dissident — espe The Militant Tendency originated with a the Labour Party Young Socialist organ- cially Marxist — factions within the party tiny group of Trotskyists led by Ted Grant. istion and those who are prepared to sell the and its youth section. But the extraordinary From the mid-50s this group — known as newspaper in the parent organisation. -
THE POLITICAL THOUGHT of the THIRD WORLD LEFT in POST-WAR AMERICA a Dissertation Submitted
LIBERATION FROM THE AFFLUENT SOCIETY: THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF THE THIRD WORLD LEFT IN POST-WAR AMERICA A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History By Benjamin Feldman, M.A. Washington, DC August 6, 2020 Copyright 2020 by Benjamin Feldman All Rights Reserved ii LIBERATION FROM THE AFFLUENT SOCIETY: THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF THE THIRD WORLD LEFT IN POST-WAR AMERICA Benjamin Feldman, M.A. Thesis Advisor: Michael Kazin, Ph.D. ABSTRACT This dissertation traces the full intellectual history of the Third World Turn: when theorists and activists in the United States began to look to liberation movements within the colonized and formerly colonized nations of the ‘Third World’ in search of models for political, social, and cultural transformation. I argue that, understood as a critique of the limits of New Deal liberalism rather than just as an offshoot of New Left radicalism, Third Worldism must be placed at the center of the history of the post-war American Left. Rooting the Third World Turn in the work of theorists active in the 1940s, including the economists Paul Sweezy and Paul Baran, the writer Harold Cruse, and the Detroit organizers James and Grace Lee Boggs, my work moves beyond simple binaries of violence vs. non-violence, revolution vs. reform, and utopianism vs. realism, while throwing the political development of groups like the Black Panthers, the Young Lords, the League of Revolutionary Black Workers, and the Third World Women’s Alliance into sharper relief. -
Genesis of Pabloism
The Road from the SWP to Trotskyism . .. page 2 The Faces of Economism ... page 24 NUMBER 21 FALL 1972 25 CENTS I Tile SWP tint! tile Fourtll Interntltiontl/, 1946-54: Genesis of Pabloism The American Socialist Workers Party and the European Military Policy" which called for military training under, Pabloists travelled at different rates along different paths to trade union control, implicitly posing the utopian idea that revisionism, to converge in uneasy alliance in the early 1960's U.S. workers could fight German fascism without the in an unprincipled "reunification," which has now broken existence of a workers state in the U.S., through "control down as the American SWP has completed the transition ling" U.S. imperialism's army. British Trotskyist Ted Grant from Pabloist centrism to outright reformism. The "United went even further, in one speech referring to British Secretariat" which issued out of the 1963 "reunification" imperialism's armed forces as "our Eighth Army." The teeters on the edge of an open split; the "anti-revisionist" German IKD returned to outright Menshevism with the "International Committee" fractured last year. The collapse the'ory that fascism had brought about the need for "an of the various competing pretenders to the mantle of the intermediate stage fundamentally equivalent to a democratic Fourth International provides a crucial opportunity for the revolution." ("Three Theses;' 19 October 1941) reemergence of an authentic Trotskyist international tenden The French Trotskyist movement, fragmented during the cy. Key to the task of reconstructing the Fourth Internation course of the war, was the best example of the contradiction.