Chapter 3 Tunisian's Elections
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Same Old Rights Violations in Tunisia
BEHIND THE FAÇADE: HOW A POLITICISED JUDICIARY & ADMINISTRATIVE SANCTIONS UNDERMINE TUNISIAN HUMAN RIGHTS Report from the Seventh IFEX-TMG Mission to Tunisia (6 June 2010) Behind the Façade: How a Politicised Judiciary & Administrative Sanctions Undermine Tunisian Human Rights About the IFEX Tunisia Monitoring Group (IFEX-TMG) The International Freedom of Expression Exchange Tunisia Monitoring Group (IFEX-TMG) is a coalition of 20 organisations set up in 2004 to monitor freedom of expression in Tunisia in the run up to and following the WSIS, held in Tunis in November 2005. The 20 organisations are all members of IFEX, a global network of around 90 national, regional and international organisations committed to defending the right to freedom of expression. The seventh mission of the IFEX-TMG to Tunisia took place in the context of a 30-month project Monitoring & Advocacy in Support of Independent Human Rights Defenders in Tunisia, funded by European donors and managed by Index on Censorship, which started in January 2010. It was comprised of Amadou Kanoute of ARTICLE 19, Yousef Ahmed of Index on Censorship, Anthony Mills of the International Press Institute (IPI), Carl Morten Iversen of Norwegian PEN, and Tamsin Mitchell of the Writers in Prison Committee of International PEN (WiPC). Barbora Bukovsa of ARTICLE 19 was not granted a visa on time by the Embassy in London (as has happened for previous members of IFEX-TMG missions requiring a visa. None of the other mission participants required a visa.) The first IFEX-TMG mission took place in January 2005 and led to the first report Tunisia: Freedom of Expression Under Siege, published in February 2005. -
Tunisia 2019 Human Rights Report
TUNISIA 2019 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Tunisia is a constitutional republic with a multiparty, unicameral parliamentary system and a president with powers specified in the constitution. During the year the country held parliamentary and presidential elections in the first transition of power since its first democratic elections in 2014. On October 6, the country held open and competitive parliamentary elections that resulted in the Nahda Party winning a plurality of the votes, granting the party the opportunity to form a new government. President Kais Saied, an independent candidate without a political party, came to office on October 23 after winning the country’s second democratic presidential elections. On July 25, President Caid Essebsi died of natural causes and power transferred to Speaker of Parliament Mohamed Ennaceur as acting president for the three months prior to the election of President Saied on October 13. The Ministry of Interior holds legal authority and responsibility for law enforcement. The ministry oversees the National Police, which has primary responsibility for law enforcement in the major cities, and the National Guard (gendarmerie), which oversees border security and patrols smaller towns and rural areas. Civilian authorities maintained effective control over the security forces. Significant human rights issues included reports of unlawful or arbitrary killings, primarily by terrorist groups; allegations of torture by government agents, which reportedly decreased during the year; arbitrary arrests and detentions of suspects under antiterrorism or emergency laws; undue restrictions on freedom of expression and the press, including criminalization of libel; corruption, although the government took steps to combat it; societal violence and threats of violence targeting lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) persons; and criminalization of consensual same-sex sexual conduct that resulted in arrests and abuse by security forces. -
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ISSN: 2051-0861 Publication details, including guidelines for submissions: https://journals.le.ac.uk/ojs1/index.php/nmes From Dictatorship to “Democracy”: Neoliberal Continuity and Its Crisis in Tunisia Author(s): Mehmet Erman Erol To cite this article: Erol, Mehmet Erman (2020) ―From Dictatorship to ―Democracy‖: Neoliberal Continuity and Its Crisis in Tunisia‖, New Middle Eastern Studies 10 (2), pp. 147- 163. Online Publication Date: 30 December 2020 Disclaimer and Copyright The NMES editors make every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information contained in the journal. However, the Editors and the University of Leicester make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness or suitability for any purpose of the content and disclaim all such representations and warranties whether express or implied to the maximum extent permitted by law. Any views expressed in this publication are the views of the authors and not the views of the Editors or the University of Leicester. Copyright New Middle Eastern Studies, 2020. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored, transmitted or disseminated, in any form, or by any means, without prior written permission from New Middle Eastern Studies, to whom all requests to reproduce copyright material should be directed, in writing. Terms and Conditions This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. -
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National Approaches to Extremism TUNISIA Tasnim Chirchi, Intissar Kherigi, Khaoula Ghribi The research leading to these results has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Programme, under Grant Agreement no. 870772 This project has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 870772 Consortium Members CONNEKT COUNTRY REPORTS Published by the European Institute of the Mediterranean D3.2 COUNTRY REPORTS ON NATIONAL APPROACHES TO EXTREMISM Framing Violent Extremism in the MENA region and the Balkans TUNISIA Tasnim Chirchi, Director, Jasmine Foundation for Research and Communication Intissar Kherigi, Director of Programs, Jasmine Foundation for Research and Communication Khaoula Ghribi, Researcher, Jasmine Foundation for Research and Communication This publication is part of the WP3 of the project, lead by the Université Libre de Bruxelles (ULB) Editors: Corinne Torrekens and Daphné de le Vingne Reviewers: Lurdes Vidal and Jordi Moreras Editorial team: Mariona Rico and Elvira García Layout: Núria Esparza December 2020 This publication reflects only the views of the author(s); the European Commission and Research Executive Agency are not responsible for any information it contains. Its contents are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the European Union or the European Institute of the Mediterranean (IEMed). Framing Violent Extremism in the MENA region and the Balkans Tunisia Overview1 COUNTRY PROFILE Government system During the period between Tunisia’s independence in 1956 and the 2011 Revolution, the Tunisian political system was a republican presidential system based on a single ruling party (the Neo-Destour Party, during Bourguiba’s period, and the Democratic and Constitutional Rally (RCD) party under Ben Ali’s era). -
Crafting Political Society the Role of Electoral Rules and Islamist Party Factions in Tunisia’S Democratic Transition
Crafting Political Society The Role of Electoral Rules and Islamist Party Factions in Tunisia’s Democratic Transition By Brittany Dutton Senior Honors Thesis Submitted to the Department of Political Science at the University of California, San Diego March 30th, 2020 Acknowledgments I wish to express my deepest gratitude to my advisor, Dr. Maureen Feeley, for her invaluable expertise, support, and guidance throughout this entire academic journey. I will be forever grateful for the opportunity to indulge my obsession with Tunisia and write a thesis under her incredible supervision. I would also like to sincerely thank Dr. Daniel Butler and Dr. Kaare Strøm for their extremely help feedback and suggestions during this process, with additional thanks to Dr. Strøm for answering my virtually endless questions about electoral rules, party behavior, and coalition governments. I also extend my gratitude to Dr. Michael Provence and Dr. Dilşa Deniz for graciously lending me their time to discuss the role of political Islam in the Middle East and North Africa; to Annelise Sklar for providing invaluable research assistance last summer when I was preparing for my thesis; and to Michael Seese and my fellow thesis writers who provided feedback during the early stages of writing. Finally, I would like to thank my husband, my family, and my dearest friend, Sydney, for listening to endless iterations of my thesis for the past six months. I would not have been able to complete this journey without their support. 2 Table of Contents Chapter 1: Introduction -
Fractured Walls... New Horizons: Human Rights in the Arab Region
A-PDF MERGER DEMO Fractured Walls... New Horizons Human Rights in the Arab Region Annual Report 2011 (1) Fractured Walls... New Horizons Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies Human Rights in the Arab Region CIHRS Annual Report 2011 Reform Issues (29) Publisher: Cairo Institute for Human Cofounder Rights Studies (CIHRS) Dr. Mohammed El-Sayed Said Address: 21 Abd El-Megid El-Remaly St, 7th Floor, Flat no. 71, Bab El Louk, Cairo. POBox: 117 Maglis ElShaab, Cairo, Egypt President Kamal Jendoubi E-mail address: [email protected] Website: www.cihrs.org Tel: (+202) 27951112- 27963757 Director Bahey eldin Hassan Fax: (+202) 27921913 Cover designer: Kirolos Nathan Layout: Hesham El-Sayed Dep. No: 2012/ 10278 Index card Fractured Walls... New Horizons Human Rights in the Arab Region Annual Report 2010 Publisher: Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (CIHRS) Reform Issues (29), 24cm, 278 Pages, (Cairo) Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (Author) With support from The European Commission The Open Society Foundation (2) Table of Contents Dedication 5 Introduction: The Arab Spring: A Struggle on Three Fronts 7 Part One: Limits of the “Arab Spring” 23 Report Summary: Human Rights in the Context of the “Arab Spring” 25 The “Arab Spring” at the United Nations: Between Hope and Despair 45 Part Two: Human Rights in the Arab World 81 Section One – The Problem of Human Rights and Democracy 81 1- Egypt 83 2- Tunisia 103 3- Algeria 119 4- Morocco 129 5- Syria 143 6- Saudi Arabia 159 7- Bahrain 173 Section Two – Countries under Occupation and Armed Conflict -
Post-Islamism in Tunisia and Egypt: Contradictory Trajectories
religions Article Post-Islamism in Tunisia and Egypt: Contradictory Trajectories Houssem Ben Lazreg Department of Modern Languages & Cultural Studies, University of Alberta, Edmonton, AB T6G 2R3, Canada; [email protected] Abstract: In the wake of the Tunisian Revolution of 2011, Ennahda leader Rached Ghannouchi distanced his party from the main Islamist paradigm, which is spearheaded primarily by the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, and announced the separation of the religious movement entirely from its political wing (al-Siyasi and al-da’awi). In addition to reassuring Tunisians that Ennahda’s socio- political project is rooted in its “Tunisianity,” these measures aimed at signaling Ennahda’s joining the camp of post-Islamist parties and Muslim democrats such as the AKP in Turkey and the JDP in Morocco. In this article, using the comparative case studies, I examine the patterns, similarities, and differences between the Tunisian Ennahda party and the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood in terms of their evolutions from an Islamist to a post-Islamist discourse and identity. I argue that the Ennahda party outpaced the Muslim Brotherhood in that shift considering the local/regional realities and the new compromises dictated by the post-revolutionary political processes in both countries. Although the Muslim Brotherhood managed to come to power and govern for only one year before being deposed by the army, Ennahda’s political pragmatism (consensus, compromise, and coalition) enabled it to fare well, ultimately prodding the party to adapt and reposition itself intellectually and politically. Keywords: Ennahda party; Islamism; Muslim brotherhood; post-Islamism; political Islam; Rached Citation: Ben Lazreg, Houssem. Ghannouchi 2021. -
Tunisians Vote in Historic Runoff First Free Presidential Election in Post-Revolution Tunisia
MONDAY, DECEMBER 22, 2014 Iraq Kurd chief 2014 frustrates US hopes for Mideast peace hails advances Page 8 Page 8 ARIANA, Tunisia: A Tunisian woman wearing the national flag casts her vote yesterday at a polling station near Tunis. — AFP Tunisians vote in historic runoff First free presidential election in post-revolution Tunisia TUNIS: Tunisians voted in the runoff of thousands of soldiers and police to of restraint shown by candidates dur- the country’s first free presidential provide polling day security. By 1330 ing campaigning but said they election yesterday, with authorities GMT, turnout reached 36.8 percent, believed Tunisia was on the path to urging a big turnout to consolidate election organisers said. Polls were democracy. “Our candidates and their democracy after a chaotic four-year due to close at 6:00 pm (1700 GMT) policies perhaps aren’t the best but transition. Just hours before polling and the result could be announced as we’re moving forward - the dictator- began at 8:00 am (0700 GMT), troops early as Monday evening. ship is over,” said shopkeeper guarding ballot papers in the central Mohammed Taieb. In an Internet region of Kairouan came under attack Mudslinging During the Campaign video posted Wednesday, jihadists and shot dead one assailant and cap- A first round on Nov 23 saw Essebsi claimed the 2013 murder of two secu- tured three, the defence ministry said. win 39 percent of the vote, six per- lar politicians that plunged Tunisia Prime Minister Mehdi Jomaa con- centage points ahead of Marzouki, a into crisis, and warned of more killings demned what he called a “desperate 69-year-old former rights activist of politicians and security forces. -
Tunisia Page 1 of 18
Tunisia Page 1 of 18 Tunisia Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2006 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor March 6, 2007 Tunisia is a constitutionally based republic with a population of approximately 10 million, dominated by a single political party, the Democratic Constitutional Rally (RCD). Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali has been the president since 1987. In the 2004 presidential election, President Ben Ali ran against three opposition candidates and was declared the winner with approximately 94 percent of the popular vote. Official turnout was higher than 90 percent, although observers regarded these figures as substantially inflated. In concurrent parliamentary elections, the RCD gained 152 of the 189 seats. A second legislative body, the Chamber of Advisors, was created in a 2002 referendum amending the constitution. In July 2005 indirect elections for the Chamber of Advisors resulted in a heavily pro-RCD body. The civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces. The government continued to commit serious human rights abuses. There were significant limitations on citizens' right to change their government. Members of the security forces tortured and physically abused prisoners and detainees. Security forces arbitrarily arrested and detained individuals. Authorities did not charge any police or security force official with abuse during the year. Lengthy pretrial and incommunicado detention remained a serious problem. The government infringed on citizens' privacy rights, continued to impose severe restrictions on freedom of speech and of the press, and restricted freedom of assembly and association. The government remained intolerant of public criticism and used intimidation, criminal investigations, the court system, arbitrary arrests, residential restrictions, and travel controls (including denial of passports), to discourage criticism by human rights and opposition activists. -
Middle East Briefs: Available on the Crown Center Website
Crown Family Director Professor of the Practice in Politics Gary Samore Director for Research Charles (Corky) Goodman Professor Why Did Women’s Rights Expand in Post- of Middle East History Naghmeh Sohrabi Revolutionary Tunisia? Associate Director Kristina Cherniahivsky Hind Ahmed Zaki Associate Director for Research David Siddhartha Patel n September 2017, a radical amendment to the Myra and Robert Kraft Professor of Arab Politics IPersonal Status Code (PSC) made it legal for Tunisian Eva Bellin Muslim women to marry non-Muslim men.1 The new Founding Director Professor of Politics law was issued after President Beji Caid Essebsi pushed Shai Feldman for the lifting of a 1973 marriage restriction decree. Henry J. Leir Professor of the The reasoning of the Tunisian state in annulling the Economics of the Middle East Nader Habibi restriction was straightforward: It violated Tunisia’s 2014 Constitution, which explicitly provides for equality between Renée and Lester Crown Professor of Modern Middle East Studies the sexes. Following the ousting of Tunisian President Zine Pascal Menoret el-Abidine Ben Ali in January 2011, there was some fear Founding Senior Fellows among secular Tunisians that many of the country’s “pro- Abdel Monem Said Aly Khalil Shikaki women” policies, often hailed as the most progressive in Sabbatical Fellows the region, would be reversed. These policies were closely Arash Davari Gökçe Günel associated with the vilified old regime, and the Islamic party Ennahda was gaining political and electoral power. Harold Grinspoon -
Legislative and Presidential Elections in Tunisia: Final Report
ELECTION REPORT ✩ Legislative and Presidential Elections in Tunisia Final Report October, November, and December 2014 ELECTION REPORT ✩ Legislative and Presidential Elections in Tunisia Final Report October, November, and December 2014 One Copenhill 453 Freedom Parkway Atlanta, GA 30307 (404) 420-5100 www.cartercenter.org Contents Foreword . 4 Candidates, Parties, and Campaigns . 34 Executive Summary . 6 Campaign Finance .. 37 Voter Registration . 7 The Campaign Period . 39 Candidate Registration . 8 Civil Society .. 45 Campaign . 9 Electoral Dispute Resolution . 47 Voting and Counting. 11 Election Day . 49 Tabulation . 11 Legislative Elections . 51 Election Dispute Resolution .. 12 First Round of the Presidential Election. 54 Results . 12 Second Round of the Presidential Election . .55 Recommendations . 13 Security . 57 The Carter Center in Tunisia . 14 Postelection Complaints . 58 Carter Center Election Complaints Against the Preliminary Results of Observation Methodology . 15 the Legislative Election . 58 International Obligations . 17 Complaints Against the Preliminary Results of the First Round of the Presidential Election . 59 Historical and Political Background . 18 Conclusions and Recommendations . 61 Electoral Institutions and the Framework for the Presidential and Legislative Elections . 22 Appendix A: Acknowledgments . 64 Legal Framework . 22 Appendix B: The Carter Center Boundary Delimitation . 23 Delegation and Staff . 65 Electoral System . .. 24 Appendix C: Terms and Abbreviations . 68 Election Management . 25 Appendix D: Statements and Press Releases . 70 Pre-election Developments . 30 Appendix E: Deployment Plan . 138 Voter Registration . 30 Appendix F: Checklists (Short Form) . 144 Voter Education . .. 33 Appendix G: Electoral Results . 161 Appendix H: Letter of Invitation . 165 Foreword By Ambassador (Ret.) Mary Ann Peters and security concerns to promote stability and Chief Executive Officer of The Carter Center satisfy citizens’ aspirations. -
The Tunisian Revolution in Its Constitutional Manifestations the First Transitional Period (14 January 2011 - 16 December 2011)
The Tunisian Revolution in its constitutional manifestations The first transitional period (14 January 2011 - 16 December 2011) Yadh BEN ACHOUR Revolution is, from the legal analysis standpoint, an exceptional event for the existing constitutional framework in a particular country. Its consequences are either limited to the overthrow of the powers operating under the Constitution, or encompass the entire constitutional order, leading to its abolition and then replacement with a new constitutional system. What matters in a revolution is the emergence of the future's legitimacy from the phenomenon of “illegitimacy.” If we assume, in general terms, that a revolution “is not governed by the normal standards of political rationality” and its identity stems from the logic of explosion or the logic of the volcano1 - this fact would a fortiori be dominant in the legal field. For this reason, some theorists of the positivist school determined that the revolutionary phenomenon cannot in any way be subject to legal analysis. Even if the effect of the revolution is clear with regard to constitutional legitimacy as it breaches its provisions or totally revokes it, it cannot invalidate the entire legislative system. This system will remain valid, except for the abrogated or amended provisions of the texts that govern it. The revolution impacts the constitutional order much more strongly than it impacts the legislative system. In revolutions, the constitutional order often breaks down, partially or completely, and the legislative system survives with its institutions, except the part of it that is revoked or amended, as in the case of Tunisia. A revolution is a historic moment with deep consequences.