In the United States District Court for the Southern District of Ohio Eastern Division

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

In the United States District Court for the Southern District of Ohio Eastern Division Case: 2:06-cv-00896-ALM-TPK Doc #: 691 Filed: 06/07/16 Page: 1 of 115 PAGEID #: <pageID> IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF OHIO EASTERN DIVISION THE NORTHEAST OHIO COALITION : FOR THE HOMELESS, et al., : : Plaintiffs, : Case No. 2:06-CV-896 : v. : JUDGE ALGENON L. MARBLEY : JON HUSTED, in his official capacity as : Magistrate Judge Terence P. Kemp Secretary of the State of Ohio, : : Defendant. : FINAL JUDGMENT Case: 2:06-cv-00896-ALM-TPK Doc #: 691 Filed: 06/07/16 Page: 2 of 115 PAGEID #: <pageID> TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Introduction .................................................................................................................... 1 II. Procedural History......................................................................................................... 1 A. 2010 Consent Decree ................................................................................................. 4 B. Second Supplemental Complaint ............................................................................... 7 III. Findings of Fact ........................................................................................................... 9 A. Parties ........................................................................................................................ 9 1. Plaintiffs ............................................................................................................. 9 a. NEOCH ......................................................................................................... 9 b. CCH ............................................................................................................ 13 c. ODP ............................................................................................................. 14 2. Defendant ......................................................................................................... 15 B. Voting in Ohio ......................................................................................................... 15 1. Election-Day Voting ........................................................................................ 15 2. Absentee Voting............................................................................................... 16 a. In-Person Absentee Voting ......................................................................... 17 b. Mail-in Absentee Voting ............................................................................. 17 3. Provisional Voting ........................................................................................... 18 C. The Challenged Laws .............................................................................................. 19 1. SB 205 .............................................................................................................. 19 2. SB 216 .............................................................................................................. 20 D. The Lead-up to SB 205 and SB 216 ........................................................................ 22 E. The Implementation of SB 205 and SB 216 ............................................................ 27 1. Individual Voter Testimony ............................................................................. 27 2. Aggregate Data and Testimony from Board Officials ..................................... 30 3. Varied Board Practices .................................................................................... 31 F. Burden on Plaintiffs.................................................................................................. 33 1. Information Requirements ............................................................................... 33 2. Prohibition Against Poll-Worker Assistance ................................................... 34 3. Reduction of the Cure Period ........................................................................... 35 Case: 2:06-cv-00896-ALM-TPK Doc #: 691 Filed: 06/07/16 Page: 3 of 115 PAGEID #: <pageID> G. The State’s Justifications for Enacting the Challenged Laws ................................. 35 1. Information Requirements ............................................................................... 35 2. Prohibition Against Poll-Worker Assistance ................................................... 37 3. Reduction of the Cure Period ........................................................................... 37 H. Disparate Impact ...................................................................................................... 38 1. Dr. Jeffrey Timberlake ..................................................................................... 38 a. Background and Methodology .................................................................... 38 b. Conclusions Regarding Disparate Impact ................................................... 40 2. Dr. Nolan McCarty .......................................................................................... 42 3. Dr. M.V. “Trey” Hood ..................................................................................... 45 4. Conclusions from Expert Reports .................................................................... 47 I. Racial Discrimination ................................................................................................ 48 1. The Senate Factors ........................................................................................... 48 a. Fifth Factor: Extent of Discrimination Hindering Participation in Political Process ....................................................................................... 49 b. First and Third Factors: Voting-Related Discriminatory Processes ........... 53 c. Second Factor: Racially Polarized Voting in Ohio ..................................... 56 d. Sixth Factor: Racialized Appeals in Politics ............................................... 57 e. Seventh Factor: Minority Representation .................................................... 59 f. Eighth Factor: Lack of Responsiveness ....................................................... 60 g. Ninth Factor: Tenuousness .......................................................................... 60 2. The Calculus of Voting .................................................................................... 61 IV. Conclusions of Law ................................................................................................... 62 A. Standing ................................................................................................................... 62 1. Organizational Standing................................................................................... 63 2. Associational or Representational Standing .................................................... 66 3. Third-Party Standing ........................................................................................ 67 Case: 2:06-cv-00896-ALM-TPK Doc #: 691 Filed: 06/07/16 Page: 4 of 115 PAGEID #: <pageID> B. Constitutional Claims............................................................................................... 69 1. Equal Protection: Undue Burden ..................................................................... 69 a. Information Requirements ........................................................................... 72 b. Prohibition Against Poll-Worker Assistance .............................................. 76 c. Reduction of Cure Period ............................................................................ 77 2. Equal Protection: Disparate Treatment of Election-Day, Provisional, and Absentee Voters ............................................................................................ 79 3. Equal Protection: Lack of Uniform Standards ................................................. 82 4. Procedural Due Process ................................................................................... 83 5. Substantive Due Process .................................................................................. 85 6. Race Discrimination under the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments .......... 86 7. Viewpoint Discrimination ................................................................................ 90 C. Voting Rights Act Claims ........................................................................................ 92 1. Section 2........................................................................................................... 92 a. SB 205 and SB 215 Have a Disparate Impact on African-Americans ........ 94 b. SB 205 and SB 216 Combine with the Effects of Past Discrimination to Interfere with the Voting Power of African-Americans ......................... 97 2. Materiality Provision ..................................................................................... 106 3. Literacy Test .................................................................................................. 107 V. Conclusion ................................................................................................................ 110 Case: 2:06-cv-00896-ALM-TPK Doc #: 691 Filed: 06/07/16 Page: 5 of 115 PAGEID #: <pageID> I. INTRODUCTION Because the right to exercise the franchise “is preservative of other basic civil and political rights, any alleged infringement of the right of citizens to vote must be carefully and meticulously scrutinized.” Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 562 (1964). Throughout this protracted litigation, the Court has endeavored to fulfill its duty to scrutinize various
Recommended publications
  • APPENDIX 1A APPENDIX a UNITED STATES COURT of APPEALS for the SIXTH CIRCUIT ———— No
    APPENDIX 1a APPENDIX A UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE SIXTH CIRCUIT ———— No. 19-3196 ———— WILLIAM T. SCHMITT; CHAD THOMPSON; DEBBIE BLEWITT, Plaintiffs-Appellees, v. FRANK LAROSE, Ohio Secretary of State, Defendant-Appellant. ———— Appeal from the United States District Court for the Southern District of Ohio at Columbus No. 2:18-cv-00966— Edmund A. Sargus, Jr., Chief District Judge. ———— Argued: June 26, 2019 Decided and Filed: August 7, 2019 ———— Before: CLAY, WHITE, and BUSH, Circuit Judges. ———— COUNSEL ARGUED: Benjamin M. Flowers, OFFICE OF THE OHIO ATTORNEY GENERAL, Columbus, Ohio, for Appellant. Mark R. Brown, CAPITAL UNIVERSITY LAW SCHOOL, Columbus, Ohio, for Appellees. ON 2a BRIEF: Benjamin M. Flowers, Michael J. Hendershot, Stephen P. Carney, OFFICE OF THE OHIO ATTOR- NEY GENERAL, Columbus, Ohio, for Appellant. Mark R. Brown, CAPITAL UNIVERSITY LAW SCHOOL, Columbus, Ohio, Mark G. Kafantaris, Columbus, Ohio, for Appellees. WHITE, J., delivered the opinion of the court in which CLAY, J., joined, and BUSH, J., joined in part. BUSH, J. (pp. 15–26), delivered a separate opinion concurring in part and in the judgment. OPINION HELENE N. WHITE, Circuit Judge. Plaintiffs William T. Schmitt and Chad Thompson submitted proposed ballot initiatives to the Portage County Board of Elections that would effectively decriminal- ize marijuana possession in the Ohio villages of Garrettsville and Windham. The Board declined to certify the proposed initiatives after concluding that the initiatives fell outside the scope of the municipali- ties’ legislative authority. Plaintiffs then brought this action asserting that the statutes governing Ohio’s municipal ballot-initiative process impose a prior restraint on their political speech, violating their rights under the First and Fourteenth Amendments.
    [Show full text]
  • 4 Comparative Law and Constitutional Interpretation in Singapore: Insights from Constitutional Theory 114 ARUN K THIRUVENGADAM
    Evolution of a Revolution Between 1965 and 2005, changes to Singapore’s Constitution were so tremendous as to amount to a revolution. These developments are comprehensively discussed and critically examined for the first time in this edited volume. With its momentous secession from the Federation of Malaysia in 1965, Singapore had the perfect opportunity to craft a popularly-endorsed constitution. Instead, it retained the 1958 State Constitution and augmented it with provisions from the Malaysian Federal Constitution. The decision in favour of stability and gradual change belied the revolutionary changes to Singapore’s Constitution over the next 40 years, transforming its erstwhile Westminster-style constitution into something quite unique. The Government’s overriding concern with ensuring stability, public order, Asian values and communitarian politics, are not without their setbacks or critics. This collection strives to enrich our understanding of the historical antecedents of the current Constitution and offers a timely retrospective assessment of how history, politics and economics have shaped the Constitution. It is the first collaborative effort by a group of Singapore constitutional law scholars and will be of interest to students and academics from a range of disciplines, including comparative constitutional law, political science, government and Asian studies. Dr Li-ann Thio is Professor of Law at the National University of Singapore where she teaches public international law, constitutional law and human rights law. She is a Nominated Member of Parliament (11th Session). Dr Kevin YL Tan is Director of Equilibrium Consulting Pte Ltd and Adjunct Professor at the Faculty of Law, National University of Singapore where he teaches public law and media law.
    [Show full text]
  • Appendix A: Electoral Rules
    Appendix A: Electoral Rules Table A.1 Electoral Rules for Italy’s Lower House, 1948–present Time Period 1948–1993 1993–2005 2005–present Plurality PR with seat Valle d’Aosta “Overseas” Tier PR Tier bonus national tier SMD Constituencies No. of seats / 6301 / 32 475/475 155/26 617/1 1/1 12/4 districts Election rule PR2 Plurality PR3 PR with seat Plurality PR (FPTP) bonus4 (FPTP) District Size 1–54 1 1–11 617 1 1–6 (mean = 20) (mean = 6) (mean = 4) Note that the acronym FPTP refers to First Past the Post plurality electoral system. 1The number of seats became 630 after the 1962 constitutional reform. Note the period of office is always 5 years or less if the parliament is dissolved. 2Imperiali quota and LR; preferential vote; threshold: one quota and 300,000 votes at national level. 3Hare Quota and LR; closed list; threshold: 4% of valid votes at national level. 4Hare Quota and LR; closed list; thresholds: 4% for lists running independently; 10% for coalitions; 2% for lists joining a pre-electoral coalition, except for the best loser. Ballot structure • Under the PR system (1948–1993), each voter cast one vote for a party list and could express a variable number of preferential votes among candidates of that list. • Under the MMM system (1993–2005), each voter received two separate ballots (the plurality ballot and the PR one) and cast two votes: one for an individual candidate in a single-member district; one for a party in a multi-member PR district. • Under the PR-with-seat-bonus system (2005–present), each voter cast one vote for a party list.
    [Show full text]
  • Another Consideration in Minority Vote Dilution Remedies: Rent
    Another C onsideration in Minority Vote Dilution Remedies : Rent -Seeking ALAN LOCKARD St. Lawrence University In some areas of the United States, racial and ethnic minorities have been effectively excluded from the democratic process by a variety of means, including electoral laws. In some instances, the Courts have sought to remedy this problem by imposing alternative voting methods, such as cumulative voting. I examine several voting methods with regard to their sensitivity to rent-seeking. Methods which are less sensitive to rent-seeking are preferred because they involve less social waste, and are less likely to be co- opted by special interest groups. I find that proportional representation methods, rather than semi- proportional ones, such as cumulative voting, are relatively insensitive to rent-seeking efforts, and thus preferable. I also suggest that an even less sensitive method, the proportional lottery, may be appropriate for use within deliberative bodies, where proportional representation is inapplicable and minority vote dilution otherwise remains an intractable problem. 1. INTRODUCTION When President Clinton nominated Lani Guinier to serve in the Justice Department as Assistant Attorney General for Civil Rights, an opportunity was created for an extremely valuable public debate on the merits of alternative voting methods as solutions to vote dilution problems in the United States. After Prof. Guinier’s positions were grossly mischaracterized in the press,1 the President withdrew her nomination without permitting such a public debate to take place.2 These issues have been discussed in academic circles,3 however, 1 Bolick (1993) charges Guinier with advocating “a complex racial spoils system.” 2 Guinier (1998) recounts her experiences in this process.
    [Show full text]
  • Can Money Buy Justice: Contributions to Ohio Supreme
    Can Money Buy Justice? Contribuons to Ohio Supreme Court Candidates 2018 By Catherine Turcer and Mia Lewis Table of Contents 1. Executive Summary ....................................................................................3 2. Introduction ............................................................................................3 3. Follow the Money .......................................................................................4 4. Recusal Is Common Sense — but Not the Law in Ohio ....................................................4 5. Why Recusal Is Important: Two Examples From Recent Ohio History ......................................6 6. Campaign Contributions to Ohio Supreme Court Justice Candidates, January-August 2018 .............6 7. Other Sources and Forms of Funding for Judicial Candidates ............................................11 Independent expenditures ...........................................................................11 Political parties ......................................................................................13 8. Caperton v. A.T. Massey Coal Co.: A Cautionary Tale From a Neighbor ....................................13 9. It Doesn’t Have to Be This Way: Recusal in Georgia and Michigan ........................................14 10. A Way Forward for Ohio: Recommendations ............................................................15 11. Summary and Conclusions. 16 12. Methodology ..........................................................................................17 13. Current
    [Show full text]
  • 2014 Post-Election Analysis: Ohio
    2014 POST-ELECTION ANALYSIS: OHIO TABLE OF CONTENTS STATE OVERVIEW 2 Registration Overview 3 Turnout Analysis 4 Absentee/Early Voting 4 Regional Analysis 5 Election Law Impacts 6 Exit Polling 6 GOVERNOR 11 Media Spending Analysis 13 Geographic Analysis 15 SECRETARY OF STATE 17 Media Spending Analysis 18 Geographic Analysis 21 STATE LEGISLATURE 22 State Senate 22 State House 23 Consequences 24 STATE OVERVIEW Going into 2014, Ohio was expected to be a major battleground in the election cycle, particularly in state elections, with a key gubernatorial race and several potentially competitive down-ballot constitutional matchups. The anticipated matchup between Republican incumbent Governor John Kasich and Democratic Cuyahoga County Executive Ed FitzGerald was expected to be one of the most competitive gubernatorial races of 2014. Democrats also landed top-tier candidates for down- ballot statewide races; notably, state Senator Nina Turner and state Representative Connie Pillich launched bids for secretary of state and treasurer, respectively.1 Democrats were presented with fewer opportunities at the congressional and legislative level in 2014. The 2010 decennial redistricting process, which Republicans controlled, locked in safe districts for many Republican incumbents, leaving only a small number of competitive congressional and General Assembly districts.2 OH-14 and OH-06, represented by Republican incumbents David Joyce and Bill Johnson, respectively, are potentially competitive districts, but they did not attract significant competition
    [Show full text]
  • Alternative Voting in Alabama
    1 Alternative Voting in Alabama Alternative voting ( also called ‘modified at-large voting’ ) was first used as an election procedure in Alabama during the 1980s. When the procedure was introduced, it was as novel and as questionable as the first Caesarians used to deliver babies. Today, after several election cycles, alternative voting systems in Alabama are as politically acceptable as C-sections are in delivery rooms. In Alabama today, thirty-two different governing bodies use some form of alternative voting. Three are county governments, one is a county Democratic Committee, and twenty-eight are municipalities. Of these governing bodies, twenty- three use limited voting, five use cumulative voting, and four replaced numbered posts with pure at-large [see glossary.] With the exception of the Conecuh County Democratic Executive Committee and the city of Fort Payne, all of the alternative voting systems in Alabama were first used in 1988 as a result of settlement agreements in the landmark, omnibus redistricting lawsuit, Dillard v. Crenshaw County, et. al. In that case, the Alabama Democratic Conference sued 180 jurisdictions in the state, challenging at-large elections. First Run: Conecuh County, Alabama The first known application of an alternative voting system in Alabama was in the election of members to the Conecuh County Democratic Executive Committee in the September 1982 primary election. It came as a result of a federal lawsuit filed by blacks challenging the discriminatory manner by which members were being elected to the committee. Prior to the court challenge, the Conecuh County Democratic Executive Committee elected members by a strange system which divided the county into two separate malapportioned districts, with each district electing 15 members at-large from numbered places [see glossary] and with a majority vote requirement.
    [Show full text]
  • Elections; Joint Operating Agreements JEL: L82, D72, K21, N82
    Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis Research Department Staff Report 474 September 2012 Do Newspapers Matter? Short-Run and Long-Run Evidence from the Closure of The Cincinnati Post ∗ Sam Schulhofer-Wohl Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis Miguel Garrido Edgeworth Economics ABSTRACT The Cincinnati Post published its last edition on New Year's Eve 2007, leaving the Cincinnati En- quirer as the only daily newspaper in the market. The next year, fewer candidates ran for municipal office in the Kentucky suburbs most reliant on the Post, incumbents became more likely to win re- election, and voter turnout and campaign spending fell. These changes happened even though the Enquirer at least temporarily increased its coverage of the Post's former strongholds. Voter turnout remained depressed through 2010, nearly three years after the Post closed, but the other effects diminished with time. We exploit a difference-in-differences strategy and the fact that the Post's closing date was fixed 30 years in advance to rule out some noncausal explanations for our results. Although our findings are statistically imprecise, they suggest that newspapers | even underdogs such as the Post, which had a circulation of just 27,000 when it closed | can have a substantial and measurable impact on public life. Keywords: Newspapers; Elections; Joint operating agreements JEL: L82, D72, K21, N82 ∗We are grateful to employees of The Cincinnati Post and the E.W. Scripps Company, several of whom requested anonymity, for helpful conversations. They are not responsible in any way for the content of this paper. We also thank Al´ıciaAdser`a,Anne Case, Taryn Dinkelman, Ying Fan, Douglas Gollin, Bo Honor´e, James Schmitz, Jesse Shapiro, numerous seminar participants, and the editors and referees of the Journal of Media Economics for valuable suggestions, and Joan Gieseke for editorial assistance.
    [Show full text]
  • 2020 Election Participation in Ohio: a Focus on Hispanic/Latino Voters
    Latino Community Report 2021 2020 Election Participation in Ohio: A Focus on Hispanic/Latino Voters Latino Community Report The Ohio Commission on Hispanic/Latino Affairs (OCHLA) issued this report on June 30, 2021. Acknowledgements: Lilleana Cavanaugh, MBA, CPM - Executive Director at OCHLA Carly McCain - Public Policy Officer at OCHLA Dr. Anirudh Ruhil - Professor at the Voinovich School of Leadership & Public Affairs at Ohio University With special thanks to John W. Cavanaugh, PhD for contributing to this research. This report contains data from the latest research available. Upon request, OCHLA will provide any additional information or data available. For more information, please contact: Carly McCain Public Policy Officer Ohio Commission on Hispanic/Latino Affairs 77 South High Street, 18th Floor Columbus, Ohio 43215 614-728-8364 [email protected] 2 2021 Table of Contents 1. Introduction……………………………………………………………………….. …….4 2. The Nationwide 2020 Electorate…………………………...……………………….......5 3. Ohio Elections Participation: Hispanic/Latino Voters………………………………. 5 4. Elections Administration in Ohio……………………………………………………...14 5. Innovative Approaches and Collaborations…………………………………………..16 6. Coming Together: Community Feedback…………………………………………….22 7. Conclusion………………………………………………………………………………27 8. Appendix: Hispanic/Latino Ohioan Demographics……………………………….…28 3 Latino Community Report Introduction This report on 2020 election participation commences the start of an exciting new partnership with Ohio University’s Voinovich School of Leadership & Public Affairs. This is a particularly fulfilling collaboration as Governor Voinovich created the Ohio Commission on Hispanic/Latino Affairs. We honor his vision via Dr. Anirudh Ruhil, Professor at the university. In fact, their demographic research is so crucial and timely, we shall include it as a key appendix on our Latino Community Reports henceforth.
    [Show full text]
  • The Chamberlin-Courant Rule and the K-Scoring Rules: Agreement and Condorcet Committee Consistency Mostapha Diss, Eric Kamwa, Abdelmonaim Tlidi
    The Chamberlin-Courant Rule and the k-Scoring Rules: Agreement and Condorcet Committee Consistency Mostapha Diss, Eric Kamwa, Abdelmonaim Tlidi To cite this version: Mostapha Diss, Eric Kamwa, Abdelmonaim Tlidi. The Chamberlin-Courant Rule and the k-Scoring Rules: Agreement and Condorcet Committee Consistency. 2018. halshs-01817943 HAL Id: halshs-01817943 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01817943 Preprint submitted on 18 Jun 2018 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. WP 1812 – June 2018 The Chamberlin-Courant Rule and the k-Scoring Rules: Agreement and Condorcet Committee Consistency Mostapha Diss, Eric Kamwa, Abdelmonaim Tlidi Abstract: For committee or multiwinner elections, the Chamberlin-Courant rule (CCR), which combines the Borda rule and the proportional representation, aims to pick the most representative committee (Chamberlin and Courant, 1983). Chamberlin and Courant (1983) have shown that if the size of the committee to be elected is k = 1 among m ≥ 3 candidates, the CCR is equivalent to the Borda rule; Kamwa and Merlin (2014) claimed that if k = m − 1, the CCR is equivalent to the k-Plurality rule. In this paper, we explore what happens for 1 < k < m − 1 by computing the probability of agreement between the CCR and four k- scoring rules: k-Plurality, k-Borda, k-Negative Plurality and Bloc.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Parties, Interest Groups, and Elections in Ohio
    Chapter 8 Political Parties, Interest Groups, and Elections in Ohio Major and Minor Parties in Ohio Ohio has a very rich history of strong political parties. The Ohio Democratic Party is older than the Republican Party, having its origins in the foundingdistribute period of the state. Initially, a party known as the Federalists served as the main rival to the Dem- ocratic Party (or the Democratic or Jeffersonian Republicans,or as they were sometimes know). As the Federalist Party faded, the Whig Party emerged as the opponent of the Democrats.1 The Whigs were strong in the “Western Reserve” part of the state, which is the northeast corner of Ohio. The Whig Party held to strong abolitionist views and so served as the natural core for the emergence of Republican Party in Ohio in the 1850s. post, Beyond the Democrats and the Republicans, minor political parties have struggled to gain ballot access and sustain their legal status in Ohio. In the 2012 general election, no minor parties received even 1 percent of the vote, although the Libertarian Party presidential candidate came close, receiving .89 percent of the popular vote. Among thecopy, other minor parties, the Socialist Party presidential can- didate received .05 percent of the vote, while the Constitution Party received .15 percent and the Green Party received .33 percent. Even thoughnot third parties do not currently have much hope for winning the plurality of the vote necessary to actually be awarded an office in Ohio, they can affect a close election by siphoning off votes that might otherwise go to one of the majorDo party candidates.
    [Show full text]
  • Barriers to Voting in Alabama (2020)
    Barriers to Voting in Alabama A Report by the Alabama Advisory Committee to the United States Commission on Civil Rights February 2020 i Advisory Committees to the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights By law, the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights has established an advisory committee in each of the 50 states and the District of Columbia. The committees are composed of state citizens who serve without compensation. The committees advise the Commission of civil rights issues in their states that are within the Commission’s jurisdiction. More specifically, they are authorized to advise the Commission in writing of any knowledge or information they have of any alleged deprivation of voting rights and alleged discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex, age, disability, national origin, or in the administration of justice; advise the Commission on matters of their state’s concern in the preparation of Commission reports to the President and the Congress; receive reports, suggestions, and recommendations from individuals, public officials, and representatives of public and private organizations to committee inquiries; forward advice and recommendations to the Commission, as requested; and observe any open hearing or conference conducted by the Commission in their states. ii Letter of Transmittal To: The U.S. Commission on Civil Rights Catherine E. Lhamon (Chair) Debo P. Adegbile David Kladney Gail Heriot Michael Yaki Peter N. Kirsanow Stephen Gilchrist From: The Alabama Advisory Committee to the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights The Alabama State Advisory Committee to the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights (hereafter “the Committee”) submits this report, “Barriers to Voting” as part of its responsibility to examine and report on civil rights issues in Alabama under the jurisdiction of the Commission.
    [Show full text]