Barriers to Voting in Alabama (2020)
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H.Doc. 108-224 Black Americans in Congress 1870-2007
“The Negroes’ Temporary Farewell” JIM CROW AND THE EXCLUSION OF AFRICAN AMERICANS FROM CONGRESS, 1887–1929 On December 5, 1887, for the first time in almost two decades, Congress convened without an African-American Member. “All the men who stood up in awkward squads to be sworn in on Monday had white faces,” noted a correspondent for the Philadelphia Record of the Members who took the oath of office on the House Floor. “The negro is not only out of Congress, he is practically out of politics.”1 Though three black men served in the next Congress (51st, 1889–1891), the number of African Americans serving on Capitol Hill diminished significantly as the congressional focus on racial equality faded. Only five African Americans were elected to the House in the next decade: Henry Cheatham and George White of North Carolina, Thomas Miller and George Murray of South Carolina, and John M. Langston of Virginia. But despite their isolation, these men sought to represent the interests of all African Americans. Like their predecessors, they confronted violent and contested elections, difficulty procuring desirable committee assignments, and an inability to pass their legislative initiatives. Moreover, these black Members faced further impediments in the form of legalized segregation and disfranchisement, general disinterest in progressive racial legislation, and the increasing power of southern conservatives in Congress. John M. Langston took his seat in Congress after contesting the election results in his district. One of the first African Americans in the nation elected to public office, he was clerk of the Brownhelm (Ohio) Townshipn i 1855. -
Birmingham, Alabama Event Hosted by Bill & Linda Daniels Re
This document is from the collections at the Dole Archives, University of Kansas http://dolearchives.ku.edu April 8, 1994 TO: SENATOR DOLE FROM: MARCIE ADLER RE: BIRMINGHAM, ALABAMA EVENT HOSTED BY BILL & LINDA DANIELS RE: ELIEHUE & NANCY BRUNSON ELIEHUE BRUNSON, FORMER KC REGIONAL ADMINISTRATOR, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF LABOR, HAS ADVISED ME THAT HE IS ATTENDING THIS EVENT AND HAS OFFERED TO HELP US IN THE ALABAMA AREA. (I'M SENDING THAT INFO TO C.A.) ELIEHUE WAS APPOINTED BY PRESIDENT BUSH AND DROVE MRS. DOLE DURING THE JOB CORPS CENTER DEDICATION IN MANHATTAN. ALTHOUGH LOW-KEY, HE DID WATCH OUT FOR OUR INTERESTS DURING THE JOB CORPS COMPLETION. HE ALSO DEFUSED A POTENTIAL RACIALLY SENSITIVE SITUATION IN KCK WHEN GALE AND I WERE STUMPED AND CALLED HIM FOR ADVICE. ELIEHUE AND NANCY MOVED TO BIRMINGHAM AFTER TCI - COMMUNICATIONS HIRED HIM TO SERVE AS REGIONAL GENERAL COUNSEL. YOUR LETTER OF RECOMMENDATION WAS A KEY FACTOR IN HIS HIRE. Page 1 of 55 This document is from the collections at the Dole Archives, University of Kansas http://dolearchives.ku.edu 111 AP 04-08-94 12:06 EST 29 Lines. Copyright 1994. All rights reserved. PM-AL-ELN--Governor-James,200< URGENT< Fob James to Run for Governor Again as Republican< BIRMINGHAM, Ala. (AP) Former Gov. Fob James decided toda to make a fourth bid fo s a Re ublican. Jack Williams, executive director of the Republican Legislative Caucus and chairman of the Draft Fob James Committee, said James would qualify at 3 p.m. today at the State Republicans Headquarters in Birmingham. -
State of the Soutern States
72 NEW SOUTH/FALU1968 STATE OF THE SOUTHERN STATES This round-up of events, developments and trends in civil rights, justice, politics, employment and other aspects of southern change, advancement and setback, comes from the Southern Regional Council staff and professional reporters. ALABAMA The three-judge federal court which dom of choice and institute a system of supervises Alabama's statewide school de zoning, consolidation, or pairing in order segregation suit rejected on October 18 to end the dual school system. pleas from both Gov. Albert Brewer and Meanwhile, Mobile schools-which are the Alabama Education Association, which not covered by the statewide desegrega represents most of the state's 21,000 white tion order but are under a separate suit teachers, to modify an order of August 28 enrolled 2,800 Negro children in formerly directing 76 school systems to carry out white schools and 253 white children in extensive faculty and pupil desegregation. formerly all-Negro schools. This compares Governor Brewer arg ued that the with 632 Negro children who enrolled in court's order imposed " an impossible formerly all-white schools last year. The task" on local school superintendents and Mobile school system, the state's largest urged local officials not to cooperate with with 75,000 pupils, is operating under a the Justice Department, which he called limited zoning plan to achieve desegre "our adversary." gation. The court found, however, that 57 of Also on the education front, Gov. the 76 school districts had already com Brewer gave the teachers a four per cent plied with the court's directives or had pay raise as the new school year began. -
Restoring the Right to Vote | 2 Criminal Disenfranchisement Laws Across the U.S
R E S T O R I N G T H E RIGHT TO VOTE Erika Wood Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law ABOUT THE BRENNAN CENTER FOR JUSTICE The Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law is a non-partisan public policy and law institute that focuses on fundamental issues of democracy and justice. Our work ranges from voting rights to redistricting reform, from access to the courts to presidential power in the fight against terrorism. A singular institution – part think tank, part public interest law firm, part advocacy group – the Brennan Center combines scholarship, legislative and legal advo- cacy, and communications to win meaningful, measurable change in the public sector. ABOUT THE BRENNAN CENTER’S RIGHT TO VOTE PROJECT The Right to Vote Project leads a nationwide campaign to restore voting rights to people with criminal convictions. Brennan Center staff counsels policymakers and advocates, provides legal and constitutional analysis, drafts legislation and regulations, engages in litigation challenging disenfranchising laws, surveys the implementation of existing laws, and promotes the restoration of voting rights through public outreach and education. ABOUT THE AUTHOR Erika Wood is the Deputy Director of the Democracy Program at the Brennan Center for Justice where she lead’s the Right to Vote Project, a national campaign to restore voting rights to people with criminal records, and works on redistricting reform as part of the Center’s Government Accountability Project. Ms. Wood is an Adjunct Professor at NYU Law School where she teaches the Brennan Center Public Policy Advocacy Clinic. -
Alabama Elections Collection
Alabama Elections Collection Guide to the ALABAMA ELECTIONS COLLECTION Auburn University at Montgomery Archives and Special Collections Montgomery, Alabama TABLE OF CONTENTS Content Page # Collection Summary 2 Administrative Information 2 Restrictions 2-3 Index Terms 3 Background Information 4 Scope and Content Note 4 Arrangement 4-6 Inventory 6-7 1 Alabama Elections Collection Collection Summary Creator: This collection has been artificially constructed from a variety of sources. No information is available on the compiling of materials in this collection. Title: Alabama Elections Dates: 1936- 1976 Quantity: 2 boxes. Linear feet: 1.0. Identification: 88/1 Contact Information: AUM Library Archives & Special Collections P.O. Box 244023 Montgomery, AL 36124-4023 Ph: (334) 244-3213 Email: [email protected] Administrative Information Preferred Citation: Alabama Elections Collection, Auburn University Montgomery Library, Archives & Special Collections. Acquisition Information: This collection has been artificially constructed from a variety of sources. No information is available on the compiling of materials in this collection. Processing By: Rickey Best Archivist/Special Collections Librarian (1988); Samantha McNeilly, Archives Assistant (2006) Copyright Information: Copyright not assigned to the AUM Library. Restrictions 2 Alabama Elections Collection Restrictions on access There are no restrictions on access to these papers. Restrictions on usage Researchers are responsible for addressing copyright issues on materials not in the public -
4 Comparative Law and Constitutional Interpretation in Singapore: Insights from Constitutional Theory 114 ARUN K THIRUVENGADAM
Evolution of a Revolution Between 1965 and 2005, changes to Singapore’s Constitution were so tremendous as to amount to a revolution. These developments are comprehensively discussed and critically examined for the first time in this edited volume. With its momentous secession from the Federation of Malaysia in 1965, Singapore had the perfect opportunity to craft a popularly-endorsed constitution. Instead, it retained the 1958 State Constitution and augmented it with provisions from the Malaysian Federal Constitution. The decision in favour of stability and gradual change belied the revolutionary changes to Singapore’s Constitution over the next 40 years, transforming its erstwhile Westminster-style constitution into something quite unique. The Government’s overriding concern with ensuring stability, public order, Asian values and communitarian politics, are not without their setbacks or critics. This collection strives to enrich our understanding of the historical antecedents of the current Constitution and offers a timely retrospective assessment of how history, politics and economics have shaped the Constitution. It is the first collaborative effort by a group of Singapore constitutional law scholars and will be of interest to students and academics from a range of disciplines, including comparative constitutional law, political science, government and Asian studies. Dr Li-ann Thio is Professor of Law at the National University of Singapore where she teaches public international law, constitutional law and human rights law. She is a Nominated Member of Parliament (11th Session). Dr Kevin YL Tan is Director of Equilibrium Consulting Pte Ltd and Adjunct Professor at the Faculty of Law, National University of Singapore where he teaches public law and media law. -
Appendix A: Electoral Rules
Appendix A: Electoral Rules Table A.1 Electoral Rules for Italy’s Lower House, 1948–present Time Period 1948–1993 1993–2005 2005–present Plurality PR with seat Valle d’Aosta “Overseas” Tier PR Tier bonus national tier SMD Constituencies No. of seats / 6301 / 32 475/475 155/26 617/1 1/1 12/4 districts Election rule PR2 Plurality PR3 PR with seat Plurality PR (FPTP) bonus4 (FPTP) District Size 1–54 1 1–11 617 1 1–6 (mean = 20) (mean = 6) (mean = 4) Note that the acronym FPTP refers to First Past the Post plurality electoral system. 1The number of seats became 630 after the 1962 constitutional reform. Note the period of office is always 5 years or less if the parliament is dissolved. 2Imperiali quota and LR; preferential vote; threshold: one quota and 300,000 votes at national level. 3Hare Quota and LR; closed list; threshold: 4% of valid votes at national level. 4Hare Quota and LR; closed list; thresholds: 4% for lists running independently; 10% for coalitions; 2% for lists joining a pre-electoral coalition, except for the best loser. Ballot structure • Under the PR system (1948–1993), each voter cast one vote for a party list and could express a variable number of preferential votes among candidates of that list. • Under the MMM system (1993–2005), each voter received two separate ballots (the plurality ballot and the PR one) and cast two votes: one for an individual candidate in a single-member district; one for a party in a multi-member PR district. • Under the PR-with-seat-bonus system (2005–present), each voter cast one vote for a party list. -
Another Consideration in Minority Vote Dilution Remedies: Rent
Another C onsideration in Minority Vote Dilution Remedies : Rent -Seeking ALAN LOCKARD St. Lawrence University In some areas of the United States, racial and ethnic minorities have been effectively excluded from the democratic process by a variety of means, including electoral laws. In some instances, the Courts have sought to remedy this problem by imposing alternative voting methods, such as cumulative voting. I examine several voting methods with regard to their sensitivity to rent-seeking. Methods which are less sensitive to rent-seeking are preferred because they involve less social waste, and are less likely to be co- opted by special interest groups. I find that proportional representation methods, rather than semi- proportional ones, such as cumulative voting, are relatively insensitive to rent-seeking efforts, and thus preferable. I also suggest that an even less sensitive method, the proportional lottery, may be appropriate for use within deliberative bodies, where proportional representation is inapplicable and minority vote dilution otherwise remains an intractable problem. 1. INTRODUCTION When President Clinton nominated Lani Guinier to serve in the Justice Department as Assistant Attorney General for Civil Rights, an opportunity was created for an extremely valuable public debate on the merits of alternative voting methods as solutions to vote dilution problems in the United States. After Prof. Guinier’s positions were grossly mischaracterized in the press,1 the President withdrew her nomination without permitting such a public debate to take place.2 These issues have been discussed in academic circles,3 however, 1 Bolick (1993) charges Guinier with advocating “a complex racial spoils system.” 2 Guinier (1998) recounts her experiences in this process. -
BRNOVICH V. DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL COMMITTEE
(Slip Opinion) OCTOBER TERM, 2020 1 Syllabus NOTE: Where it is feasible, a syllabus (headnote) will be released, as is being done in connection with this case, at the time the opinion is issued. The syllabus constitutes no part of the opinion of the Court but has been prepared by the Reporter of Decisions for the convenience of the reader. See United States v. Detroit Timber & Lumber Co., 200 U. S. 321, 337. SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES Syllabus BRNOVICH, ATTORNEY GENERAL OF ARIZONA, ET AL. v. DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL COMMITTEE ET AL. CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE NINTH CIRCUIT No. 19–1257. Argued March 2, 2021—Decided July 1, 2021* Arizona law generally makes it very easy to vote. Voters may cast their ballots on election day in person at a traditional precinct or a “voting center” in their county of residence. Ariz. Rev. Stat. §16–411(B)(4). Arizonans also may cast an “early ballot” by mail up to 27 days before an election, §§16–541, 16–542(C), and they also may vote in person at an early voting location in each county, §§16–542(A), (E). These cases involve challenges under §2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (VRA) to aspects of the State’s regulations governing precinct-based election- day voting and early mail-in voting. First, Arizonans who vote in per- son on election day in a county that uses the precinct system must vote in the precinct to which they are assigned based on their address. See §16–122; see also §16–135. -
Alternative Voting in Alabama
1 Alternative Voting in Alabama Alternative voting ( also called ‘modified at-large voting’ ) was first used as an election procedure in Alabama during the 1980s. When the procedure was introduced, it was as novel and as questionable as the first Caesarians used to deliver babies. Today, after several election cycles, alternative voting systems in Alabama are as politically acceptable as C-sections are in delivery rooms. In Alabama today, thirty-two different governing bodies use some form of alternative voting. Three are county governments, one is a county Democratic Committee, and twenty-eight are municipalities. Of these governing bodies, twenty- three use limited voting, five use cumulative voting, and four replaced numbered posts with pure at-large [see glossary.] With the exception of the Conecuh County Democratic Executive Committee and the city of Fort Payne, all of the alternative voting systems in Alabama were first used in 1988 as a result of settlement agreements in the landmark, omnibus redistricting lawsuit, Dillard v. Crenshaw County, et. al. In that case, the Alabama Democratic Conference sued 180 jurisdictions in the state, challenging at-large elections. First Run: Conecuh County, Alabama The first known application of an alternative voting system in Alabama was in the election of members to the Conecuh County Democratic Executive Committee in the September 1982 primary election. It came as a result of a federal lawsuit filed by blacks challenging the discriminatory manner by which members were being elected to the committee. Prior to the court challenge, the Conecuh County Democratic Executive Committee elected members by a strange system which divided the county into two separate malapportioned districts, with each district electing 15 members at-large from numbered places [see glossary] and with a majority vote requirement. -
Reaction and Reform: Transforming Under Alabama's Constitution, 190 1-1975
REACTIONAND REFORM:TRANSFORMING THE JUDICIARY UNDERALABAMA'S CONSTITUTION, 190 1-1975 Tony A. Freyer* Paul M. Pruitt, Jr.** During the twentieth century Alabama's Constitution of 1901 proved resistant to change. At the turn of the century, the constitution emerged from a predominately small-town, rural society and a political order controlled by a Democratic Party committed to white supremacy. Over the course of the seven decades that followed, amid the Great De- pression, World War 11, and the Civil Rights struggle, leaders of the state's social and political order appealed to the legitimacy the constitu- tion represented to justify the status quo.' Ultimately, with the support of the United States Supreme Court and the federal judiciary, the na- tional government, and Northern public opinion, African-Americans overcame the Alabama Constitution's sanction of Jim Crow.' This was a case of forced change. Alabamians revealed, however, a greater facil- ity for adapting the constitution to changing times in the campaign to reform the state's judicial system which lawyers organized under the - - - - University Research Professor of History and Law, The University of Alabama. For support, Professor Freyer thanks Dean Kenneth C. Randall, The Alabama Law School Founda- tion, and the Edward Brett Randolph Fund; he is also indebted to the research of former law students Thomas W. Scroggins. Byron E. House, Brad Murrary. Sean P. Costello, and Ben Wilson cited below. " Assistant Law Librarian, Bounds Law Library. Thanks for encouragement and support to Dean Kenneth C. Randall, to Professor Timothy L. Coggins of The University of Richmond School of Law. -
The History of Two-Year Education
A CENTURY OF CHANGE: THE HISTORY OF TWO-YEAR EDUCATION IN THE STATE OF ALABAMA, 1866 - 1963 by DUSTIN P. SMITH STEPHEN G. KATSINAS, COMMITTEE CHAIR KARI A. FREDERICKSON WAYNE J. URBAN NATHANIEL J. BRAY ROBERT P. PEDERSEN A DOCTORAL DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Education in the Department of Educational Leadership, Policy and Technology Studies in the Graduate School of The University of Alabama TUSCALOOSA, ALABAMA 2012 Copyright Dustin P. Smith ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ABSTRACT Much has been written about two-year education in Alabama during the governorships of George C. Wallace, but little about two-year education prior to his first inauguration in 1963. Yet nearly a third of the forty-three junior, technical, and community college institutions that eventually formed the Alabama Community College System had been established prior to 1963. This study reviews the major types of two-year colleges (historically black private junior college, public trade schools, and public junior colleges) established in Alabama from 1866 to 1963 by drawing upon case studies of institutional founding based upon primary document analysis. Alabama’s first two-year institution was Selma University established in 1878 by the Alabama Colored Baptist Convention. Selma University operated as a private junior college for the newly freed slaves hungry for education. The first public two-year institution was the Alabama School of Trades, founded in Gadsden in 1925, which offered vocational education courses. A second trade school was established using federal vocational aid money in Decatur to produce trained workers to support the World War II war efforts.