DOCSLIB.ORG

Report Unions

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Report Unions working class, and had enjoyed a political relationship with the REPORT unions. Mill had established the Labour Representation League in 1869 to secure the election of working men to parliament, and Ownership for All: The Liberal Party, co- by 1885 eleven working men, ownership and industrial relations mostly miners, had been elected. Even the Labour Representation Evening meeting, 9 July 2012, with Tudor Jones and Committee had worked with the Liberals through electoral pacts, Andrew Gamble; chair: Chris Nicholson such as the one that had helped Report by David Cloke secure the election of Churchill in Dundee in 1908. The unions themselves displayed s I prepared this report and had always had a pioneering some ambivalence about whether Nick Clegg announced role in British politics, for exam- to seek representation through Athat he was intent on pro- ple over the minimum wage, tax the Liberal Party or aim for sepa- viding a distinctively Liberal Dem- credits or stakeholding. The most rate direct representation. The ocrat view on the economy. He notable ideas included the Man- Nicholson key issue, Gamble argued, was the could a lot worse than return to chester School’s concept of free political levy, as highlighted in the and revive the party’s policies on trade and the social liberalism of welcomed Taff Vale and Osborne judgements. co-ownership. Thankfully, if the Hobhouse, leading to the welfare Osborne, a Liberal trades union- opening remarks of the meeting’s state of Keynes and Beveridge. To the decision ist, objected to the political levy chair, Chris Nicholson, were any- have two such vibrant traditions in being paid to the Labour Party. thing to go by, then this is likely one party was remarkable. In more to hold a The Liberal Party in Parliament to be the case, given that the paper modern times these two traditions took a different view; the strategy produced by the Liberal Democrat had been characterised as indicative meeting on of the leadership was to accom- policy working group on this issue, of a split in the party, but the real- modate the new force, not to fight chaired by Nicholson, is about to be ity was more nuanced and complex. the subject, it, by extending legal immuni- debated at federal conference. Gamble highlighted the key role ties to trades unions, though it did Nicholson welcomed the deci- of Grimond in developing the new arguing that not seek to extend the legal rights sion to hold a meeting on the sub- liberalism of the 1950s and 1960s, of trades unions. Thus Church- ject, arguing that it was worth and noted the market liberalism of it was worth ill as Home Secretary reversed the reminding people how much the The Orange Book. remind- Osborne judgement through the concept of co-ownership was in the Within this broad picture the Trades Union Act 1912. DNA of Liberals, from John Stuart Liberals have had a rather ambiva- ing people Gamble argued that the period Mill to the ‘Yellow Book’ of 1928 lent relationship with the trades had held out tantalising possibili- and the Liberal thinkers behind the unions. For 100 years from the how much ties: was the rise of Labour inevita- welfare state. The policy had been 1880s, however, trades unions had ble and could it have simply become revived and renewed under Jo Gri- been a central feature of the politi- the concept an arm of the Liberal Party? He mond, but the party lost focus on cal economy and political parties noted that in the years up to 1914 it in later years. Nonetheless, there had had to come to terms with of co-own- there much fighting talk from had been some renewed focus on them. The rise of the trades union Liberals about absorbing Labour the concept in government, most movement had caused contrasting ership was and not surrendering to it. Lloyd notably in Nick Clegg’s ‘John feelings amongst Liberals. On the George had declared that: ‘if a Lib- Lewis’ speech at the beginning of negative side were concerns about in the DNA eral Government tackles the land- 2012, followed by the employee class-based politics and the political lord, the brewer and the peers as ownership summit convened by division between property-owners of Liberals, they have faced the parson and tried BIS minister Norman Lamb which and the property-less, and of trades to deliver the nation from the per- had in turn launched the review unions as a form of monopoly with from John nicious control of monopolies then by Graham Nuttall. This renewal the power of industrial blackmail. the independent Labour Party will of interest in co-ownership was More positively, recognising their Stuart Mill call in vain upon the working men picked up later in the meeting. local roots and identities, many of Britain to desert Liberalism that Andrew Gamble, Professor and Liberals welcomed the unions as to the ‘Yel- is gallantly fighting to rid the land Head of Politics and International a form of civil association and as low Book’ of of the wrongs that oppress those Studies at Cambridge University, a countervailing power to estab- that labour in it’. and author of the chapter on ‘Lib- lished interested and the organisa- 1928 and the Another aspect of the period up erals and the Economy’ in Vernon tion of capital. John Stuart Mill to 1914 was rising industrial unrest. Bogdanor’s book Liberal Party Poli- himself had talked about the need Liberal think- The Triple Alliance of miners, tics (1983), stated that his aim was for strong trades unions as a means railwaymen and transport work- to set the scene and provide the of achieving a more equal distribu- ers behind ers launched a series of syndicalist economic and political context to tion of wealth and power. strikes beyond the control of the the party’s adherence to co-own- Gamble noted that in the late the welfare Labour Party, thereby creating a ership. He noted that the Liberals nineteenth century, the Liber- quite different backdrop to politics were very good at generating ideas als were seen as the party of the state. at this time. Huge numbers were 44 Journal of Liberal History 76 Autumn 2012 REPORT: OWNERshiP FOR all involved – there were a million Amongst small owning class and the large risk-taking which is the essence of miners and 600,000 railwaymen in industrial working class. It declared a healthy economy’. Politically, the fifty different railway companies. the themes that the Liberal Party: ‘stands wider dispersal of power, and hence The First World War and the not for public ownership but for of responsibility, was a necessary split in the Liberal Party meant of the ‘Yel- popular ownership. Its goal is not condition of liberal democracy. that the division between capital to destroy the owner class but to Thus, Jones argued, the operation and labour emerged as the main low Book’ enlarge it’. of the principle of diffusion was basis for political parties in the By the early 1930s Elliott Dodds interlocked, noting that Dodds twentieth century. As a delegate of 1928 was had become the champion of the himself had said that ‘political to the Liberal Assembly remarked issue; it was he who coined the term democracy will not work satisfac- in the 1970s, the Liberal Party the diffusion ‘ownership for all’. In the tribute torily without economic democ- was stuck between – and Britain of owner- written to him in 1977 by Des- racy, and vice versa’. had a choice between – the party mond Banks and Donald Wade, In broader ideological terms of the managers and the party of ship aimed they observed that Dodds’ ‘aim Dodds had promoted the idea as an the trades unions. Since failing to was not to abolish private owner- essential aspect of a distinctive Lib- prevent the emergence of Labour at reducing ship nor to acquiesce in ownership eral conception of both economic as the second party, the Liberals for the few but to seek to spread organisation and of the wider had found it difficult to deal with the tensions property throughout the commu- industrial society. Co-ownership this new political divide and the nity so that everybody would have was an idea ‘as hostile to monop- extended state. between the the chance of owning something’. oly capitalism as it is to socialism Nonetheless, Gamble argued In 1938 Dodds chaired the party’s since it aims to distribute instead that social-liberal ideas had shaped small owning ‘Ownership for All’ committee. Its of concentrating political as well as much of the post-war settlement report, drafted by the economist economic power’. Workers would and had been at the forefront of class and the Arthur Seldon, later co-director of become citizens of industry, not those arguing for growth and mod- the Institute of Economic Affairs, merely hirelings of private employ- ernisation in the 1960s and for large indus- advocated the restoration of free ers or of the state. incomes policies in the 1970s. The trade, co-ownership and profit- Jones argued that co-ownership 1980s, however, had seen a further trial work- sharing schemes throughout British helped to underline the party’s ide- shift with a revival in economic lib- industry. ology and purpose when Liberal- eralism: Jo Grimond himself came ing class. Dodds went on to be the most ism was a declining force. It was a to argue that the size of the pub- articulate and prominent advo- distinctive and unifying policy and lic sector was itself a problem, and It declared cate of co-ownership in the 1940s cause when other issues, such as free that the monopoly power of trades that the Lib- and 1950s.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Liberals in Coalition
    For the study of Liberal, SDP and Issue 72 / Autumn 2011 / £10.00 Liberal Democrat history Journal of LiberalHI ST O R Y Liberals in coalition Vernon Bogdanor Riding the tiger The Liberal experience of coalition government Ian Cawood A ‘distinction without a difference’? Liberal Unionists and Conservatives Kenneth O. Morgan Liberals in coalition, 1916–1922 David Dutton Liberalism and the National Government, 1931–1940 Matt Cole ‘Be careful what you wish for’ Lessons of the Lib–Lab Pact Liberal Democrat History Group 2 Journal of Liberal History 72 Autumn 2011 new book from tHe History Group for details, see back page Journal of Liberal History issue 72: Autumn 2011 The Journal of Liberal History is published quarterly by the Liberal Democrat History Group. ISSN 1479-9642 Riding the tiger: the Liberal experience of 4 Editor: Duncan Brack coalition government Deputy Editor: Tom Kiehl Assistant Editor: Siobhan Vitelli Vernon Bogdanor introduces this special issue of the Journal Biographies Editor: Robert Ingham Reviews Editor: Dr Eugenio Biagini Coalition before 1886 10 Contributing Editors: Graham Lippiatt, Tony Little, York Membery Whigs, Peelites and Liberals: Angus Hawkins examines coalitions before 1886 Patrons A ‘distinction without a difference’? 14 Dr Eugenio Biagini; Professor Michael Freeden; Ian Cawood analyses how the Liberal Unionists maintained a distinctive Professor John Vincent identity from their Conservative allies, until coalition in 1895 Editorial Board The coalition of 1915–1916 26 Dr Malcolm Baines; Dr Roy Douglas; Dr Barry Doyle; Prelude to disaster: Ian Packer examines the Asquith coalition of 1915–16, Dr David Dutton; Prof. David Gowland; Prof. Richard which brought to an end the last solely Liberal government Grayson; Dr Michael Hart; Peter Hellyer; Dr J.
    [Show full text]
  • Progressive Politics
    the Language of Progressive Politics in Modern Britain Emily Robinson The Language of Progressive Politics in Modern Britain Emily Robinson The Language of Progressive Politics in Modern Britain Emily Robinson Department of Politics University of Sussex Brighton, United Kingdom ISBN 978-1-137-50661-0 ISBN 978-1-137-50664-1 (eBook) DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-50664-1 Library of Congress Control Number: 2016963256 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2017 The author(s) has/have asserted their right(s) to be identified as the author(s) of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the pub- lisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made.
    [Show full text]
  • University Microfilms. a XER0K Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan
    72-11430 BRADEN, James Allen, 1941- THE LIBERALS AS A THIRD PARTY IN BRITISH POLITICS, 1926-1931: A STUDY IN POLITICAL COMMUNICATION. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1971 History, modern University Microfilms. A XER0K Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan (^Copyright by James Allen Braden 1971 THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED THE LIBERALS AS A THIRD PARTY IN BRITISH POLITICS 1926-1931: A STUDY IN POLITICAL COMMUNICATION DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By James Allen Braden, B. S., M. A. * + * * The Ohio State University 1971 Approved by ment of History PLEASE NOTE: Some Pages haveIndistinct print. Filmed asreceived. UNIVERSITY MICROFILMS Sir, in Cambria are we born, and gentlemen: Further to boast were neither true nor modest, Unless I add we are honest. Belarius in Cymbeline. Act V, sc. v. PREFACE In 1927 Lloyd George became the recognized leader of the Liberal party with the stated aim of making it over into a viable third party. Time and again he averred that the Liberal mission was to hold the balance— as had Parnell's Irish Nationalists— between the two major parties in Parlia­ ment. Thus viewed in these terms the Liberal revival of the late 1920's must be accounted a success for at no time did the Liberals expect to supplant the Labour party as the party of the left. The subtitle reads: "A Study in Political Communi­ cation " because communications theory provided the starting point for this study. But communications theory is not im­ posed in any arbitrary fashion, for Lloyd George and his fol­ lowers were obsessed with exploiting modern methods of commu­ nications.
    [Show full text]
  • Classical Liberalism Redefined?: the Intellectual Origins and Development of British Neoliberalism 1929 - 1955
    Classical Liberalism redefined?: The intellectual origins and development of British Neoliberalism 1929 - 1955 Elliott Banks MA by research University of York History December 2017 Abstract Neoliberalism is often viewed as a global intellectual movement detached from the ideas and politi- cal economy of the individual nation-state. However, the origins of what has subsequently been de- scribed as neoliberalism were heavily based on the intellectual traditions of the nation-state. Early British neoliberalism drew heavily on the thoughts and ideas of British classical liberal philosophers and political economists to justify their arguments on why the economy should be free to operate under market conditions. British neoliberalism rather than being detached from the intellectual tra- dition of British classical liberalism embraced some core tenets with the early neo-liberal theorists seeking to update and modernise the classical pillars of the British liberal tradition whilst recognis- ing the flaws of nineteenth-century laissez-faire liberalism and capitalism. The goal of this was to create a new type of liberalism and deliver a distinctive alternative to the prevailing collectivist movements of the 1930s and 1940s which would ultimately have influence in the 1970s and 1980s with the government of Margaret Thatcher and beyond. !2 Table of Contents Abstract 2 Table of Contents 3 Acknowledgements 4 Declaration 5 I 12 II 28 III 42 IV 60 V 76 Bibliography 81 Appendix One: Free trade posters during the 1906 Election Campaign 85 Appendix II: The Land 87 !3 Acknowledgements I would like to thank my academic supervisor Dr Chris Renwick for all of his assistance in the writ- ing of this thesis, his patience during our countless meetings helped to clarify my thoughts on this very complex subject.
    [Show full text]
  • 'Partly Made Politicians': the Youth Wings of the British Political Parties
    ‘PARTLY MADE POLITICIANS’: THE YOUTH WINGS OF THE BRITISH POLITICAL PARTIES, 1918-1939 The Complete Imp, The Imp, April 1931, p. 16. A dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the degree of History PhD by Matthew David Seddon, Lancaster University, May 2020. Abstract This thesis is a comprehensive study of the youth wings of the major political parties between the wars. It examines the Conservative Party’s Junior Imperial League, the Labour Party’s League of Youth, the Liberal Party’s National League of Young Liberals, and the Communist Party of Great Britain’s Young Communist League. This thesis makes a significant contribution to our understanding of how the 1918 and 1928 Franchise Acts changed British political culture, and how young people were inducted into the British political system. The central premise of this thesis is that it is only by looking at these groups comparatively that we can get the full story of politicised youth. It will argue that, while their primary purpose was to recruit activists and party workers, these organisations were far more than insular, narrow interest groups. Rather than operating in isolation, these organisations learned from one another, adapted and reacted to each other’s activities, and actively sought to cast their recruiting nets as wide as possible to counter each other’s influence. Whereas studies of the class and gender dynamics of interwar politics abound, this thesis brings youth to the forefront of its examination of political culture between the wars. This thesis uses youth as a new lens through which to explore the themes of citizenship, the relationship between people and politicians, the blurring of the boundaries between public and private lives, and how mass democracy changed the practice of politics.
    [Show full text]
  • 0 Home Office, a Hostile Environment for Some
    0 Home Office, a hostile environment for some - Norman Baker 0 Green pact, good or bad? - Wendy Kyrle Pope and Theo Butt Philip 0 Talking trash in Freetown - Rebecca Tinsley Issue 390 - June 2018 £ 4 Issue 390 June 2018 CONTENTS SUBSCRIBE! Liberator magazine is published six/seven times per year. Subscribe for only £25 (£30 overseas) per year. Commentary .......................................................................3 Radical Bulletin ...................................................................4..5 You can subscribe or renew online using PayPal at our website: www.liberator.org.uk MAY BROUGHT THE DRAWBRIDGE DOWN ..............6..7 It’s not just the Windrush generation that suffered from Theresa May’s Or send a cheque (UK banks only), payable to callous incompetence in the Home Office and since - thousands of “Liberator Publications”, together with your name innocent people were caught up in her appeasement of the Daily Mail, and full postal address, to: says Norman Baker Liberator Publications HOW GREEN WAS MY PACT? ........................................8..9 Flat 1, 24 Alexandra Grove Richmond Liberal Democrats struck a pact with the Greens and took London N4 2LF control of the council in May. Was this too high a price to pay? Wendy England Kyrle-Pope says it worked, while Theo Butt-Philip (opposite page) urges caution THE LIBERATOR FIRM BUT UNFAIR ..........................................................10 COLLECTIVE The royal family used its recent wedding to burnish its image, but Jonathan Calder, Richard Clein, Howard
    [Show full text]
  • Juliet Rhys-Williams and the Campaign for Basic Income, 1942-55
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Apollo Beveridge’s rival: Juliet Rhys-Williams and the campaign for basic income, 1942-55 Peter Sloman, New College, Oxford Postal address: New College, Oxford, OX1 3BN Email: [email protected] Telephone: 07787 114629 Abstract: Historians of Britain’s post-war welfare state have long been aware of the shortcomings of the social insurance model, but the political impact of the Beveridge report has tended to obscure the alternative visions of welfare canvassed in the 1940s and 1950s. This article examines the social activist Juliet Rhys-Williams’ campaign for the integration of the tax and benefit systems and the provision of a universal basic income, which attracted wide interest from economists, journalists, and Liberal and Conservative politicians during and after the Second World War. Though Rhys-Williams’ proposals were not adopted, they helped establish a distinctive ‘social market’ perspective on welfare provision which has become central to British social policy debates since the 1960s and 1970s. Acknowledgements: I would like to thank Ben Jackson, Taku Eriguchi, Bill Jordan, Philippe van Parijs, and Malcolm Torry for helpful comments on earlier versions of this article. I am also grateful for valuable feedback from participants at the Women in British Politics conference at the University of Lincoln in May 2011 and the Modern British History seminar at the University of Oxford in January 2015, and from the anonymous Contemporary British History reviewers. 1 Beveridge’s rival: Juliet Rhys-Williams and the campaign for basic income, 1942-55 Historians of the development of Britain’s post-war welfare state have long been aware that they are dealing with a paradox.
    [Show full text]
  • Bibliography
    BIBLIOGRAPHY This biography aims to list the major sources of information about the history of the British Liberal, Social Democrat and Liberal Democrat parties. It concentrates on published books. Some references are made to archival sources for major figures but a guide to archive sources can be found elsewhere on the website and the books listed will guide towards collections of articles. It is organised in four sections: § The philosophic and policy background § The history of the party and Liberal governments § Elections § Biographies and autobiographies of leading party members The list does not attempt to be comprehensive but most of the major works included in this list will contain references to other relevant works. Those new to the subject are referred to our shorter reading list for an introduction to the subject. Unless otherwise indicated, the place of publication is usually London. THE PHILOSOPHIC AND POLICY BACKGROUND GENERAL R Bellamy, Liberalism and Modern Society: An Historic Argument, (Cambridge University Press, 1992) Duncan Brack and Tony Little (eds) Great Liberal Speeches (Politico’s Publishing, 2001) Duncan Brack & Robert Ingham (eds) Dictionary of Liberal Quotations (Politico’s Publishing, 1999) Alan Bullock (ed), The Liberal Tradition from Fox to Keynes, (Oxford University Press, 1967). Robert Eccleshall (ed) British Liberalism: Liberal thought from the 1640s to 1980s (Longman, 1986) S Maccoby (ed), The English Radical Tradition 1763-1914, (1952) Conrad Russell An Intelligent Person’s Guide to Liberalism (Duckworth,
    [Show full text]
  • Jo Grimond: an Appreciation Jo Grimond Brought the Liberal Party Back from the Brink of Extinction
    Jo Grimond: an appreciation Jo Grimond brought the Liberal Party back from the brink of extinction. Michael Meadowcroft, former MP for Leeds West, who worked for Grimond in the 1960s, remembers the man and his achievements. Leaving aside any additional influence from his The death of Jo Grimond on 24th October had a marriage into the Asquith family, the answer was to curious impact on friend and opponent alike. For Liberals who lived through the heady days of Jo's be found in a succinct phrase of another Liberal candidate of the period: "We couldn't stand the leadership his affectionate obituaries were more than a tribute to the man. In reality the Grimond era had Tories and we didn't trust the state." In many long since passed but, whilst its figurehead was still respects this is the constant thread of all Jo's writing around, part of one's mind had somehow retained a and places him in the direct succession to T H Green, sense of connection and a willing self deceit that his Maynard Keynes, ~amsa~Muir and Elliott Dodds. As period of leadership was somehow far more recent for the leadership question, one must not mistake Jo's than it was. Jo's death brings a sense of sad finality mischievous self-deprecation for humility: he had to a vivid chapter of political history. The words and considerable vanity and never appeared to lack faith in ideas remain on the page but, much more than with his ability to recreate a relevant Liberal Party. There most leaders, it was the spark of the personality is even a sense in which, for all the many 1970s behind them that gave them the added inspiration that Liberals' regrets that he was before his time, he would causes many fifty pluses still to call themselves have found the later Liberal Party more difficult to "Grimond Liberals".
    [Show full text]
  • The Virtues of Capitalism
    volume 1 the collected works of arthur seldon The Virtues of Capitalism the collected works of arthur seldon volume 1 The Virtues of Capitalism volume 2 The State Is Rolling Back volume 3 Everyman’s Dictionary of Economics volume 4 Introducing Market Forces into “Public” Services volume 5 Government Failure and Over-Government volume 6 The Welfare State: Pensions, Health, and Education volume 7 The IEA, the LSE, and the Influence of Ideas (includes an index to the series) Arthur Seldon volume 1 the collected works of arthur seldon The Virtues of Capitalism ARTHUR SELDON Edited and with Introductions by Colin Robinson liberty fund, Indianapolis This book is published by Liberty Fund, Inc., a foundation established to encourage study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals. The cuneiform inscription that serves as our logo and as the design motif for our endpapers is the earliest-known written appearance of the word “freedom” (amagi), or “liberty.” It is taken from a clay docu- ment written about 2300 b.c. in the Sumerian city-state of Lagash. Introductions © 2004 Liberty Fund, Inc. All rights reserved Frontispiece photo courtesy of the Institute of Economic Affairs Corrigible Capitalism, Incorrigible Socialism © 1980 The Institute of Economic Affairs and reprinted with permission. Capitalism © 1990 Arthur Seldon, originally published by Basil Blackwell Ltd. Printed in the United States of America 06 05 04 03 02 c 54321 06 05 04 03 02 p 54321 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Seldon, Arthur. The Virtues of Capitalism/Arthur Seldon; edited and with introductions by Colin Robinson.
    [Show full text]
  • Preamble to the Liberal Democrat Constitution
    It’s About Freedom The Report of the Liberal Democracy Working Group Policy Paper 50 2 Contents Foreword 5 Summary: Our Core Values 7 The Development of our Core Values 10 2.1 Ancient Times to the Nineteenth Century: Individual Freedom 10 2.2 Social and Economic Limits to Freedom 10 2.3 The Impact of the Post-1945 Consensus 12 2.4 The 1980s and 1990s 13 Challenges for Freedom Today: the International Context 16 Challenges for Freedom Today: the UK Context 20 Promoting Freedom 23 5.1 An Enabling State 23 5.2 Individual Rights 25 5.3 Open Markets 26 5.4 Communities 28 5.5 Sustainability 29 Conclusion 32 Appendix 34 (The Preamble to the Party Constitution) 3 4 Foreword Rt Hon Alan Beith MP Chair of the Liberal Democracy Working Group The Parliamentary Question which left Tony Blair uncharacteristically lost for words was not about adverse health statistics, ministerial failures or foreign policy: it was a modest request from his own side that he should give the House of Commons a brief characterisation of the political philosophy and beliefs which underpin his policies. His inability to do so, and his hasty retreat into health service investment figures, spoke volumes. If you want to know whether to vote for a political party – even more if you want to join one – it is more important to know something about its underlying beliefs than to know about its policies for this year or next. The policies will almost certainly change, and if there is no underlying framework of belief or philosophy, the direction in which they may change is unpredictable.
    [Show full text]
  • 63 Egan Radical Action
    Radical ActioN AND thE LIBEral PartY DUriNG thE SEcoND World War Radical Action was Unlike Common uring the Sec- ond World War, an influential pressure Wealth, Radical the main politi- group within the Action did not break cal parties agreed Liberal Party during free from the existing to suspend the Dnormal contest for seats in Par- the Second World party structure, but liament and on local councils. Well observed at first, the truce War. It questioned remained within increasingly came under chal- the necessity for the the Liberal Party. It lenge from independents of vari- ous hues and the newly created wartime electoral played a major role Common Wealth Party. Radical truce, campaigned in preserving the Action – originally known as the Liberal Action Group – was enthusiastically independence of the formed by Liberals who wished in support of the party after 1945 and to break the truce. Supported by a number of party activists, Beveridge Report, in arguing for social including a number of sitting and urged the MPs and ‘rising stars’, Radical liberalism at a time Action also campaigned success- party leadership to when economic fully to keep the Liberals out of a post-war coalition. The group fight the post-war liberals were in the had a significant influence on general election as an ascendant. Mark Egan the Liberal Party’s attitude to the 1 Conservative Party and helped independent entity. tells its story. ensure the party’s survival as an 4 Journal of Liberal History 63 Summer 2009 Radical ActioN AND thE LIBEral PartY DUriNG thE SEcoND World War independent entity in the post- July 1941, following the failure Johnson was a rebel who war era.
    [Show full text]