DOCSLIB.ORG

Master Thesis

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Master Thesis MASTER THESIS Titel der Master Thesis / Title of the Master’s Thesis “Precarious Balance: The fragility of Tito’s Yugoslavia. Between “bratstvo jedinstvo”, repression and self-determination from 1945 to 1991” verfasst von / submitted by Bernd Christoph Ströhm Angestrebter akademischer Grad / in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Advanced International Studies (M.A.I.S.) Wien 2019 / Vienna 2019 Studienkennzahl lt. Studienblatt A 992 940 Postgraduate programme code as it appears on the student record sheet: Universitätslehrgang lt. Studienblatt Internationale Studien / International Studies Postgraduate programme as it appears on the student record sheet: Betreut von / Supervisor: Prof. Thomas Row Abstract This Thesis is an analysis of Tito’s Yugoslavia, focusing on the sources of stability and instability; it employs International Relations Theory and historical narrative. A major concept that will be utilized is “balance of power” theory, which will illustrate how in Yugoslavia “supranational” stability was achieved by ensuring an “equilibrium of power”. In this Thesis Yugoslavia has to be perceived not as an ordinary, single national state, but more as its own “mini state system”, since the Yugoslav Federation itself was composed of several Republics with their own respective rights and identities. Tito’s approach of assuring stability with his policy of “brotherhood and unity” initially prevented the formation of “destabilizing factors”, in the case of Yugoslavia nationalist tendencies themselves, which constantly threatened his “Pan-Slavic” union. Tito’s methods to preserve his second Yugoslav “experiment” are also visible through major events which shaped Yugoslavia for generations to come, like the “Tito-Stalin Split”, the establishment of a Yugoslav “self-management system” or the “Croatian Spring” movement. Throughout this Thesis it is also shown how Tito tried to ensure a “balance of powers” not only on a national level, but also between the Yugoslav ethnicities themselves, especially through his key ideology of “brotherhood and unity”, which was enforced with a “sticks and carrots” approach - in form of reforms, but also with repressive measures. In order to ensure stability, Tito fiercely persecuted political and cultural dissidents in his Yugoslavia, which were often imprisoned in labour camps (“Goli Otok”). The approach of viewing Yugoslavia as its own state system ultimately allows to grasp how Tito managed to preserve the Yugoslav Federation: on an authoritarian level first and, after his constitutional amendments of 1974, on a “plural” level second. German Abstract Diese Masterarbeit stellt eine Analyse von Titos Jugoslawien dar und konzentriert sich auf die Ursachen von stabilen und instabilen Faktoren, welche diese „Föderative Volksrepublik“ zusammengehalten, bzw. nach Titos Tod, auseinandergerissen haben. Dabei ist es essenziell, dass in dieser Arbeit Jugoslawien nicht als gewöhnlicher, einzelner Staat, sondern vielmehr als ein eigenes Staatensystem wahrgenommen wird, da sich die Jugoslawische Föderation selbst aus mehreren Republiken mit jeweiligen Rechten und Identitäten zusammengesetzt hat. Die Etablierung eines „Mächtegleichgewichts“ innerhalb Jugoslawiens war für den Erhalt dieses Staatengefüges essenziell, da Tito dadurch eine „supranationale“ Stabilität innerhalb seiner Föderativen Volksrepublik erreichen konnte. Dabei spielt Titos Politik der „Brüderlichkeit und Einheit“ ebenfalls eine zentrale Rolle. In Zuge dieser Arbeit wird ebenfalls geschildert, wie Tito sein "Gleichgewicht der Kräfte" nicht nur auf nationaler Ebene, sondern auch zwischen den jugoslawischen Ethnien selbst gewährleisten wollte. Titos Methodik der „Zuckerbrot und Peitsche“, welche er angewendet hat um politische Stabilität in Jugoslawien zu gewährleisten, einerseits durch Reformen, andererseits durch repressive Maßnahmen - besonders im Hinblick auf die Verfolgung und Inhaftierung der jugoslawischen politischen und kulturellen Opposition, ist ebenfalls in dieser Arbeit prominent vertreten. Der Ansatz, Jugoslawien als ein eigenes Staatensystem zu betrachten, erlaubt es letztendlich zu verstehen, wie Tito es geschafft hat, die Jugoslawische Föderation bis zu seinem Tod aufrechtzuerhalten: anfänglich auf einer autoritären und zuletzt auf einer „pluralistischen“ Ebene, vor allem nach seinen Verfassungsänderungen im Jahr 1974. Table of Contents I. Introduction .........................................................................................................................1 II. Prelude: ................................................................................................................................5 - The rise and fall of the 1st Yugoslavia .............................................................................................5 - Tito’s rise to power during WWII ....................................................................................................7 III. A Federation in constant peril: Destabilising factors to Tito’s 2nd Yugoslavia .............................................................10 - Federalism versus Centralism. The internal opposition to Yugoslavia’s state structure ................11 - The failed integration of Kosovo in the Yugoslav Federation .......................................................14 - Croatia’s “stigma” and its national opposition to Tito’s Federal Yugoslavia ................................17 - Serbian nationalism and its dominant grip over Yugoslavia ..........................................................19 - Yugoslavia’s economic inefficiency .............................................................................................22 IV. Yugoslavia Reborn. The Reforms of Josip Broz “Tito” ................................................25 - Tito’s ideology of “brotherhood and unity” ...................................................................................28 - Tito’s labour reforms .....................................................................................................................31 - Yugoslavia’s economic reforms of 1965 .......................................................................................33 - The “liberalization” of the Yugoslav market and labour force ......................................................35 - Tito’s final amendments to the Yugoslav Constitution in 1974 .....................................................38 V. “Paradise Lost”:Tito’s repression of Yugoslavia’s dissidence ......................................42 - Tito’s persecution of the “Četnik” movement after WWII ............................................................43 - A farewell to “Big Brother”: The Tito-Stalin Split ........................................................................44 - “Goli Otok” and the persecution of Tito’s political enemies .........................................................48 - Tito’s “internal enemies”: The Milovan Đilas Affair ....................................................................51 - Tito and the Yugoslav student protests of 1968 ............................................................................53 - Kosovo in 1968 – Yugoslavia’s “special case” ..............................................................................59 - The “Croatian Spring” and the purge of Yugoslavia’s liberal political cadre ................................62 VI. Epilogue: Yugoslavia after Tito. Dawn of the Balkan Tragedy ....................................67 - The collapse of the Yugoslav economy during the 1980s .............................................................68 - Serbia’s “hegemonic” ambitions and the end of Tito’s “precarious balance” ...............................71 VII. Conclusion .........................................................................................................................75 Bibliography .........................................................................................................................................80 Appendices ............................................................................................................................................92 A1: Dramatis personae: General ............................................................................................................94 A2: Dramatis personae: Dissidents in Tito’s Yugoslavia .......................................................................95 B1: Chronology: History of Yugoslavia .................................................................................................99 B2: Chronology: Opposition and oppression in Tito’s Yugoslavia .....................................................101 C: Maps ................................................................................................................................................102 D: Yugoslav Constitution of 1974 ........................................................................................................105 E: Glossary ...........................................................................................................................................106 F: Mind Map: Tito‘s Opposition ..........................................................................................................109 G: Reforms and Oppression: The Fragile Balance of Tito’s Yugoslavia .............................................110 Pledge of Honesty .................................................................................................................................112
Load more

Recommended publications
  • UNDER ORDERS: War Crimes in Kosovo Order Online
    UNDER ORDERS: War Crimes in Kosovo Order online Table of Contents Acknowledgments Introduction Glossary 1. Executive Summary The 1999 Offensive The Chain of Command The War Crimes Tribunal Abuses by the KLA Role of the International Community 2. Background Introduction Brief History of the Kosovo Conflict Kosovo in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Kosovo in the 1990s The 1998 Armed Conflict Conclusion 3. Forces of the Conflict Forces of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Yugoslav Army Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs Paramilitaries Chain of Command and Superior Responsibility Stucture and Strategy of the KLA Appendix: Post-War Promotions of Serbian Police and Yugoslav Army Members 4. march–june 1999: An Overview The Geography of Abuses The Killings Death Toll,the Missing and Body Removal Targeted Killings Rape and Sexual Assault Forced Expulsions Arbitrary Arrests and Detentions Destruction of Civilian Property and Mosques Contamination of Water Wells Robbery and Extortion Detentions and Compulsory Labor 1 Human Shields Landmines 5. Drenica Region Izbica Rezala Poklek Staro Cikatovo The April 30 Offensive Vrbovac Stutica Baks The Cirez Mosque The Shavarina Mine Detention and Interrogation in Glogovac Detention and Compusory Labor Glogovac Town Killing of Civilians Detention and Abuse Forced Expulsion 6. Djakovica Municipality Djakovica City Phase One—March 24 to April 2 Phase Two—March 7 to March 13 The Withdrawal Meja Motives: Five Policeman Killed Perpetrators Korenica 7. Istok Municipality Dubrava Prison The Prison The NATO Bombing The Massacre The Exhumations Perpetrators 8. Lipljan Municipality Slovinje Perpetrators 9. Orahovac Municipality Pusto Selo 10. Pec Municipality Pec City The “Cleansing” Looting and Burning A Final Killing Rape Cuska Background The Killings The Attacks in Pavljan and Zahac The Perpetrators Ljubenic 11.
    [Show full text]
  • Yugoslav Destruction After the Cold War
    STASIS AMONG POWERS: YUGOSLAV DESTRUCTION AFTER THE COLD WAR A dissertation presented by Mladen Stevan Mrdalj to The Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the field of Political Science Northeastern University Boston, Massachusetts December 2015 STASIS AMONG POWERS: YUGOSLAV DESTRUCTION AFTER THE COLD WAR by Mladen Stevan Mrdalj ABSTRACT OF DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the College of Social Sciences and Humanities of Northeastern University December 2015 2 Abstract This research investigates the causes of Yugoslavia’s violent destruction in the 1990’s. It builds its argument on the interaction of international and domestic factors. In doing so, it details the origins of Yugoslav ideology as a fluid concept rooted in the early 19th century Croatian national movement. Tracing the evolving nationalist competition among Serbs and Croats, it demonstrates inherent contradictions of the Yugoslav project. These contradictions resulted in ethnic outbidding among Croatian nationalists and communists against the perceived Serbian hegemony. This dynamic drove the gradual erosion of Yugoslav state capacity during Cold War. The end of Cold War coincided with the height of internal Yugoslav conflict. Managing the collapse of Soviet Union and communism imposed both strategic and normative imperatives on the Western allies. These imperatives largely determined external policy toward Yugoslavia. They incentivized and inhibited domestic actors in pursuit of their goals. The result was the collapse of the country with varying degrees of violence. The findings support further research on international causes of civil wars.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politicization of Ethnicity As a Prelude to Ethnopolitical Conflict: Croatia and Serbia in Former Yugoslavia
    Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Dissertations Graduate College 6-2001 The Politicization of Ethnicity as a Prelude to Ethnopolitical Conflict: Croatia and Serbia in Former Yugoslavia Agneza Bozic-Roberson Western Michigan University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/dissertations Part of the International Relations Commons, Political Theory Commons, and the Race and Ethnicity Commons Recommended Citation Bozic-Roberson, Agneza, "The Politicization of Ethnicity as a Prelude to Ethnopolitical Conflict: Croatia and Serbia in Former Yugoslavia" (2001). Dissertations. 1354. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/dissertations/1354 This Dissertation-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE POLITICIZATION OF ETHNICITY AS A PRELUDE TO ETHNOPOLITICAL CONFLICT: CROATIA AND SERBIA IN FORMER YUGOSLAVIA by Agneza Bozic-Roberson A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of The Graduate College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science Western Michigan University Kalamazoo, Michigan June 2001 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. THE POLITICIZATION OF ETHNICITY AS A PRELUDE TO ETHNOPOLITICAL CONFLICT: CROATIA AND SERBIA IN FORMER YUGOSLAVIA Agneza Bozic-Roberson, Ph.D. Western Michigan University, 2001 This interdisciplinary research develops a framework or a model for the study of the politicization of ethnicity, a process that transforms peaceful ethnic conflict into violent inter-ethnic conflict. The hypothesis investigated in this study is that the ethnopolitical conflict that led to the break up of former Yugoslavia was the result of deliberate politicization of ethnicity.
    [Show full text]
  • Slobodan Milošević's Balkan Legacy – the Texas Orator.Pdf
    Slobodan Milošević’s Balkan Legacy – The Texas Orator ABOUT ARCHIVE IDEAS PODCAST MERCH CONTACT JOIN Arts Campus Culture Domestic Affairs Economy Education Environment Foreign Affairs Health Law Satire Tech HOME › FOREIGN AFFAIRS › SLOBODAN MILOŠEVIĆ’S BALKAN LEGACY Slobodan Milošević’s Balkan Legacy BY NAVEEN RAJAN on OCTOBER 22, 2018 • ( 0 ) Who We Are The Balkans have historically been regarded as a fiercely divided battleground for proxy wars carried out by The Texas Orator is a nonpartisan, other nations. Today, while the Balkan states have significantly greater sovereignty than they did during the peer-reviewed political publication Cold War, the effects of the 20th century’s legacy of violent ethnic divisions can still be seen today. These that was founded and is maintained tensions, coupled with irresponsible policy from the European Union, have led the Balkans to once again by University of Texas at Austin become a region of contention between Western Europe and Russia. To understand the current ethnic students. We value thorough analysis tensions in the Balkans, the reasons for the aforementioned outbreak of violence must be examined. More in our articles and strive to protect the specifically, the Yugoslav wars stemmed from the concentration of power in Serbian president Slobodan ideals of free speech and unhindered Milošević following the Serbian anti-bureaucratic revolution. access to information on campus and nationwide. We seek to keep the The Serbian “anti-bureaucratic revolution” was a series of nationalist protests against the governments of student body informed of the Kosovo, Vojvodina, and Montenegro from 1986 to 1989 that resulted in the mass resignations of the implications of ever-changing political members of these governments.
    [Show full text]
  • The Milošević Switch from Communism to Nationalism As State Policy by Julija Bogoeva FICHL Policy Brief Series No
    POLICY BRIEF SERIES From Lies to Crimes: The Milošević Switch from Communism to Nationalism as State Policy By Julija Bogoeva FICHL Policy Brief Series No. 19 (2014) Being 70 years old, with a world war in between, Yugo- always kills. That is why it is repeatedly used. So how slavia1 needed more historical time to develop political did Slobodan Milošević2 do it? pluralism, a rational and efficient economic system, sta- ble democratic institutions and a democratic culture. 1. Adopting the Nationalist Programme – Death to That could have opened up the full potential of its won- Yugoslavia derfully diverse people who, in the process, would, ide- The 1991–1995 fratricidal, genocidal war in Yugoslavia ally, mature from subjects to citizens, socially conscious, flew in the face of Europe’s conviction that something responsible and active for the common good. Represent- had been learned from its difficult, bloody past. Is com- ing the polar opposite, nationalists and hard-line com- munism to blame? Or nationalism? Or are they, paradox- munists could not let that happen. The deliberately ically, so related at their core that nationalism, with its whipped up nationalism of the largest nation, the Serbs, destructive nature, automatically replaces communism? brought to the fore the nationalism of the other nations, Does it lead to violence, and even to the commission of and tore the country apart in a brutal war for territorial crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide? expansion and domination. In Europe. At the end of the By the 1990s, Yugoslavia’s specific communist sys- th 20 century. To any person of today, educated, liberal- tem3 had also exhausted itself, no longer capable of gen- minded and brought up in the spirit of humanism, that erating growth.
    [Show full text]
  • Serbia After Djindjic
    SERBIA AFTER DJINDJIC 18 March 2003 Balkans Report N°141 Belgrade/Brussels TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. THE DEATH OF ZORAN DJINDJIC......................................................................... 1 A. THE ASSASSINATION.............................................................................................................1 B. THE CRIMINAL DIMENSION: SERBIA’S “AXIS OF EVIL”.........................................................2 C. THE POLITICAL DIMENSION: A FRAGILE FUTURE ...................................................................5 II. INTERNAL REFORMS: WHERE’S THE BEEF? .................................................... 7 III. THE NEW STATE: A DYSFUNCTIONAL MARRIAGE?..................................... 9 IV. FOREIGN RELATIONS: THE HAGUE FACTOR .............................................. 11 V. KOSOVO AND BOSNIA: DOUSING THE FLAMES............................................. 12 A. KOSOVO: DE FACTO PARTITION..........................................................................................12 B. BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA: THE UNCUT UMBILICAL CORD ..............................................14 VI. SERBIAN SOCIETY: RENASCENT CONSERVATIVE NATIONALISM ......... 15 A. CHURCH AND STATE ...........................................................................................................15 VII. CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................. 18 APPENDICES
    [Show full text]
  • Human Rights, Democracy and – Violence HELSINKI COMMITTEE for HUMAN RIGHTS in SERBIA
    HELSINKI COMMITTEE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS IN SERBIA SERBIA 2008 ANNUAL REPORT : SERBIA 2008 H HUMAN RIGHTS, DEMOCRACY AND – VIOLENCE U M A N R I G H T S , D E M O C R A HHUMANUMAN RIGHTS,RIGHTS, C Y A N D – DDEMOCRACYEMOCRACY V I O L E N C E AANDND – VIOLENCEVIOLENCE Human Rights, Democracy and – Violence HELSINKI COMMITTEE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS IN SERBIA Annual Report: Serbia 2009 Human Rights, Democracy and – Violence BELGRADE, 2009 Annual Report: Serbia 2009 HUMAN RIGHTS, DEMOCRACY AND – VIOLENCE Publisher Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia On behalf of the publisher Sonja Biserko Translators Dragan Novaković Ivana Damjanović Vera Gligorijević Bojana Obradović Spomenka Grujičić typesetting – Ivan Hrašovec printed by Zagorac, Beograd circulation: 500 copies The Report is published with help of Swedish Helsinki Committee for Human Rights Swedish Helsinki Committee for Human Rights ISBN 978-86-7208-161-9 COBISS.SR–ID 167514380 CIP – Katalogizacija u publikaciji Narodna biblioteka Srbije, Beograd 323(497.11)”2008” 316.4(497.11) “2008” HUMAN Rights, Democracy and – Violence : Annual Report: Serbia 2008 / [prepared by] Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia; [translators Dragan Novaković ... et al.]. – Belgrade : Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia, 2009 (Beograd : Zagorac). – 576 str. ; 23 cm Izv. stv. nasl. : Ljudska prava, demokratija i – nasilje. Tiraž 500. – Napomene i Bibliografske reference uz tekst. 1. Helsinški odbor za ljudska prava u Srbiji (Beograd) a) Srbija – Političke prilike – 2008 b) Srbija – Društvene prilike – 2008 5 Contents Conclusions and Recommendations . 9 No Consensus on System of Values . 17 I SOCIAL CONTEXT – XENOPHOBIA, RACISM AND INTOLERANCE Violence as a Way of Life .
    [Show full text]
  • RE-IMAGINING YUGOSLAVIA Learning and Living with Diverse Cultural Identities
    RE-IMAGINING YUGOSLAVIA Learning and Living with Diverse Cultural Identities by Radoslav Draskovic A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements For the degree of Master of Arts Graduate Department of Theory and Policy Studies in Education Ontario Institute for Studies in Education University of Toronto ©Copyright by Radoslav Draskovic 2010. RE-IMAGINING YUGOSLAVIA Learning and Living with Diverse Cultural Identities Radoslav Draskovic Master of Arts, 2010 Department of Theory and Policy Studies in Education Ontario Institute for Studies in Education University of Toronto Abstract of Thesis: This thesis uses the example of Yugoslavia-the land of the South Slavs (also known as the Balkans) - to study how the twists and turns of historical evolution have been reflected in communal understanding of that history. Key words: imagined communities, nation-state, historical memory, the study of history. ii Acknowledgments: The great Mahatma Gandhi once said: “Whatever you do will be insignificant, but it is very important that you do it”. I found that this sentence appropriately describes every human endeavor including the road I have chosen for the last three years of my life. This thesis marks the conclusion of a deeply personal journey as well as a great learning experience that I had at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education at University of Toronto At the end of this trip, before anyone else, I would like to thank my professors Harold Troper and David Levine who have taught me a great deal during the course of my studies, with their views, knowledge and advice. I am especially grateful to my mentor, Professor David Levine, for his intellectual guidance, patience and understanding of all the challenges that I met during the course of my study and while writing this thesis.
    [Show full text]
  • Serbia and the Serbian Rebellion in Croatia (1990-1991)
    Serbia and the Serbian Rebellion in Croatia (1990-1991) By Harry Jack Hayball Thesis submitted to Goldsmiths College, University of London, for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy April 2015 Supervised by Professor Jan Plamper 2 Declaration All the work presented in this thesis is my own. Harry Jack Hayball Declaration 3 Abstract It is often suggested that the Serbian rebellion in Croatia in 1990-91 was orchestrated by Serbia, and, in particular, by its president Slobodan Milošević personally. Despite the popularity of this interpretation, however, the literature on the break-up of Yugoslavia is yet to offer a focused study of Serbia's role in the descent into conflict in Croatia. Many sources that have become available in recent years remain unused. Through a critical and cautious use of such sources, including extensive interviews with participants in the conflict and contemporary documentation, this thesis aims to fill this gap in the literature and to update our knowledge of this important aspect of the bloody disintegration of Yugoslavia. Honing in on Belgrade's relationships with Serb political and military/paramilitary leaders in Croatia, as well as Serbia's direct involvement in and attitude towards the road to war, it concludes that the existing focus on Milošević's Serbia has been misplaced. Serbia's stance towards Croatia was hardline, but Belgrade's influence over the Croatian Serbs was limited and its direct involvement in events minimal. Milošević did not have a grand plan to orchestrate violence in Croatia, and the leaders of the Serbian rebellion in Croatia were fundamentally independent and autonomous actors, who, far from being Milošević's puppets, were often in conflict with him.
    [Show full text]
  • THE DISSOLUTION of YUGOSLAVIA (1990) Chaired by Jake Morris
    THE DISSOLUTION OF YUGOSLAVIA (1990) Chaired by Jake Morris Session XXII The Dissolution of Yugoslavia (1990) Topic A: The End of Communism in Yugoslavia Topic B: E thnic Conflict in the Balkans Committee Overview Parliamentary Procedure As Yugoslavia enters the 1990s, The Parliamentary Procedure used communism is collapsing across Eastern in this committee will be uniform Europe and by January 1990, the throughout the entire conference, although Communist Party of Yugoslavia ceases to because it is a crisis committee, sometimes exist. It is up to you the determine the parliamentary procedure may be future of Yugoslavia, a federal republic that overlooked to keep the fast pace of the has just lost the only party that has led it committee. In the event of crises, delegates since World War II. Will you usher in a new may change Parliamentary Procedure to era of liberal democracy or will you attempt reflect the urgency of said crisis. to bring back the Communist party? Especially if democracy is the goal, how will you reconcile the different hopes and dreams of the many ethnic and religious groups within Yugoslavia? Sensing a looming crisis in the Balkans, the Americans and Soviets have invited you to a special summit to determine the future of Yugoslavia on February 1st, 1990. Besides the tensions surrounding the collapse of the Communist party, many are worried about ethnic and religious conflict destroying the fragile state. Your job is to work diligently to preserve peace while also protecting your political ideology and ethnic/religious group. Delegates should prepare for foreign interference, economic calamity, and other unforeseen challenges.
    [Show full text]
  • Serbia: Current Issues and Future Direction
    SERBIA: CURRENT ISSUES AND FUTURE DIRECTION HEARING BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON EUROPE AND EMERGING THREATS OF THE COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ONE HUNDRED NINTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION SEPTEMBER 20, 2006 Serial No. 109–224 Printed for the use of the Committee on International Relations ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.house.gov/international—relations U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 29–974PDF WASHINGTON : 2006 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2250 Mail: Stop SSOP, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate Mar 21 2002 08:24 Nov 28, 2006 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 F:\WORK\EET\092006\29974.000 DOUG PsN: DOUG COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS HENRY J. HYDE, Illinois, Chairman JAMES A. LEACH, Iowa TOM LANTOS, California CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey, HOWARD L. BERMAN, California Vice Chairman GARY L. ACKERMAN, New York DAN BURTON, Indiana ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American ELTON GALLEGLY, California Samoa ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida DONALD M. PAYNE, New Jersey DANA ROHRABACHER, California SHERROD BROWN, Ohio EDWARD R. ROYCE, California BRAD SHERMAN, California PETER T. KING, New York ROBERT WEXLER, Florida STEVE CHABOT, Ohio ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York THOMAS G. TANCREDO, Colorado WILLIAM D. DELAHUNT, Massachusetts RON PAUL, Texas GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York DARRELL ISSA, California BARBARA LEE, California JEFF FLAKE, Arizona JOSEPH CROWLEY, New York JO ANN DAVIS, Virginia EARL BLUMENAUER, Oregon MARK GREEN, Wisconsin SHELLEY BERKLEY, Nevada JERRY WELLER, Illinois GRACE F.
    [Show full text]
  • It's All the Same, Only the Names Have Changed
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Carolina Digital Repository IT’S ALL THE SAME, ONLY THE NAMES HAVE CHANGED: THE IMPACT OF THE KOSOVO ISSUE ON DOMESTIC POLITICS IN POST-MILOSEVIC SERBIA Patrick O’Donnell A thesis submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Political Science, Concentration European Governance. Chapel Hill 2011 Approved by: Dr. Milada Anna Vachudova Dr. Gary Marks Dr. Liesbet Hooghe © 2011 Patrick O’Donnell ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT PATRICK O’DONNELL: It’s All the Same, Only the Names Have Changed: the Impact of the Kosovo Issue on Domestic Politics in Post-Milosevic Serbia (Under the direction of Dr. Milada Anna Vachudova) The purpose of this thesis is to explore the link between the Kosovo issue and Serbian domestic politics. My hypothesis is that Kosovo has been decisive in turning Serbia away from the European Union and the West and toward ultra-nationalism. Shunning the West and EU membership allows corrupt politicians to delay political and economic reforms that would likely impact the way they profit from the Serbian political system. There is also a measure of ethnic outbidding that is taking place. Although some political parties are willing to compromise on Kosovo, they do not feel it is a politically viable position to hold. With the election of Boris Tadic and his pro-reform Democratic Party in 2008, however, Serbia may be ready to move past an issue that has held its politics hostage since the breakup of Yugoslavia in the early 1990s.
    [Show full text]