assemblage 12 (2013): 1-14

A Tale of Two Dioceses: The Christianisation of the Genevan and Baselland Dioceses from AD 300 to 800

by CHANTAL BIELMANN

New developments and re-assessments in late antique and early medieval studies have demonstrated that the growth and spread of Christianity was a gradual and complex process. However, reconsideration of how we interpret Christianisation is needed. Specifically, the implication that Christianisation followed a general process suggests that the religion’s effect on the towns and people was the same and thus underplays the complexity of the overall transition. In light of this observation, the recent archaeological and historical work in the cantons of Geneva and Basel in Switzerland, on settlements and sacred sites spanning AD 300-800, presents an opportunity to re-examine this process of religious transformation. It is in these regions that we see settlement by the Burgundians in Geneva and by the Alamanni in Basel in the sixth century. Their presence thus has much importance for understanding how Christianisation was impacted by local ethnicities and how they in turn were affected by the new religion. What role did these groups of people have on the spread and growth of Christianity? This paper will focus on two interrelated aspects using a multidisciplinary methodology: the histories of the study areas and their settlement history as well as the related church archaeology. If Christianisation did indeed follow a standard process then these two regions should present similar rates and patterns of diffusion of the religion. Instead, it is argued that the dissemination of Christianity in these two regions differed on various levels, meaning that Christianisation cannot be generalised as a process but more as a cultural event which presents itself uniquely in any given area.

Keywords: Alamanni, bishops, Burgundians, early medieval, late antique, religious transformation, Romans, settlement history, Switzerland

Introduction: Defining (1995: 16), for example, regarded bishops as an ‘Christianisation’ articulate and influential group of Christians’ who assumed ‘a chain of command’, The late antique establishment of Christianity contributing to the acceptance of the religion remains a topic of debate and contrasting in AD 314. Rapp (2005: 16) more recently perspectives. Scholarship remains polarised perceived the authority of the bishop as a whether we should regard the period as one of ‘multifaceted and ever-mutating construct that decay and decline or one of gradual and continued to change as individuals adapted’. complex transformation. Advocates for On the other hand, Bowes (2007: 150) ‘decline’, notably Ward-Perkins (2005) and questioned whether the emphasis on the role Liebeschuetz (2003), comment on the of the bishop within Christianisation processes pressures the classical city faced during the underplayed the role of landed aristocrats, fourth and fifth centuries, with circuit walls particularly when considering the progression enclosing urban spaces largely defined by of Christianity in the countryside. church foundations. In contrast, the works of Brown (1971; 2002) and Cameron (1993; Archaeology has expanded the study of 2006) argue the period experienced growth, Christianisation to include discussions of the innovation, and transformation, emphasising evangelisation of landscapes and burial the rise of Christianity as a powerful factor customs. Cantino Wataghin’s (1995) survey of driving social change. urban churches identified three specific phases: a pre-Constantinian Christian pres- Indeed, studies of Christianisation are central ence with domus ecclesiae acting as to a number of contributions to our congregation points; a visible church with understanding of the changes experienced intramural and extramural foundations during the late antique and early medieval following the acceptance of Christianity in the period. Initially defined as the process by fourth century; and a final stage marked by which the people converted to the new intramural burials and further urban church religion, research has stressed the role of the foundations. Similar strategies have been bishop as key movers of Christianity. Brown employed recently by Caseau (2001), whose survey on changing sacred landscapes offered

Chantal Bielmann – [email protected] © Bielmann 2013 University of Leicester © assemblage 2013 BIELMANN another step-by-step model: a period of overview of bishops and their cities, examining ‘desacralisation’ and the occurrence of the progress of Christianity in the centre of the religious violence; a change in attitude towards episcopal see. This will be followed by a the preservation of some elements from the consideration of the Christianisation of each past (‘nostalgia’); and finally an effort to rural zone, looking at rates and patterns of transform the cityscape into a Christian one. church foundation. The final section will Research in Switzerland has explored similar discuss themes and relevant conclusions to themes. For example, excavations at Geneva draw from the case studies. led by Charles Bonnet (1986; 1996; 2002) have illustrated the gradual progression of Christianity in urban spaces. Terrier (2002; 2007) correspondingly explored the spread of Geneva and Basel: Problems in Christianity into the rural landscape. Likewise, Data and Dating Marti (2000; 2006a; 2006b; 2009) has brought to light a number of early church Within this paper, the data used derive foundations around Kaiseraugst and Basel, predominantly from archaeological reports exploring the Christianisation of both urban and the available historical resources. As such, and rural spaces. questions of quality, reliability, and evidence need to be addressed. First, we might observe However, reconsideration is needed in how we a loss of data through the inadequate interpret Christianisation processes. The methodology of early Swiss archaeologists. Of implication that the progression of Christianity note are the excavations at Saint Peter in followed a general process suggests that the Geneva, where in the late nineteenth century, religion’s effect on the towns and people was improper handling of an early medieval tomb the same and thus underplays the complexity resulted in the disintegration of rare textiles of the overall transition. This paper thus offers (Bonnet 1986: 4). Since the 1960s, however, a comparative assessment, using both archae- archaeological methods improved dramati- ological and historical resources from the cally, and the increased effort to coordinate dioceses of Geneva and Basel in Switzerland, between cantonal archaeological services and to explore whether Christianisation in these regional governments resulted in better areas followed similar trajectories. As parts of handling of reconstruction efforts as well as the Roman Empire and episcopal sees, these the preservation of architectural remains two particular areas present good research underneath present-day churches. For prospects, since they have seen extensive example, excavations at Geneva’s church of excavation, and a considerable amount of Saint Peter are now lauded for their high level research has been conducted on aspects of of stratigraphic analysis, which has their late antique and early medieval illuminated various construction phases settlement and the development of their between the fourth and eleventh centuries AD churches. Moreover, both regions had (Knight 1999: 85; Cantino Wataghin 2003: comparable historical settings in the fourth 225). Currently, the primary problem facing century: the diocese of Basel lay on the Rhine Swiss archaeology is the lack of publication of frontier and initially had only one major findings. Marti (2000: 146) makes reference settlement, Augusta Raurica, which was later to the unpublished excavation reports on the abandoned for the more secure location of cathedral of Basel as well as the unpublished Kaiseraugst, a fourth-century castrum; the thesis of Simon Burnell (1998) on burial diocese of Geneva saw its principal settlement practices in north-western Switzerland. Both (Geneva) used as a way-point for travel would be useful resources for early Christian between Gaul and Italy. Additionally, the cities research in the Basel region. of both regions have evidence for mid fourth- century episcopal complexes, which suggests Throughout all this excavation work, another that they commenced the process of problem presents itself: chronologies. Dating Christianisation at the same point. If churches in their earliest phases and Christianisation was indeed a uniform process, evolutions is problematic – thanks to damaged we would expect to see similar rates of stratigraphy and plans due to continued use diffusion and patterns in church development and development, limited associated material and archaeology. culture (coins, ceramics), lack of associated textual finds (epitaphs, epigraphs) - and thus To start this comparison, a discussion on the regularly relies on casual finds and typological quality of the data will clarify problematic comparisons. For example, the church found areas and the state of archaeological research at Meinier has been dated roughly to the sixth in Switzerland. The study will then provide an and seventh century based only on the

-2- assemblage typologies of grave structures and a rough idea research and review. In Basel, churches north of the church plan (Terrier 2007: 87). of the Rhine are also not included due to a lack Radiocarbon dating is used on the rare of studies on those edifices. Thus, while this occasion where organic remains are recovered paper discusses Christianisation in the and only when they are preserved well and episcopal centres and their rural regions of the found in an undisturbed context. Con- Genevan and Basel dioceses, there is a notable sequently, the dates used throughout this gap in our understanding of the whole region study are presented as broad ranges. of each diocese. Hopefully, the discussion will nonetheless show the key trends. A lack of historical sources in this region affects our understanding of the Christian- isation process and the archaeological record. Central Europe, the region including Historical Context Switzerland, regularly assumed a peripheral role in the politics and social movements of By AD 300 both Geneva and Basel were under Late Antiquity and the early medieval period. Roman control and administration. Geneva, With no major metropolitan centres, it is not the older of the two settlements, was an surprising to find that the historical events in important port and economic hub for the this region consist only of the movements of northern alpine region, yet evidence for Roman troops in the fourth century to the Roman ‘paganism’ has only been noted frontier, the occasional hermit establishing a through the remains of a large temple in the monastery, the settlements of non-Romans, Saint Gervais quarter, north of the Rhône and the administrative control of important (Bonnet and Privati 2000: 383). Sometime routes and passes. During the sixth century, during the fourth century, the city was listed as the elevation of Geneva to a royal city of the a civitas and thus was by then a centre of fair Burgundian Kingdom helps to clarify the demographic size (covering 5.6 hectares) and historical sequence, but in canton Basel the provincially important (Liebeschuetz 2000: period between the fifth and eighth centuries is 21). The small villas and rural farmsteads much more difficult to interpret. In many found around the city saw continued use well cases, there simply are no historical into the fifth and sixth centuries, suggesting documents to cross-reference with the the locality was both secure and prosperous. In archaeological evidence (Marti 2006a: 32-34). contrast, Kaiseraugst (castrum Rauracense) In these cases, hagiographical resources can was a Roman military fort built around 290 help to fill these voids. Hagiographies, next to the Rhine, about 12 kilometres from however, were written not to record historical present-day Basel. Originally dependent on the detail but to edify a specific person or group of Roman colony Augusta Raurica, the raids by people. For example, the life of Saint the Alamanni in the late third century resulted Germanus can substantiate that the monastery in the inhabitants taking refuge in the better of Moutier-Grandval was built in the seventh defended fort. Kaiseraugst continued to act as century but the exact date and the political and a fort throughout the fourth century, notably religious reasoning behind its creation still during another incursion by the Alamanni in remain debatable (Vita Germani Abbatis 351, until the removal of the Roman troops in Grandivallensis, MGH SRM: v.ix.36). Other 401. The settlement continued to be inhabited sources, such as acts of Church councils, may and its defences were enhanced in the mid- also provide guidance, but their Christian fifth century, as evident by an increase in agenda needs to be taken into account. watch towers and gates (Marti 2003: 207; Marti 2006a: 30). Moreover, fifth-century One final note concerns the churches glass wares and other Roman ceramic wares discussed in this paper, which are those suggest the fort was occupied in later periods excavated within Switzerland, with one (Schwarz 2002: 154). Little evidence exists for example from France. In total, twenty-six Roman polytheistic worship in the fort; rather, churches were examined and recorded by it appears that Augusta Raurica was the centre tabulating apse types, lengths, construction for the imperial cult with a variety of small materials, naves and other architectural square temples and two large Mediterranean features (see Table 1). The emphasis, however, styled cult-houses (Schwarz 2002: 153). is on those closest to the episcopal centres of Presumably, these temples saw less fre- Late Antiquity, meaning churches found quentation and were left to ruin after the elsewhere in the dioceses are omitted. For abandonment of Augusta Raurica. While the example, the diocese of Geneva took up parts hinterland of Roman Kaiseraugst was occupied of modern day south-eastern France but little by villas and rural farms, a recent survey on in that particular region has had substantial the settlement history of the region notes that

-3- BIELMANN

Qualitative data for churches in Dioceses of Geneva and Basel ‘~’ denotes approximate measurements Date Max. Const- Church Apse Apse Architectural Location range length ruction Nave name type orientation features (AD) (m) materials multiple annexes, North 300- semi- Geneva east 32 brick single choir baptistery, Cathedral 400 circular atrium multiple annexes, South 400- semi- Geneva east ~30 brick single choir, baptistery, Cathedral 500 circular atrium, colonnade multiple annexes, Eastern 500- semi- Geneva east 22 stone/brick three choir, baptistery, Cathedral 600 circular atrium, colonnade La 450- semi- Geneva east 15 stone single portico, choir Madeleine 500 circular 450- semi- St Gervais Geneva east ~25 stone single portico, choir 500 circular St Jean-les- 500- Geneva square east 20 wood three Grottes 600 400- semi- multiple annexes, St Germain Geneva east ~15 stone single 500 circular colonnade, choir Vandoeuvres, 400- baptistery, choir, St Jacques square east 8.5 stone single Geneva 450 oratory (?) St Grand-Saconnex, 400- square east 8.5 stone single portico, choir Hippolytus Geneva 500 500- St Peter Meinier, Geneva polygonal east 8.5 stone single choir (?) 600 400- St Martin Celigny, Geneva square east 22.5 wood three portico (?) 500

St Julien-en- St Julien-en- 400- semi- choir, two east 12.5 stone single Genevois Genevois, Geneva 500 circular northern annexes

multiple Episcopal 300- semi- annexes, bath, church, St Kaiseraugst, Basel east 17 brick/stone single 400 circular baptistery (?), Gall atrium, choir, cemetery 600- Kaiseraugst, Basel -- -- 9.5 stone -- memoria church 700 500- semi- St Nikolaus Lausen, Basel east 6 stone single choir, altar 600 circular 600- St Michael Buus, Basel -- east 9 wood -- memoria 700 600- St Jakob Sissach, Basel square east 11.5 stone single choir 700 St Peter and 600- choir, altar, Oberwil, Basel square east 9 stone single Paul 700 baptistery(?) 600- ? Aesch, Basel -- -- 6 wood -- memoria 700 St Peter and 700- Diegten, Basel -- -- 7 stone -- memoria Paul 800 Wintersingen, 700- ? -- -- ~12 stone -- memoria Basel 800 700- St Arbogast Muttenz, Basel Square east ~14 stone single choir, altar 800 700- St Michael Oberdorf, Basel -- -- 5.5 stone -- memoria 800 700- ? Bennwil, Basel -- -- ~10 stone -- memoria 800 St Peter and 700- Ettingen, Basel -- -- 11 stone -- memoria Paul 800 Table 1 Qualitative data for churches in the Dioceses of Geneva and Basel, ‘~’ denotes approximate measurements.

-4- assemblage many farmsteads were abandoned in the takeover constituted a new wave of fourth century although some villas saw use colonisation by the Merovingian Franks in the into the fifth, sixth and even seventh centuries region remains questionable (Fredegar, (Marti 2009: 293). Chronicles: 3.89). In this paper, it is assumed that the Burgundians remained in the region In the mid-fifth century, the regions of Geneva and that high-ranking Franks took up and Kaiseraugst both experienced the effects of residence to occupy important political posts, Germanic settlement. However, the political such as the episcopacy. Geneva remained part circumstances behind these waves of colon- of the kingdom of Burgundy throughout the isation were very different; the Burgundian Frankish period, but was never used again as settlement in Sapaudia, organised by late an administrative centre for the kingdom and Roman authorities, saw the inter-mingling of fell into relative insignificance during the Gallo-Romans and Burgundians, whereas the middle Merovingian and early Carolingian Alamannic seizure of the Kaiseraugst/Basel period. region was not desired by local or imperial authority. In AD 443, the first Burgundian Throughout this period of settlement and kingdom was defeated by the Roman political upheaval, the Church remained a ‘generalissimo’ Aetius, who allocated the common feature and bishop lists exist for both surviving people to the region of Sapaudia areas, although broken. While it remains (south-eastern France and south-western questionable how established Christianity was Switzerland) where they established Geneva prior to the fourth century, the first bishop in and Lyon as their capital cities (Bonnet and Kaiseraugst suggests that it was, by this time, Reynaud 2000: 243). The close relations sufficiently recognised to warrant a public between Romans and Burgundians, who were figure. Bishop Iustinianus was listed as recognised as federates and allies, resulted in episcopus Rauracorum in the acts of the continued ties with the Eastern emperors. The Council of Serdica in 343, the first known effort of both King Gundobad (473-516) and ‘Swiss’ bishop (Marti 2006a: 30). Meanwhile, King Sigismund (516-523) to acquire honorific a mid-fifth-century letter composed by Bishop titles, such as magister militum, highlights Eucherius of Lyon to a friend mentions a this characteristic. The fate of the region of Bishop Isaac of Geneva, who held office c. AD Kaiseraugst was clearly different: the 400 (Epistula, MGH SRM: iii.40). Alamanni, a Germanic confederacy, which had troubled Roman frontiers since the third However, despite the presence of an early century, eventually settled in southern bishop attributed to both centres, it is not long Germany but oddly did not cross south of the before a divergence emerges in the mid-fifth Rhine in the fifth and sixth centuries (Marti century. While the episcopal seat at Geneva 2003: 207). Presumably, the river provided a saw continued use throughout the late antique natural boundary or there was an agreement and early medieval period (if with a few gaps in between the Gallo-Romans and the Alamanni the seventh century), at Kaiseraugst the next (Marti 2003: 207). It is only in the seventh mention of a bishop occurs only at the century and after the subjugation of the region Councils of Paris (614) and Clichy (626/627) - by the Franks that archaeologists and a Ragnachar of Augustanae and Basiliae, historians can comment on the settlement of interpreted as being bishop of both Augst and the Swiss plateau by the Alamanni. A survey Basel (Schwarz 2002: 154; Marti 2006a: 30, by Marti in this region charts an increase in 38). The mention of two locations for a bishop settlements suggesting a growing population; has been suggested by scholars as the first sign he proceeds to suggest a probable of the eventual transition of the Episcopal seat ‘Alamanisation’ of the region (Marti 2009; to Basel in the early ninth century. Episcopal 2003), supported by the distribution of place- moves were occasional occurrences during this names. After extensive funerary and period, such as from Martigny to Sion in the philological studies on the region, this theory late sixth century or the longer transition from continues to be the most readily accepted Windisch to Lausanne spanning the fifth to (Marti 2009; Schwarz 2002; Steuer 1994). late sixth century, and are usually signs that the original location was waning in population Back in Geneva, after the defeat of the and political prominence (Schwarz 2002: 154; Burgundians by the Franks in the late sixth Marti 2006a: 30, 38). century, the region surrendered to Mero- vingian hegemony. The installation of Cariatto as bishop by King Guntram in the late sixth century suggests that Merovingian political activities were at play, but whether this

-5- BIELMANN

Episcopal Churches

Knowledge of mid-fourth-century churches in both Geneva and Kaiseraugst seems to support the record of the first bishops. At Kaiseraugst (Figure 1), excavations between 1960 and 1966 under and next to the current church of Saint Gall unearthed remains of a late antique intramural church. With a rectangular nave and a semi-circular apse, the dimensions of this early church were quite modest (17 by 11.5 metres). The walls were constructed from rubble and brick. Liturgical features included a choir with a slightly elevated floor divided from the nave by a chancel (Schwarz 2002: 159; Marti 2006a: 36). Side rooms, including a bath room, were located to the north and extended to the fort’s wall. A large room has been interpreted as a courtyard, while the smaller rooms are considered to be storage spaces or residences. The date for this edifice Figure 1 Church plan of Kaiseraugst episcopal derives from the discovery of a coin hoard church. A-B: annexes, C: courtyard, D-E: located in the western wall of the atrium with a annexes, F-G: baths, H: basin of cold water terminus post quem of AD 351/352 (Schwarz (baptistery ?), I : stone tomb (image from 2002: 159). Geneva’s first church (called the Marti 2000:152; reproduced with permission north cathedral) is dated to around the same of publisher). period (based primarily on stratigraphy and ceramic finds) and was also an intramural and south cathedrals. The south cathedral also church but was grander in scale and had small annexes attached to its nave, construction. Using opus africanum including one with a geometric mosaic floor. brickwork, the 32-metre long rectangular nave The knowledge that this was a heated and terminated in a semi-circular apse; a small lavishly decorated room led to its inter- baptistery was located in a southern annex pretation as the bishop’s reception room room (Bonnet 2002: 145). Multiple rooms (Bonnet 1996: 102). A sub-phase of the fifth- were attached to the north of the nave. Inside century construction at Geneva saw the the early cathedral there is evidence for two elaboration of liturgical arrangements, barriers: one, likely a choir screen or chancel, primarily the creation of a pathway in the choir was built near the apse creating a sacred area leading to an ambo or pulpit. It is at this time for the altar; the second barrier spanned the that there is evidence for Christianity in the nave. In both cases, there is evidence of an suburbs of Geneva, where the church of Saint earlier Roman official building, suggesting the Gervais was established and the memoria of spaces were donated to the Church by a La Madeleine emerged as a burial ground for wealthy householder (Schwarz 2002: 159; Christians. Both churches were built outside Bonnet 2002: 101, 145). the walls in a probable observance of the traditional Roman rule forbidding the Both churches were modified in the fifth internment of the dead within city spaces century. In Kaiseraugst, annexes were placed (Bonnet 2002: 147-148). Meanwhile, the small on either side of the apse and the bath to the church of Saint Germain, an intramural church north was expanded (Schwarz 2002: 160; at Geneva, was built during this time. Marti 2006a: 36-37). Archaeologists (Schwarz 2002: 160) suggest the large basin (H) was In the sixth and seventh centuries, the used for baptismal immersions but many episcopal centre at Geneva continued to see remain sceptical (e.g. Marti 2006: 34) as it was growth and building within the walls and not in a central location, like those known at extramurally. Around AD 500, after a fire, the Geneva and other cities (Figure 1). Geneva saw northern cathedral was rebuilt, expanding the greater expansion, primarily through the nave and restructuring the apse. The major creation of a second cathedral south of the development was the creation of a third original. Similar in length and construction, cathedral which had a three-nave plan with a the entire complex was accessible via an dominant centre apse flanked by two smaller atrium between the baptistery and the north apses (Figure 2). Internally, a liturgical space was sectioned off by barriers and the presence

-6- assemblage of a tomb next to this space could have been Christianisation. Current studies continue to designed for a privileged person, and possibly examine memoriae, Roman-styled maus- a point of veneration (Bonnet 1996: 103). oleums or small square structures, as sites Outside the city walls, the memoria of La which would often later become funerary Madeleine was redesigned as a church and saw churches (Doig 2008: 39). This transformation successive phases in the seventh and eighth is most readily found and studied in Italy, the centuries, and the number of internal and most famous belonging to Saint Peter’s external graves leaves little doubt as to its Basilica in Rome. In Gaul, the fourth and fifth funerary function. A new extramural church, centuries did see strong support for the cult of Saint-Jean-les-Grottes, was built circa AD 600 saints and their shrines, most notably known and was Geneva’s first wooden church, located from the writings of Gregory of Tours on Saint about 1.7 kilometres from the cathedral. Martin, and the historical accounts of Saint Maurice in Agaune. Thus it is not unexpected to find in the countryside of Basel and Geneva, numerous memoriae. However, unlike the shrine of Saint Martin or Saint Maurice, the names of these saints and the extent to which we know these sites were visited and venerated is, at times, impossible to determine. In light of this observation, for the purpose of this paper, the term memoriae refers to structures built to house specific graves which later saw a transformation into a church; but the term does not necessarily signify that all these sites were the graves of saints or martyrs.

Figure 2 Plan of episcopal group at Geneva, depicting the various phases of construction.

In contrast, the Kaiseraugst church remained static. The episcopal cathedral experienced no further building nor is there any indication of another intramural church or prominent extramural churches. The extramural cem- etery, located southeast of the castrum, and the construction of a small square building - perhaps a memoria for a privileged person - are the only signs of continued Christian activity (Marti 2006a: 37). Thus, by the eighth century, Kaiseraugst had begun to fade, whereas Geneva, despite losing its status as a Figure 3 Map showing the rural churches in capital of the Burgundian kingdom, remained proximity to episcopal centre Geneva: 1. a flourishing episcopal centre with nearby Vandoeuvres, 2. Meinier, 3. Celigny, 4. Saint extramural Christian places of worship. Hippolytus, 5. Satigny, 6. Vuillonex, 7. Saint- Julien-en-Genevois (image redrawn by author; after Terrier 2003: 76).

Rural Christianisation Both regions feature churches which began as memoriae. In Geneva, four churches have The diffusion of Christianity with regard to connections with late fourth- and early fifth- church foundations into the hinterlands is century memoriae and all have associated later largely unrecorded in the historical literature graves inside and outside the churches (Figure and archaeological research thus becomes 3). Of these, the memoriae at Vandoeuvres critical to understanding this phase of and Celigny are of particular interest: both

-7- BIELMANN were established on the sites of late Roman Sissach, and Muttenz). Burials were found in villas. The main excavator here, Jean Terrier, association with these churches, either suggests that this could be evidence for the situated within the buildings or located owners of the villas creating their own sacred outside. In the case of Lausen, a solitary tomb space for their burials (Terrier 2002: 199). In in the nave suggests the church was built for Basel, an impressive nine memoriae have been funerary purposes. A later building phase in unearthed (Figure 4). Interestingly, all the the mid-seventh century shows an annex for memoriae in the Geneva diocese were rebuilt burials and many more tombs outside the as churches in the fifth or sixth centuries structure (Marti 2000: 156-159). whereas only one of the nine memoriae in the northern diocese saw a transformation into a church in the early medieval period. This small square memoria (6 by 6 metres) at Parishes? Oberwil eventually saw a second phase of construction in the eighth century when a An important question regarding early square apse was added (Marti 2000: 167-168). churches is what they meant to communities The remaining mausolea saw later and the organisation of rural spaces, and transformations, primarily in the late ninth specifically their presumed transition into century, evident in the creation of choirs and parish churches. ‘Parish churches’ are defined apses to the original buildings. For the most here as churches with evidence for altars, part these churches in both Basel and Geneva baptisteries and divided naves. The presence were relatively small, made of stone, and of an altar implies liturgy for the Eucharistic incorporated the earlier burial space into the rite, making the presence of a priest necessary. later construction. An exception to these Baptisteries, distinguished by the remnants of observed tendencies is the church found at built fonts, similarly required a priest or a Celigny, where a large three-nave wooden bishop to perform the holy ceremony of church (22.5 by 12.5 metres) was built with the baptism. Divided naves are widely regarded as middle nave immediately adjacent to a a way to separate space designed for clergy memoria. with the laity: in these cases, the choir is defined as the separated space closest to the altar with the remaining space holding the congregation (Bonnet 1996: 101-103). While the lack of these features does not necessarily mean such functions were not carried out, the presence of liturgical spaces and baptismal fonts are viewed here as signs indicative of early parish churches.

In Geneva, all five previously mentioned churches fit these characteristics, and continue to be used through the medieval period. The only slight exception is the church at Saint- Jean-en-Genevois, which was abandoned in the eighth or ninth century, likely related to Figure 4 Map showing the rural churches in the lack of a nearby settlement to maintain it proximity to episcopal centres Kaiseraugst (Terrier 2002: 197). At Vandoeuvres, and Basel: 1. Oberwil, 2. Ettingen, 3. Aesch, 4. excavation revealed both a baptistery and a Muttenx, 5. Lausen, 6. Sissach, 7. Oberdorf, 8. square choir. In this case, the church likely Bennwil, 9. Diegten, 10. Wintersingen, 11. became a parish because the late antique villa Buus. site subsequently attracted further settlement and growth. Regular building phases and new Only the late antique church underneath constructions of the church resulted in larger Meinier’s Saint Peter was built outside the structures throughout the medieval period and context of a memoria in the Geneva region it is officially mentioned for the first time in (Terrier 2002: 198). This sixth-century church the thirteenth century as Saint Jacques of (8.5 by 6 metres), terminating in an internal Vandoeuvres (Terrier 2002: 196). Churches at semi-circular apse (externally rectangular), Meinier and Grand-Saconnex both have was intriguing to the excavators, who found fragmentary signs for nave divisions and evidence for an early church cemetery (Terrier choirs. In both cases church plans were 2002: 198). In Basel, three churches had no developed out of the layout of tombs. While previous association with a memoria (Lausen, the very small interiors make it difficult to

-8- assemblage suggest their use for congregational gather- remains of a Romanesque church (Marti 2000: ings, later evidence shows they eventually 147, 157). In the Middle Ages, Sissach’s parish developed into parishes - the first historical church tied various communities and valleys account of St Peter at Meinier has Pope together; in this stage, the church was Eugene III in 1153 stating the parish belonged dedicated to Saint James but the continual to the monastery of St-Jean-les-Grottes in worship of Saint Imier in a side altar suggests Geneva. Saint Hippolytus at Grand Saconnex that the original dedication was to Saint Imier, is first mentioned by Abbot Pierre in the a hermit who possibly lived in this region twelfth century (Terrier 2002: 198-199). during the seventh century. The excavations Celigny is perhaps best seen as a parish church here revealed a side altar and a choir space due to its large space, perfect for large (Marti 2000: 147, 162-163). At Oberwil, the gatherings, and a central nave leading to a early religious structure featured a baptismal square choir; historically, however, it is first font in the western nave and an altar in the noted as a parish in 1246 when the wooden eastern choir area both dating to the early building was destroyed and replaced by a stone Carolingian period (Marti 2000: 148; 167- church (Terrier 2002: 199). 168). The sacred site at Muttenz lay at the centre of the village but not under the current At Basel, the churches of Lausen, Sissach, church - like the majority of the churches Muttenz and Oberwil could potentially be mentioned in this paper (Marti 2000: 170). In considered early medieval parishes. Despite all these cases, we can recognise continuity the small size (4 by 6 metres), excavators at and the development of churches as centres for Lausen found an altar and a north-south wall nearby rural settlements (Marti 2006b: 61) dividing the nave into two zones. This church (Figure 5). saw successive reconstructions, evident via the

Figure 5 A study by Marti (2000) suggests that the location of early churches became vital for the development of early medieval communities (image from Marti 2000:198; reproduced with permission of publisher).

Below the discussion centres on two aspects: Discussion the rate at which Christianity was diffused in town and country, and points of architectural A total of thirteen churches in the region of commonalities and differences. Geneva including the titular city and thirteen in the diocese of Basel, formerly Kaiseraugst, Rate and Reception were examined and compared to explore the From the available data, it appears that process of Christianisation and whether we see Christianity disseminated in the diocese of similar trajectories. This has been done by Geneva faster than in the diocese of Basel. studying the regional and local church Table 2 demonstrates that church con- histories, episcopal centres, and rural zones structions in the Geneva diocese began with an emphasis on church archaeology. between the fourth and sixth centuries

-9- BIELMANN contrasting the comparatively late start in the Bernard Pass in the Valais Alps. The stability diocese of Basel. This might suggest that gained from the presence of the Burgundians Geneva as a region was far more receptive to (sanctioned by Rome) saw stable settlement Christianity than the northern diocese of patterns in both cities and in the countryside. Basel. The reasons for the delayed spread of In contrast, Kaiseraugst’s location on the Christianity in the region of Basel likely have frontier, the instability of the region, especially to do with location, historical circumstance in the fifth century, and isolation from major and the settlement of the region by the centres likely contributed to the eventual Alamanni. Geneva had a resident monarch, demise of the episcopal centre and town in the continued ties with major metropolitan centres late eighth century, after which Basel such as Lyon and Vienne, and had easy access eventually (under Carolingian directive) to the Italian province through the Great Saint became the episcopal seat. Moreover, the

Table 2 Frequency versus date chart of earliest Christian structures in the Geneva and Basel dioceses.

Burgundians were a Christian, albeit Arian buildings of the fourth and early fifth century Germanic, people whereas the Alamanni were and was perhaps an indication of continued reportedly ‘pagan’ well into the seventh Roman building practices. This material, century (e.g. Todd 1992; Drinkwater 2007). If however, did not have a substantial impact in this observation holds true, then the the rural region. Wooden churches were fairly Alamannic elite may been less likely to support rare; however, this could be a situation where the construction of churches. these buildings have simply been overlooked or even lost in the archaeological record Comparison of form and design (Bonnet 1986: 40-41; Marti 2000: 146). In Geneva, if we compare Saint Jean-sur-les- A comparison of architectural features ranging Grottes with Saint Martin of Celigny, wooden from apse, number of naves, type of churches are rather large with three naves and construction and size, offers useful results (see a central square apse. This form continued to Table 1). First, the most apparent observation be used in this region in the ninth and tenth is that the majority of these structures were centuries, with examples at Satigny and made of stone. Brick, used notably in the Vuillonex, but, by the eleventh century most of north cathedral of Geneva and in the these were converted into stone (Terrier 2007: Kaiseraugst church, was detected in sacred 89).

-10- assemblage

Single-nave churches with choirs appear as church typology, whereas transformations of common architectural designs between the two memoriae into churches feature square apses - dioceses. In Basel, many of the later a transition which generally occurred during constructions on the memoriae see a the late Merovingian or early Carolingian transformation into this small type of church. period (Marti 2000: 371). For example, the memoria at Ettingen saw a later construction phase in the late ninth While similarities in form and apse orientation century when a dividing wall was added suggest that the general layout of a church alongside an altar, thus creating a single-nave (rectangular/square building, usually with an church (Marti 2000: 174). Yet there is more eastern apse) was widely known, differences in variety in Geneva, evident in the large three- size and architectural features might denote nave churches found at the eastern cathedral the importance of wealth, patronage and of the episcopal centre in Geneva, at Celigny, population to Christianisation processes. It is and Saint Jean-sur-les-Grottes. Size also widely acknowledged that the early Church appears to be a factor of difference: more required patronage from wealthy elites to churches in the diocese of Geneva reached construct churches (Loseby 1992: 150-151; lengths above twenty metres contrasting the Bonnet 1996: 101; Knight 1999: 65-67; Rapp largest church in the Basel diocese at 2005: 150). Bowes’ (2007: 156) research seventeen metres. Moreover, the portico emphasised that it was sponsorship from rural appears to be an attribute that is unique to the landowners which resulted in the first diocese of Geneva. Used in churches at La Christian buildings in the countryside. Thus, Madeleine, Saint Gervais, Saint Martin, and in considering the historical context for Saint Hippolytus, the portico area featured Geneva, it is assumed that the city and region burials. At La Madeleine, these corridors had acquired wealth and patronage because of arcosolia (recessed chambers) suggesting to stability created by the presence of the Bonnet (1986: 45-46) that the suburban Burgundian monarchy. This is evident in the church was used for the clergy or nobility of case of Vandoeuvres, where a small church was the city. This variety in architectural style and constructed on a Late Roman villa site that saw size is observed in Terrier’s analysis of Geneva continued use in Late Antiquity. In contrast, rural churches, although he does detect that by the instability endured in the diocese of Basel the Carolingian period in the ninth and tenth brought about inconsistent population centuries the church plans appear more patterns and an environment that lacked the uniform (Terrier 2003: 203-204). wealth needed to support grandiose displays of aesthetic adornment. Another trend to compare is the use of the square-apse. Wider studies on apse shapes in Switzerland have observed that northern and eastern regions were characterised by square Conclusion apses, contrasting the western semi-circular shapes (Eggenberger et al. 2002: 215-228). A In summary, the evidence explored in this study by Sennhauser (2002: 232-236) paper suggests that two similar and relatively demonstrates that in the eastern cantons proximate dioceses saw different rates of (Ticino, Graubünden, Glarus, Saint Gall, spread and different trends despite similar Appenzell and parts of Thurgau) there appear Christian beginnings. While it is possible to to be distinct regional differences. Primarily, discuss common trends, such as memoriae in north-eastern Switzerland, churches with transforming into churches or churches with square-apses are more abundant, contrasting burial contexts, to suggest that this is part of a with the use of the semi-circular apse in south- larger and more general linear process would eastern Switzerland. In this comparative simplify a complex transition from non- study, the semi-circular apse does appear to be Christian to Christian. The fact that the more dominant in the diocese of Geneva, but regions were settled by two different Germanic the lack of churches with proper apses in the peoples, the Burgundians and Alamanni, was Basel region makes this observation difficult to probably an important influencing factor on compare. However, a wider study comparing how Christianity spread in the two regions; it church typologies in this region between the appears that the Burgundian monarchy had a fourth and tenth centuries suggests that there positive influence whereas the Alamannic was a certain amount of regionalism. For presence (one not supported by Rome) example, the semi-circular churches of hindered church growth in the fifth and sixth Kaiseraugst and Lausen appear to have more centuries. Moreover, the probability that the links with early churches dominant in Roman Alamanni were not Christians at the time of regions, notably based on ceramic finds and their settlement north of the Rhine in the fifth

-11- BIELMANN century could also be a causal factor as to why VIe siècle, Mélanges en l'honneur d'Yvette the Basel region saw continued use of temples Duval, pp. 382-390. and sanctuaries in the same period. Bonnet, C. and Reynaud, J.F., 2000. Genève et Lyon, capitales burgondes. In: Ripoll, G. and Further insight on the ways and extent that Gurt, J.M. (eds.), Sedes regiae ann. 400-800. these people settled in both dioceses would Barcelona: Reial Acadèmia, pp. 241-266. likely be gained by analysing burial customs and the related grave goods. Burial ritual and Bowes, K., 2007. "Christianization" and the relationships to (or away from) churches will rural home. Journal of Early Christian guide us on social and gender issues of Studies, 15(2): 143-170. Christianisation, as well as add to research on cultural and religious identity and their role on Brown, P., 1971. The World of Late Antiquity: individuals and society as a whole. AD 150-750. London: Thames & Hudson. Consideration of the liturgy and rituals involved in early Christianity as well as Brown, P., 1992. Power and Persuasion: differing functions (i.e. funerary, baptismal, Towards a Christian Empire. Madison: parish) might also provide more information University of Wisconsin Press. on whether Christianity was practiced differently in various regions. In the end, Brown, P., 1995. Authority and the Sacred: Christianisation should be reinterpreted as (a Aspects of the Christianisation of the Roman series of) regional events amidst the growth of World. Cambridge: Cambridge University a central western Church, which were Press. dependant on a variety of factors including settlement, history, economic strength, and, Burnell, S., 1988. Merovingian to Early most importantly, people. Carolingian Churches and their Founder- Graves in Southern Germany and Switzerland: Impact of Christianity on the Alamans and the Bavarians. Unpublished Bibliography DPhil thesis, University of Oxford.

Burnell, S., 1998. Die reformierte Kirche von Primary Sources Sissach BL: Mittelalterliche Kirchenbauten und merowingerzeitliche “Stiftergräber” Eucherius of Lyon, Epistula. MGH SRM, iii, p. (Archäologie und Museum Heft 38). Liestal: 40 Archäologie und Kantonsmuseum Baselland.

Boboleno, Vita Germani Abbatis Cameron, A., 1993. The Mediterranean World Grandivallensis. MGH SRM, v, pp. 25-40. in Late Antiquity, AD 395-600. London: Routledge.

Secondary Sources Cameron, A., 2006. The ‘lon’ late antiquity: a late twentieth-century model. In: Wiseman, Bonnet, C., 1986. Geneva. Geneva: Fondation T.P. (ed), Classics in Progress: Essays on des Clefs de Saint-Pierre. Ancient Greece and Rome. Oxford and New York: Published for the British Academy by Bonnet, C., 1996. Les installations liturgiques Oxford University Press. du baptistère et des trois églises épiscopales de Genève durant l'Antiquité tardive. Antiquité Cantino Wataghin, G., 1995. Spazio cristiano e Tardive, 4: 101-103. ‘civitates’: status quastionis. In: Spani, P. G. (ed), Materiali per una topografia urbana: Bonnet, C., 2002. Topographie chrétienne et Status quaestionis e nuove acquisizioni développement urbain. Zeitschrift für (Mediterraneo Tardoantico e Medievale, Scavi Schweizerische Archäologie und e Ricerche, 10). Oristano: Editrice S’Alvure, Kunstgeschichte, 59(3): 143-151. pp. 201-37.

Bonnet, C. and Privati, B., 2000. De la ville Cantino Wataghin, G., 2003. Christian antique à la ville chrétienne. Les chantiers topography in the late antique town: recent archéologiques de Genève. In: Prevot, F. (ed.), results and open questions. In: Lavan, L. and Romanité et cité chrétienne. Permanences et Bowden, W. (eds.), Theory and Practice in mutations, intégration et exclusion du Ier au Late Antique Archaeology (Late Antique Archaeology 3). Leiden: Brill, pp. 224-257.

-12- assemblage

landscape of Southern Gaul. In: Drinkwater, J. Caseau, B., 2001. Πολεμεîν λíθοις. La and Elton, H. (eds.), Fifth-Century Gaul: A désacralisation des espaces et des objets Crisis of Identity? Cambridge: Cambridge religieux paїens durant l’Antiquité Tardive. In: University Press, pp. 144-156. Kaplan, M. (ed.), Le sacré et son inscription dans l’espace à Byzance et en Occident. Paris: Marti, R., 2000. Zwischen Römerzeit und Publications de la Sorbonne, pp. 61-123. Mittelalter: Forschungen zur frühmittelalterlichen Siedlungsgeschichte der Doig, A., 2008. Liturgy and Architecture: Nordwestschweiz (4.-10. Jahrhundert). From the Early Church to the Middle Ages. Liestal: Archäologie und Kantonsmuseum Aldershot: Ashgate. Baselland.

Drinkwater, J.F., 2007. The Alamanni and Marti, R., 2003. La Région de Bâle entre Rome (213-496). Oxford: Oxford University Burgondes, Francs et Alamans (Ve – VIIe Press. siècles). In: Passard, F., Gizard S., Urlacher, J- P., Richard, A. (eds.), Burgondes, Alamans, Eggenberger, P., Gutscher, D. and Boschetti, Francs, Romains: Dans l’est de la France , le A., 2002. Entwicklung früher Kirchenbauten sud-ouest de l’Allemagne, et la Suisse (Actes in den Kantonen Bern und Waadt im des XXIe Journées Internationales Vergleich. Zeitschrift für Schweizerische d’Archéologie Mérovingienne, Besançon, 20- Archäologie und Kunstgeschichte, 59 (3): 215- 22 Octobre 2000). Besançon: Presses 227. Universitaires Franc-Comtoises, pp. 206-210.

Genequand, D., 2007. Les fouilles de la place Marti, R., 2006a. Les premiers temps du de Vandoeuvres. La Coquille, 22 : 14-15. diocese: une histoire intermitente. In: Rebetez, J.-C. (ed.), 2006. Pro Deo: L’ancien évêché de Gibbon, E., 1776-1789. The Decline and Fall of Bâle du IVe au XVIe siècle. Porrentruy: the Roman Empire, 3 vols. (Edition: D. Fondation des archives de l’ancien evêché de Womersley, 1994). London: Penguin. Bâle, pp. 27-45.

Goodman, P.J., 2011. Temples in late antique Marti, R., 2006b. Église et territoire: Bâle et la Gaul. In: M. Mulryan and L. Lavan (eds), The Christianisation de l’arrière-pays. In: Rebetez, Archaeology of Late Antique ‘Paganism’ (Late J.-C. (ed.), 2006. Pro Deo: L’ancien évêché de Antique Archaeology Series 6.2). Leiden: Brill. Bâle du IVe au XVIe siècle. Porrentruy: Fondation des archives de l’ancien evêché de Kissling, C., 2003. Le haut moyen âge dans la Bâle, pp. 46-63. région de Berne. In: Passard, F., Gizard S., Urlacher, J-P., Richard, A. (eds.), Burgondes, Marti, R., 2009. Between ager and silva: Alamans, Francs, Romains: Dans l’est de la phases of colonisation and the use of land in France , le sud-ouest de l’Allemagne, et la northern Switzerland from the 2nd/3rd to the Suisse (Actes des XXIe Journées 8th/9th C. In: Klápšte, J. and Sommer, P. Internationales d’Archéologie Mérovingienne, (eds.), Medieval Rural Settlement in Marginal Besançon, 20-22 Octobre 2000). Besançon: Landscapes (Ruralia, 7). Turnhout: Brepols Presses Universitaires Franc-Comtoises, pp. Publishers, pp. 291-307. 192-201. Mathisen, R.W., 1997. Barbarian bishops and Knight, J.K., 1999. The End of Antiquity: the churches "in Barbaricis Gentibus" during Archaeology, Society and Religion AD 235- Late Antiquity. Speculum, 72(3): 664-697. 700. Stroud: Tempus. Motschi, A., 2003. La nécropole de Liebeschuetz, J.H.W.G., 2000. Ravenna to Oberbuchsiten (canton Soleure/Solothurn): Aachen. In: Ripoll, G. and Gurt, J.M. (eds.), L’évolution des pratiques funéraires et la Sedes regiae ann. 400-800. Barcelona: Reial question du peuplement (fin IVe - VIIe siècle). Acadèmia, pp. 9-30. In : Passard, F., Gizard S., Urlacher, J-P., Richard, A. (eds.), Burgondes, Alamans, Liebeschuetz, J.H.W.G., 2003. The Decline Francs, Romains: Dans l’est de la France , le and Fall of the Roman City. Oxford: Oxford sud-ouest de l’Allemagne, et la Suisse (Actes University Press. des XXIe Journées Internationales d’Archéologie Mérovingienne, Besançon, 20- Loseby, S., 1992. Bishops and cathedrals: order 22 Octobre 2000). Besançon: Presses and diversity in the fifth century urban Universitaires Franc-Comtoises, pp. 191-192.

-13- BIELMANN

Ward-Perkins, B., 2005. The Fall of Rome and Passard, F., Gizard S., Urlacher, J-P., Richard, the End of Civilization. Oxford : Oxford A. (eds.), 2003. Burgondes, Alamans, Francs, University Press. Romains: Dans l’est de la France , le sud-ouest de l’Allemagne, et la Suisse (Actes des XXIe Journées Internationales d’Archéologie Mérovingienne, Besançon, 20-22 Octobre 2000). Besançon: Presses Universitaires Franc-Comtoises.

Rapp, C., 2005. Holy bishops in Late Antiquity : The Nature of Christian Leadership in an Age of Transition. Berkeley and Los Angeles : University of California Press.

Rebetez, J.-C. (ed.), 2006. Pro Deo: L’ancien évêché de Bâle du IVe au XVIe siècle. Porrentruy: Fondation des archives de l’ancien evêché de Bâle.

Schwarz, P., 2002. Zur “Topographie chrétienne” von Kaiseraugst (AG) im 4. bis 9. Jahrhundert. Zeitschrift für Schweizerische Archäologie und Kunstgeschichte, 59(3): 153- 162.

Sennhauser, H., 2002. Frühmittelalterliche Kirchen in Graubünden, im Tessin und in der Nordostschweiz. Zeitschrift für Schweizerische Archäologie und Kunstgeschichte, 59(3): 229- 236.

Steuer, H., 1994. The hierarchy of Alamannic settlements in the former Limes region of South- Western Germany to AD 500. Journal of European Archaeology, 2: 82-96.

Todd, M., 1992. The Early Germans. Oxford: Blackwell.

Terrier, J., 2002. Les églises dans la campagne genevoise. Zeitschrift für Schweizerische Archäologie und Kunstgeschichte, 59(3): 195- 206.

Terrier, J., 2003. Bilan des recherches archéologiques sur les églises rurales en Suisse occidentale. In: Delaplace, C. (ed.), Aux origines de la paroisse rurale en Gaule meridionale IVe-IXe siecles, (Actes du colloque international de Toulouse, 21-23 March 2003). Paris: Éditions Errance, pp. 72- 81.

Terrier, J., 2007. Une archéologie pour aborder la christianisation de l’espace rural. Gallia, 64 : 85- 91.

-14-