Timeline for World War II — Great Britain
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DONALD NICOL Donald Macgillivray Nicol 1923–2003
DONALD NICOL Donald MacGillivray Nicol 1923–2003 DONALD MACGILLIVRAY NICOL was born in Portsmouth on 4 February 1923, the son of a Scottish Presbyterian minister. He was always proud of his MacGillivray antecedents (on his mother’s side) and of his family’s connection with Culloden, the site of the Jacobite defeat in 1745, on whose correct pronunciation he would always insist. Despite attending school first in Sheffield and then in London, he retained a slight Scottish accent throughout his life. By the time he left St Paul’s School, already an able classical scholar, it was 1941; the rest of his education would have to wait until after the war. Donald’s letters, which he carefully preserved and ordered with the instinct of an archivist, provide details of the war years.1 In 1942, at the age of nineteen, he was teaching elementary maths, Latin and French to the junior forms at St-Anne’s-on-Sea, Lancashire. He commented to his father that he would be dismissed were it known that he was a conscientious objector. By November of that year he had entered a Friends’ Ambulance 1 The bulk of his letters are to his father (1942–6) and to his future wife (1949–50). Also preserved are the letters of his supervisor, Sir Steven Runciman, over a forty-year period. Other papers are his diaries, for a short period of time in 1944, his notebooks with drawings and plans of churches he studied in Epiros, and his account of his travels on Mount Athos. This material is now in the King’s College London Archives, by courtesy of the Nicol family. -
Britain and the Greek Civil War, 1944–1949 British Imperialism, Public Opinion and the Coming of the Cold War
Britain and the Greek Civil War, 1944–1949 British Imperialism, Public Opinion and the Coming of the Cold War JOHN SAKKAS Harrassowitz Verlag (Germany, 2013), 149 pp/28 illust. ISBN: 978-3-447-06718-8 The Greek civil war holds a significant place in the history of twentieth-century Europe for many reasons. Firstly, it was Europe’s bloodiest conflict in the second half of the 1940s; secondly, it marked a turning point in the Cold War; and lastly, it showed how Greece had become an ‘apple of discord’ for both American and Soviet involvement in Greek affairs which led to even more complexity in the country’s post-war politics. Yet despite its significance, only a limited number of studies have been carried out on the subject of this era. After the troubled period of the 1950s and 1960s, a time dominated by extreme conservatism, anti-communism and nationalist paroxysms, it was difficult to access material sources and this made it nearly impossible to conduct scholarly research, so that older politically-charged interpretations and accounts went mostly unchallenged. However, in the past two decades a new historiographical current has developed as regards the civil war in Greece and new evaluations and debates have emerged that shed fresh light on conventional supposition. Britain and the Greek Civil War, 1944–1949 draws upon the author’s doctoral dissertation and provides a welcome addition to studies on that period in Greek history. John Sakkas takes up a novel approach that does not focus solely on Greek politics, whether they are national or local, nor does it centre simply on British policy in Greece. -
The Consideration of the Yalta Conference As an Executive Agreement
University of Nebraska at Omaha DigitalCommons@UNO Student Work 8-1-1973 The consideration of the Yalta Conference as an executive agreement John Brayman University of Nebraska at Omaha Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unomaha.edu/studentwork Recommended Citation Brayman, John, "The consideration of the Yalta Conference as an executive agreement" (1973). Student Work. 372. https://digitalcommons.unomaha.edu/studentwork/372 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UNO. It has been accepted for inclusion in Student Work by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UNO. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE CONSIDERATION OF THE YALTA CONFERENCE AS AN EXECUTIVE AGREEMENT A Thesis Presented to the Department of History and the Faculty of the Graduate College University of Nebraska at Omaha In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts John Brayman August, 1973 UMI Number: EP73010 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI EP73010 Published by ProQuest LLC (2015). Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code ProQuest ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 THESIS ACCEPTANCE Accepted for fee facility of The Graduate College of fee University of Nebraska at Omaha, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts, Graduate Committee: Name Departmin Chairman THE CONSITERATION GP :THS YALTA CONFERENCE AS AN EXECUTIVE AGREEMENT : The story of the Yalta Conference is a complex and a difficult one. -
The Atlantic Charter (1941). Source: Samuel Rosenman (Ed.), Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D
THE ATLANTIC CHARTER (1941). SOURCE: SAMUEL ROSENMAN (ED.), PUBLIC PAPERS AND ADDRESSES OF FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT, VOL. 10, 1938-1950, 314 The President of the United States of America and the Prime Minister, Mr. Churchill, representing His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom, being met together, deem it right to make known cer- tain common principles in the national policies of their respective countries on which they base their hopes for a better future for the world. First, their countries seek no aggrandizement, territorial or other; Second, they desire to see no territorial changes that do not accord with the freely expressed wishes of the peoples concerned; Third, they respect the right of all peoples to choose the form of government under which they will live; and they wish to see sovereign rights and self government restored to those who have been forci- bly deprived of them; Fourth, they will endeavor, with due respect for their existing obligations, to further the enjoyment by all States, great or small, victor or vanquished, of access, on equal terms, to the trade and to the raw materials of the world which are needed for their economic prosperity; Fifth, they desire to bring about the fullest collaboration between all nations in the economic field with the object of securing, for all, improved labor standards, economic advancement and social security; Sixth, after the final destruction of the Nazi tyranny, they hope to see established a peace which will afford to all nations the means of dwelling in safety within their own boundaries, and which will afford assurance that all the men in all the lands may live out their lives in freedom from fear and want; Seventh, such a peace should enable all men to traverse the high seas and oceans without hindrance; Eighth, they believe that all of the nations of the world, for realistic as well as spiritual reasons must come to the abandonment of the use of force. -
In a Rather Emotional State?' the Labour Party and British Intervention in Greece, 1944-5
ORE Open Research Exeter TITLE 'In a rather emotional state?' The Labour party and British intervention in Greece, 1944-5 AUTHORS Thorpe, Andrew JOURNAL The English Historical Review DEPOSITED IN ORE 12 February 2008 This version available at http://hdl.handle.net/10036/18097 COPYRIGHT AND REUSE Open Research Exeter makes this work available in accordance with publisher policies. A NOTE ON VERSIONS The version presented here may differ from the published version. If citing, you are advised to consult the published version for pagination, volume/issue and date of publication 1 ‘IN A RATHER EMOTIONAL STATE’? THE LABOUR PARTY AND BRITISH INTERVENTION IN GREECE, 1944-45* Professor Andrew Thorpe Department of History University of Exeter Exeter EX4 4RJ Tel: 01392-264396 Fax: 01392-263305 Email: [email protected] 2 ‘IN A RATHER EMOTIONAL STATE’? THE LABOUR PARTY AND BRITISH INTERVENTION IN GREECE, 1944-45 As the Second World War drew towards a close, the leader of the Labour party, Clement Attlee, was well aware of the meagre and mediocre nature of his party’s representation in the House of Lords. With the Labour leader in the Lords, Lord Addison, he hatched a plan whereby a number of worthy Labour veterans from the Commons would be elevated to the upper house in the 1945 New Years Honours List. The plan, however, was derailed at the last moment. On 19 December Attlee wrote to tell Addison that ‘it is wiser to wait a bit. We don’t want by-elections at the present time with our people in a rather emotional state on Greece – the Com[munist]s so active’. -
Yalta, a Tripartite Negotiation to Form the Post-War World Order: Planning for the Conference, the Big Three’S Strategies
YALTA, A TRIPARTITE NEGOTIATION TO FORM THE POST-WAR WORLD ORDER: PLANNING FOR THE CONFERENCE, THE BIG THREE’S STRATEGIES Matthew M. Grossberg Submitted to the faculty of the University Graduate School in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts in the Department of History, Indiana University August 2015 Accepted by the Graduate Faculty, Indiana University, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts. Master’s Thesis Committee ______________________________ Kevin Cramer, Ph. D., Chair ______________________________ Michael Snodgrass, Ph. D. ______________________________ Monroe Little, Ph. D. ii ©2015 Matthew M. Grossberg iii Acknowledgements This work would not have been possible without the participation and assistance of so many of the History Department at Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis. Their contributions are greatly appreciated and sincerely acknowledged. However, I would like to express my deepest appreciation to the following: Dr. Anita Morgan, Dr. Nancy Robertson, and Dr. Eric Lindseth who rekindled my love of history and provided me the push I needed to embark on this project. Dr. Elizabeth Monroe and Dr. Robert Barrows for being confidants I could always turn to when this project became overwhelming. Special recognition goes to my committee Dr. Monroe Little and Dr. Michael Snodgrass. Both men provided me assistance upon and beyond the call of duty. Dr. Snodgrass patiently worked with me throughout my time at IUPUI, helping my writing progress immensely. Dr. Little came in at the last minute, saving me from a fate worse than death, another six months of grad school. Most importantly, all credit is due Dr. -
N I~ ~L 'Ш Я .N OI ~V Wl Lo ~N I
.NI~~l'ШЯ .NOI~VWllO~NI .Edltorlal This issue of СА/В focuses on the fascist connection, in par in Latin America or the U.S. The Kameradenwerk-the Nazi ticular the U.S. role in helping hundreds, perhaps thousands, old Ьоу network-remained active over the years, vigorous of prominent Nazis avoid retribution ·at the end of World War enough to have planned and carried out · the 1980 coup in 11. The CIA (originally the OSS) and the U.S. military, along Bolivia, for example, and to have held high places in with the Vatican, were instrumental in exfiltrating war crimi Pinochet's govemment in Chile. And they are major figures in nals not just to Latin America, but to the United States as well. the intemational arms and drug trades as well-traffic which As the Reagan administration attempts to rewrite history, it the U.S. tries to Ыаmе on the socialist countries. is worthwhile to examine carefully the wartime and postwar Hundreds of Nazis have been set up in scientific institutions machinations of the extreme Right. The President goes to Bit in this country. Ironically, it now appears that Star W ars is burg claiming it is time to forgive and forget, when in reality merely an extension of the Nazis' wartime rocket research. he is merely cutting а crude political deal with the reactionary Much of the U.S. space program was designed Ьу them. When West German govemment for its approval of Star Wars Ьу giv the Justice Department's Office of Special Investigations leam ing his absolution to the SS. -
The Life of Winston Churchill
© Yousuf Karsh, 1941 Ottawa The Life of Winston Churchill: Soldier Correspondent Statesman Orator Author Inspirational Leader © The Churchill Centre 2007 Produced for educational use only. Not intended for commercial purposes. The Churchill Centre is the international focus for study of Winston Churchill, his life and times. Our members, aged from ten to over ninety, work together to preserve Winston Churchill's memory and legacy. Our aim is that future generations never forget his contribu- tions to the political philosophy, culture and literature of the Great Democracies and his contributions to statesmanship. To join or contact The Churchill Centre visit www.winstonchurchill.org Birth 1874 Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill’s ancestors were both Brit- ish and American. Winston’s father was the British Lord Randolph Churchill, the youngest son of John, the 7th Duke of Marlborough. Lord Randolph’s ancestor John Churchill made history by winning many successful military campaigns in Europe for Queen Anne almost 200 years earlier. His mother was the American Jennie Jerome. The Jeromes fought for the inde- pendence of the American colonies in George Washington’s ar- mies. Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill was born on Novem- ber 30, 1874, at the Duke of Marlborough’s large palace, Blen- Winston. as a baby. heim. Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill’s family tree John Churchill 1650-1722 1st Duke of Marlborough !" Charles 1706-1758 3rd Duke of Marlborough !" George 1739-1817 David Wilcox 4th Duke of Marlborough !" John Churchill George 1766-1840 -
Timeline of the Cold War
Timeline of the Cold War 1945 Defeat of Germany and Japan February 4-11: Yalta Conference meeting of FDR, Churchill, Stalin - the 'Big Three' Soviet Union has control of Eastern Europe. The Cold War Begins May 8: VE Day - Victory in Europe. Germany surrenders to the Red Army in Berlin July: Potsdam Conference - Germany was officially partitioned into four zones of occupation. August 6: The United States drops atomic bomb on Hiroshima (20 kiloton bomb 'Little Boy' kills 80,000) August 8: Russia declares war on Japan August 9: The United States drops atomic bomb on Nagasaki (22 kiloton 'Fat Man' kills 70,000) August 14 : Japanese surrender End of World War II August 15: Emperor surrender broadcast - VJ Day 1946 February 9: Stalin hostile speech - communism & capitalism were incompatible March 5 : "Sinews of Peace" Iron Curtain Speech by Winston Churchill - "an "iron curtain" has descended on Europe" March 10: Truman demands Russia leave Iran July 1: Operation Crossroads with Test Able was the first public demonstration of America's atomic arsenal July 25: America's Test Baker - underwater explosion 1947 Containment March 12 : Truman Doctrine - Truman declares active role in Greek Civil War June : Marshall Plan is announced setting a precedent for helping countries combat poverty, disease and malnutrition September 2: Rio Pact - U.S. meet 19 Latin American countries and created a security zone around the hemisphere 1948 Containment February 25 : Communist takeover in Czechoslovakia March 2: Truman's Loyalty Program created to catch Cold War -
Historic Barriers to Anglo-American Nuclear Cooperation
3 HISTORIC BARRIERS TO ANGLO- AMERICAN NUCLEAR COOPERATION ANDREW BROWN Despite being the closest of allies, with shared values and language, at- tempts by the United Kingdom and the United States to reach accords on nuclear matters generated distrust and resentment but no durable arrangements until the Mutual Defense Agreement of 1958. There were times when the perceived national interests of the two countries were unsynchronized or at odds; periods when political leaders did not see eye to eye or made secret agreements that remained just that; and when espionage, propaganda, and public opinion caused addi- tional tensions. STATUS IMBALANCE The Magna Carta of the nuclear age is the two-part Frisch-Peierls mem- orandum. It was produced by two European émigrés, Otto Frisch and Rudolf Peierls, at Birmingham University in the spring of 1940. Un- like Einstein’s famous letter to President Franklin D. Roosevelt, with its vague warning that a powerful new bomb might be constructed from uranium, the Frisch-Peierls memorandum set out detailed technical arguments leading to the conclusion that “a moderate amount of U-235 [highly enriched uranium] would indeed constitute an extremely effi- cient explosive.” Like Einstein, Frisch and Peierls were worried that the Germans might already be working toward an atomic bomb against which there would be no defense. By suggesting “a counter-threat with a similar bomb,” they first enunciated the concept of mutual deterrence and recommended “start[ing] production as soon as possible, even if 36 Historic Barriers to Anglo-American Nuclear Cooperation 37 it is not intended to use the bomb as a means of attack.”1 Professor Mark Oliphant from Birmingham convinced the UK authorities that “the whole thing must be taken rather seriously,”2 and a small group of senior scientists came together as the Maud Committee. -
Yalta Conference, 1945
Yalta Conference, 1945 DIRECTOR CRISIS MANAGER MODERATOR Roberto Fusciardi Lucy Faria Leila Farrow CRISIS ANALYSTS Tammy Cheng Sheldon Stern Rachel DeGasperis Maeve Redmond UTMUN 2020 Yalta Conference, 1945 Contents Content Disclaimer 2 UTMUN Policies 3 Equity Concerns and Accessibility Needs 3 A Letter from Your Director 4 Background 5 The War 5 Previous Conferences 7 Setting 10 Topics 11 Germany 11 Poland 11 Japan 12 Eastern Europe 12 The United Nations 13 Points to Remember 15 Allies and Loyalty 15 War and Diplomacy 15 Leaders and Subordinates 15 Characters 15 Bibliography 16 1 UTMUN 2020 Yalta Conference, 1945 Content Disclaimer At its core, Model United Nations (MUN) is a simulatory exercise of diplomatically embodying, presenting, hearing, dissecting, and negotiating various perspectives in debate. Such an exercise offers opportunities for delegates to meaningfully explore possibilities for conflict resolution on various issues and their complex, even controversial dimensions – which, we recognize, may be emotionally and intellectually challenging to engage with. As UTMUN seeks to provide an enriching educational experience that facilitates understanding of the real-world implications of issues, our committees’ contents may necessarily involve sensitive or controversial subject matter strictly for academic purposes. We ask for delegates to be respectful, professional, tactful, and diplomatic when engaging with all committee content, representing their assigned country’s or character’s position, communicating with staff and other delegates, and responding to opposing viewpoints. The below content warning is meant to warn you of potentially sensitive or triggering topics that are present in the formal content of this background guide, as well as content that may appear in other aspects of committee (e.g., debate, crisis updates, directives), so that you can either prepare yourself before reading this background guide or opt-out of reading it entirely: Some of the content discussed in this guide and this committee deals with sensitive subject matter. -
Personalities and Perceptions: Churchill, De Gaulle, and British-Free French Relations 1940-1941" (2019)
University of Vermont ScholarWorks @ UVM UVM Honors College Senior Theses Undergraduate Theses 2019 Personalities and Perceptions: Churchill, De Gaulle, and British- Free French Relations 1940-1941 Samantha Sullivan Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses Recommended Citation Sullivan, Samantha, "Personalities and Perceptions: Churchill, De Gaulle, and British-Free French Relations 1940-1941" (2019). UVM Honors College Senior Theses. 324. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses/324 This Honors College Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Theses at ScholarWorks @ UVM. It has been accepted for inclusion in UVM Honors College Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UVM. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Personalities and Perceptions: Churchill, De Gaulle, and British-Free French Relations 1940-1941 By: Samantha Sullivan Advised by: Drs. Steven Zdatny, Andrew Buchanan, and Meaghan Emery University of Vermont History Department Honors College Thesis April 17, 2019 Acknowledgements: Nearly half of my time at UVM was spent working on this project. Beginning as a seminar paper for Professor Zdatny’s class in Fall 2018, my research on Churchill and De Gaulle slowly grew into the thesis that follows. It was a collaborative effort that allowed me to combine all of my fields of study from my entire university experience. This project took me to London and Cambridge to conduct archival research and made for many late nights on the second floor of the Howe Library. I feel an overwhelming sense of pride and accomplishment for this thesis that is reflective of the work I have done at UVM.