DOCSLIB.ORG

THE PROBLEMATIC I. Certain Comrades Will Note That I Take Soviet

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
THE PROBLEMATIC I. Certain Comrades Will Note That I Take Soviet Notes THE PROBLEMATIC I. Certain comrades will note that I take Soviet (and Chinese) state social­ ism as being a deformed form of socialism, not a variant of capitalism; the latter view would of course lead to a different 'reading' of the col­ lapse. My position on this topic and the basic nature of state socialism may be found argued in Post and Wright 1989. 2. Prior to 1939, capital 's hegemony was virtually global; apart from Russia, the only other loss was Mongolia in 1921, where it had scarcely existed anyway . 3. The reasons for failure in Europe are examined in my companion study, Post 1997. 4. The expansion of capitalism to form the double global structure of centre and periphery cannot be dealt with here. However, two points need to be established. Firstly , the 'logic' of capital's dynamics, centred on surplus value creation and accumulation, was the same in both, but structured in quite different ways, which basically retained pre-capitalist labour and sur­ plus extraction forms on the periphery. Secondly, the 'periphery' was not marginal, as the term implies, economically, but essential to capital's workings at the centre. The marginality found expression in terms of political power, openly in the colonial form, less directly in the case of formally sover­ eign states. For more on these issues see Post 1996, especially pp. 207-18. 5. Engels to Kautsky, 12 November 1882, in Feuer (ed.) 1959, p. 452. lowe the point on the original assumption of individual working-class struggles and revolutions to Denise Avenas; see Avenas 1976, p. 26. 6. These assertions are explored on the theoretical level in Post 1996. 7. For more extended discussion see Post 1996, pp. 270-6. 8. I would, however, like to make it clear that my interpretation runs counter to the Wallersteinian 'world system' view. For the necessary arguments see Post 1996, pp. 200-2 and 206-7. 9. Quotations here and in the next paragraph from Avineri (ed.) 1969, pp. 137, 138-9 and 234. 10. See Shanin (ed.) 1983 and the discussion in Post 1997, Chapter 2. II. See the classic account of the movement led by Emiliano Zapata in Womack, Jr. 1968. A good recent general survey is Knight 1986. 12. See Esherick 1976, Shirnkichi and Schiffrin (eds) 1995 and Wright (ed.) 1968. 13. Throughout this study I prefer to speak of 'working class' rather than 'proletariat', to signify a less cohesive entity than Marx and Engels, and even more their followers , tended to assume. I thus mean all wage-earners who produce, maintain, transport and retail commodities. 14. For detailed argumentation see Post 1997, Chapters 2 and 3. 15. See Lowy 1981, pp. 1-21. This author makes a valiant effort to defend Marx and Engels against any charges of a mechanistic reading of history, 188 Notes 189 making socialist revolution dependent on industrialization and emergence of the proletariat, but has himself to admit that they are often ambiguous in their qualifications of the thesis. I am indebted to his analysis in gen­ eral, although my reading of the material may have different emphases. Moreover, it is significant of his own ultimate perspective that he speaks without qualification of twentieth-century workers' revolutions. The prob­ lem, of course, is largely that the founders' texts upon which all of us have to base arguments were political pieces of a highly conjunctural nature, not fully worked out theorizations. 16. The concept of a revolutionary terrain which has to be consciously cre­ ated by a 'war of position ' and then used in a 'war of manoeuvre' runs through my entire analysis of the Vietnamese Revolution; see Post 1989, 1990 and 1994 passim, and for a general statement, Post and Wright 1989, PI'. 49-64. As detailed there, it derives from Gramsci . It will be picked up further in Chapter 3 below. 17. As we have done until recently in terms of the feminist movement and gender. 18. Marx and Engels 1973, PI'. 84 and 85. It is noteworthy that the founders here spoke of exploitative relations among nations as a unit of analysis, anticipating the later view of whole 'proletarian nations' and the even later dependency theory. 19. A further problem I have with Lowy is that he fails to see clearly the problems of transposing historical stages into revolutionary class tasks by eliding too quickly from one to the other. 20. I recognize that middle-strata employees might be said by Marxists to produce no surplus value from their surplus labour , i.e. their labour is 'unproductive', which differentiates them clearly from workers and in itself would be enough to explain their lesser revolutionary propensity. How­ ever, this whole theoretical issue is very complex; do not engineers , for example, contribute to surplus value? My rather bland textual formulation is deliberately intended to dodge the issue. It should also be noted that I term these 'middle' elements a set of strata rather than a class, precisely because their ambiguous position in terms of sale of labour power leaves them with no clear material class basis of their own. 21. 'Regime' is used here to mean the overall distribution of power in a given social formation, anchored by the state. The latter has a variety of aspects often masked in discussion, but key ones here are that it is: a governing apparatus; a concentration of resources; a source of authority; and an arena in which various groups seek access to policy-making. Particularly in terms of the last, we may also conceptualize a 'power bloc' of elements drawn from the dominant class(es), or at least acting as their agents, which have direct access to/control over policy decisions. For an extended discussion of these' concepts see the seventh essay in Post 1996. 2 EXPANDING TO THE EAST 1. I derive this point from a critique of Lenin's earlier analysis of capitalism in Russia in Avenas 1976, p. 27. 190 Notes 2. For a useful discussion see Larrain 1989, pp. 62-72. We must also remember that Lenin in particular acknowledged a debt to the work of I.A. Hobson, a non-Marxist critic of imperialism. 3. Suny 1972, p. 13, with calculation; Bennigsen and Wimbush 1979, p. 151. The latter source speaks of 100000 Muslims in the Baku area alone (p. 10); much may depend on how 'Baku' is defined. It should also be noted that Azerbaijanis were categorized as 'Tatars' by the Russians at that time (Suny 1972, p. 16). 4. Bennigsen and Wimbush 1979, p. 10. I have drawn heavily on this study for data and quotations, but it should be noted that it is an anti-socialist work. Moreover, it very curiously makes no attempt to situate 'national communism' in relation to the evolution of Comintem policy, with which, I shall argue, it was less at variance than the authors suggest in their general comments (see, for example, their reference to 'Leninism' on p. 54). 5. For a discussion of these categories and the process of incorporation into the USSR, see Carr 1966, vol. I, Chapter 13. 6. Quoted, Bennigsen and Wimbush 1979, p. 209. I have slightly adapted this quotation, since one braids rather than weaves ropes. 7. Lenin 1953(c), pp. 322-3 and 329, original emphasis. For Luxemburg's views on the national question see Nettl 1966, passim and especially Appendix 2. 8. Sultan Galiyev 1919, pp. 131-2 . Next two paragraphs based on ibid., pp. 132-5. 9. Ibid., p. 136. As is shown by the inclusion of the economically unimpor­ tant Afghanistan, he was obviously influenced by his origin as a Muslim in the tsarist empire, but the generalization here admits China at a later point in the article, as well as Black Africa. The latter was viewed by Sultan Galiyev along with North and South America as forming the origi­ nal base for imperialism after which it shifted to Asia; this gives us the leeway to bring in Latin America as part of the periphery envisaged as the key to world socialist struggle by him as by the present author. 10. Quotations in the previous paragraph and this one cited by Bennigsen and Wimbush 1979, pp. 169, 170, 171 and 172. In the third quotation I have replaced 'unique' with 'single' as a clearer translation, although I have not seen the original. Bennigsen and Wimbush reproduce the 1921 pro­ gramme in Appendix E; here see p. 168. The complaint, for example, was that cotton cultivation was still made compulsory at the expense of grain and rice, leading to famine when central Russia could not ensure supplies, as in 1917-18 (pp. 168-9). 11. For discussion on the period prior to this see Persits 1981. 12. Lenin 1953(0, p. 423, original emphasis, also following quotations . 13. I have tried in summarizing the views of Lenin and Roy to reconstruct their original formulations before coming to the final results, based on Carrere d'Encausse and Schram 1969, Section III, documents 2-4, espe­ cially the notes to these. I have omitted detailed references to save space; interested readers are urged to go back to these documents. The cited editors seem to have done a careful job in putting together various sources, and also to have observed E.H. Carr's warnings about these in Carr 1966, vol. III, nn. 3 and 4, p. 254. I have benefited from the discussion in Notes 191 Claudin 1975, pp. 260-6, although my emphases and interpretations are not always his, and Datta Gupta 1980, pp. 15-44, is also valuable.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Developmentalism, Modernity, and Dependency Theory in Latin America
    Developmentalism, Modernity, and Dependency Theory in Latin America Ramón Grosfoguel The Latin American dependentistas produced a knowledge that criticized the Eurocentric assumptions of the cepalistas,includingtheorthodoxMarxistandtheNorthAmericanmodern- ization theories. The dependentista school critique of stagism and develop- mentalism was an important intervention that transformed the imaginary of intellectual debates in many parts of the world. However, I will argue that many dependentistas were still caught in the developmentalism, and in some cases even the stagism, that they were trying to overcome. Moreover, although the dependentistas’ critique of stagism was important in denying the “denial of coevalness” that Johannes Fabian (1983) describes as central to Eurocentric constructions of “otherness,” some dependentistas replaced it with new forms of denial of coevalness. The first part of this article dis- cusses developmentalist ideology and what I call “feudalmania” as part of the longue durée of modernity in Latin America. The second part discusses the dependentistas’ developmentalism. The third part is a critical discussion of Fernando Henrique Cardoso’s version of dependency theory. Finally, the fourth part discusses the dependentistas’ concept of culture. Developmentalist Ideology and Feudalmania as Part of the Ideology of Modernity in Latin America There is a tendency to present the post-1945 development debates in Latin America as unprecedented. In order to distinguish continuity from dis- continuity, we must place the 1945–90 development debates in the context of the longue durée of Latin American history. The 1945–90 development Nepantla: Views from South 1:2 Copyright 2000 by Duke University Press 347 348 Nepantla debates in Latin America, although seemingly radical, in fact form part of the longue durée of the geoculture of modernity that has dominated the modern world-system since the French Revolution in the late eighteenth century.
    [Show full text]
  • Chap 2 PF.Indd
    Credit: Shankar I ts chptr… The challenge of nation-building, covered in the last chapter, was This famous sketch accompanied by the challenge of instituting democratic politics. Thus, by Shankar appeared electoral competition among political parties began immediately after on the cover of his collection Don’t Spare Independence. In this chapter, we look at the first decade of electoral Me, Shankar. The politics in order to understand original sketch was • the establishment of a system of free and fair elections; drawn in the context of India’s China policy. But • the domination of the Congress party in the years immediately this cartoon captures after Independence; and the dual role of the Congress during the era • the emergence of opposition parties and their policies. of one-party dominance. 2021–22 chapter 2 era of one-party dominance Challenge of building democracy You now have an idea of the difficult circumstances in which independent India was born. You have read about the serious challenge of nation-building that confronted the country right in the beginning. Faced with such serious challenges, leaders in many other countries of the world decided that their country could not afford to have democracy. They said that national unity was their first priority and that democracy will introduce differences and conflicts. In India,…. Therefore many of the countries that gained freedom from colonialism …hero-worship, plays a part “ experienced non-democratic rule. It took various forms: nominal in its politics unequalled democracy but effective control by one leader, one party rule or direct in magnitude by the part army rule.
    [Show full text]
  • Monthly Review Press Catalog, 2011
    PAID PAID Social Structure RIPON, WI and Forms of NON-PROFIT U.S. POSTAGE U.S. POSTAGE Consciousness ORGANIZATION ORGANIZATION PERMIT NO. 100 volume ii The Dialectic of Structure and History István Mészáros Class Dismissed WHY WE CANNOT TEACH OR LEARN OUR WAY OUT OF INEQUALITY John Marsh JOSÉ CARLOS MARIÁTEGUI an anthology MONTHLY REVIEW PRESS Harry E. Vanden and Marc Becker editors and translators the story of the center for constitutional rights How Venezuela and Cuba are Changing the World’s Conception of Health Care the people’s RevolutionaRy lawyer DOCTORS 2011 Albert Ruben Steve Brouwer WHAT EVERY ENVIRONMENTALIST NEEDS TO KNOW ABOUT CAPITALISM JOHN BELLAMY FOSTER FRED MAGDOFF monthly review press review monthly #6W 29th Street, 146 West NY 10001 New York, www.monthlyreview.org 2011 MRP catalog:TMOI.qxd 1/4/2011 3:49 PM Page 1 THE DEVIL’S MILK A Social History of Rubber JOHN TULLY From the early stages of primitivehistory accu- mulation“ to the heights of the industrial revolution and beyond, rubber is one of a handful of commodities that has played a crucial role in shaping the modern world, and yet, as John Tully shows in this remarkable book, laboring people around the globe have every reason to THE DEVIL’S MILK regard it as “the devil’s milk.” All the A S O C I A L H I S T O R Y O F R U B B E R advancements made possible by rubber have occurred against a backdrop of seemingly endless exploitation, con- quest, slavery, and war.
    [Show full text]
  • Marxism, Bengal National Revolutionaries and Comintern
    SOCIAL TRENDS137 Journal of the Department of Sociology of North Bengal University Vol. 5, 31 March 2018; ISSN: 2348-6538 UGC Approved Marxism, Bengal National Revolutionaries and Comintern Bikash Ranjan Deb Abstract: The origin and development of national revolutionary movement in India, particularly in Bengal, in the beginning of the twentieth century constituted one of important signposts of Indian freedom struggle against the colonial British rule. The Bengal national revolutionaries dreamt of freeing India through armed insurrection & individual terrorism. But in spite of supreme sacrifices made by these revolutionaries, almost after thirty years of their movement, in the thirties of the twentieth century, they came to the realisation about the futility of the method which neglected involvement of the general masses so long. In the first half of the thirties most of these revolutionaries were detained. While in detention in different jails & camps for a pretty long period many of the revolutionaries came in contact with Marxist literature there. Imbibed by the Marxist view of social change they gave up ‘terrorism’ as a method altogether after coming out of jails/camps in 1938 or later. However, a sharp debate developed among them on the perception of the Communist International (CI), its colonial policy in general and the policy with respect to the Indian freedom struggle in particular. Further, CPI’s policy of following Comintern decisions as its national section also came under scrutiny. A large number of revolutionary converts questioned the applicability of the Comintern formulations in the perspective of late colonial Bengal. They were not ready either to accept CPI as a real communist party or to pay unquestionable obedience to the dictates of the Comintern.
    [Show full text]
  • Aruna Asaf Ali Aruna Asaf Ali Was a Freedom Fighter Who Rose to Prominence During the Quit India Movement
    Aruna Asaf Ali Aruna Asaf Ali was a freedom fighter who rose to prominence during the Quit India Movement. She is known as the ‘Grand Old Lady of Indian Independence’ for her role in the freedom struggle. This article will give details about Aruna Asaf Ali within the context of the IAS Exam The early life of Asaf Ali Aruna Asaf Ali was born Aruna Ganguly on 16 July 1909, in Kalka Punjab (now a part of the Haryana state). Her parents were Upendranath Ganguly and Ambalika Devi. Ambalika Devi was the daughter Trailokyanath Sanyal was a prominent leader of the Brahmo Samaj Aruna completed her education at the Sacred Heart Convent in Lahore and All Saints College in Nanital. Upon her graduation, she worked as a teacher at the Gokhale Memorial School in Calcutta where she would meet Asaf Ali, a leader in the Indian National Congress (Founded on December 28, 1885). Despite familial opposition, they both got married and she would become an active participant during the independence struggle. Role of Aruna Asaf Ali in the Indian Freedom Struggle Aruna Asaf Ali participated in a number of public processions during the Salt Satyagraha and arrested under many trumped-up charges. Despite the Gandhi-Irwin Pact that promised release of all political parties, she was still not released in 1931. A public agitation by other women freedom fighters and direct intervention by Mahatma Gandhi himself would secure her release later. While serving her jail sentence at Tihar Jail she protested against the severe treatment meted out to political prisoners by launching a hunger strike.
    [Show full text]
  • THE MARXIST, XXVIII 3, J P. Sundarayya
    THE MARXIST, XXVIII 3, JULY–SEPTEMBER 2012 PRAKASH KARAT P. Sundarayya: The Builder of the Communist Party The birth centenary of Putchalapalli Sundarayya, who was born on May 1, 1913 is being observed this year. P. Sundarayya is recognized as a builder of the Communist Party, strategist of the agrarian revolution, a defender of Marxist Leninist principles and a man closely associated with the masses. As General Secretary of the CPI(M) from its inception in 1964 to 1976, Sundarayya played a key role in the formation and the development of the Communist Party of India (Marxist). Three years ago in 2009, the birth centenary of his colleague and contemporary in the Indian communist movement, EMS Namboo-diripad was observed. Both were leaders with similarities in terms of their political upbringing, their experience in the Congress-led national movement and their evolution into leading communists of the pre-independence generation. Both emerged as leaders of the Communist Party of India and later the Communist Party of India (Marxist). EMS & PS: PARALLEL TRAJECTORIES EMS and PS joined the national movement as students. Neither completed their college studies. Both of them participated in the civil disobedience movement of 1930-31. Both were jailed in the satyagraha. It is in this period that they got disillusioned with the Gandhian movement and began looking for radical alternatives. P. Sundarayya came to communism earlier. While studying in college in Madras, PS joined a youth group set up by H.D. Raja a communist and was later recruited by Amir Hyder Khan into the Party. Later he joined the Congress Socialist Party as per the Party’s decision.
    [Show full text]
  • Communism and Religion in North India, 1920–47
    "To the Masses." Communism and Religion in North India, 1920–47 Dissertation zur Erlangung des akademischen Grades doctor philosophiae (Dr. phil.) eingereicht an der Kultur-, Sozial- und Bildungswissenschaftlichen Fakultät der Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin von Patrick Hesse Präsident der Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin Prof. Dr. Jan-Hendrik Olbertz Dekanin der Kultur-, Sozial- und Bildungswissenschaftlichen Fakultät Prof. Dr. Julia von Blumenthal Gutachter: 1. Michael Mann 2. Dietrich Reetz Tag der mündlichen Prüfung: 20. Juli 2015 Abstract Among the eldest of its kind in Asia, the Communist Party of India (CPI) pioneered the spread of Marxist politics beyond the European arena. Influenced by both Soviet revolutionary practice and radical nationalism in British India, it operated under conditions not provided for in Marxist theory—foremost the prominence of religion and community in social and political life. The thesis analyzes, first, the theoretical and organizational ‘overhead’ of the CPI in terms of the position of religion in a party communist hierarchy of emancipation. It will therefore question the works of Marx, Engels, and Lenin on the one hand, and Comintern doctrines on the other. Secondly, it scrutinizes the approaches and strategies of the CPI and individual members, often biographically biased, to come to grips with the subcontinental environment under the primacy of mass politics. Thirdly, I discuss communist vistas on revolution on concrete instances including (but not limited to) the Gandhian non-cooperation movement, the Moplah rebellion, the subcontinental proletariat, the problem of communalism, and assertion of minority identities. I argue that the CPI established a pattern of vacillation between qualified rejection and conditional appropriation of religion that loosely constituted two diverging revolutionary paradigms characterizing communist practice from the Soviet outset: Western and Eastern.
    [Show full text]
  • {PDF EPUB} Words of Freedom Ideas of a Nation by Aruna Asaf Ali
    Read Ebook {PDF EPUB} Words of Freedom Ideas of a Nation by Aruna Asaf Ali , 1942. ‘ ’ . 16 1909 ( ) 29 , 1996. 23 1928 - 1930 , - , 1932 10 1942 8 ‘ ’ 5000 26 1946 1948 1955 1958 , 1960 1975 1991 29 1996 1998 ‘ ’ , Words Of Freedom: Ideas Of a Nation. ‘ ’ 1944 ‘ ’ , ‘ - , ’. ‘ ’ ‘1942 ’ ‘ ’ , , , : Purnima Banerji (1911 – 1951) Purnima Banerji* was a part of the constituent assembly from 1946 – 1950. She represented the United Provinces in the assembly. She was serving as a member of the Uttar Pradesh legislative assembly in 1946. Apart from her many debates in the assembly, she also led the chorus in singing Jana Gana Mana after its official adoption as the national anthem on January 24th, 1950. Purnima Banerji was one among a radical network of women from Uttar Pradesh who stood at the forefront of the freedom movement in late 1930’s and 40’s. Her colleagues included Sucheta Kripalani, Vijaylakshmi Pandit, Uma Nehru, Rameshwari Nehru, Hajra Begum and many more. She was a member of the Congress Socialist Party since its inception in 1934, and a secretary for the Indian National Congress’ city committee in Allahabad. In 1941, she and Sucheta Kripalani were arrested for offering Individual Satyagraha. She was later arrested again for her participation in the Quit India Movement. She is said to have pursued her B.A in prison **. She was a close friend of the Nehru family, often sharing jail space with Nehru’s sisters, nieces, and with Indira Gandhi. Purnima Banerji was also the younger sister of freedom fighter Aruna Asaf Ali. One of the more striking aspects of Purnima Banerji’s speeches in the constituent assembly was her steadfast commitment to a socialist ideology.
    [Show full text]
  • Ralph Miliband, 1924 - 1994 the Common Sense of Socialism
    NEWS Ralph Miliband, 1924 - 1994 The Common Sense of Socialism For anyone studying or teaching politics in the late 1960s and 1970s, the publication ofRalph Miliband' s The State in Capitalist Society in 1969 was a watershed. The 'pluralist' theories which had dominated the discipline, especially in North America, somehow never quite recovered from this exposure of the emperor's fatuous nakedness; and in the debates that ensued, 'the state' , with everything it implies about the concentration of social power, re­ emerged from behind the mystifications of 'the political system' and 'political behaviour' to become a, if not the, central theme of political studies. On the left in particular, the 'Miliband-Poulantzas debate' became a major preoccupation. It is still easy to remember the intellectual excitement generated by a whole new mode of Marxist discourse which had rescued the state and politics from the epiphenomenal, and to recall the force of Miliband's personality and conviction (not to speak of his humour) as he spoke, in public or private. But it is harder to recapture just what specific issues were at stake in that debate. Important divergences there certainly were between the main protagonists - not only concerning matters of theory but about the political practices of Stalinism, Maoism, Eurocommunism, and so on; yet in historical perspective, their differences seem incommensurate with the intensity of the debate, or at least the intensity with which post-graduate students then followed it. The political issues that preoccupied the left 'before the fall' seem very distant, and the differences between Miliband and Poulantzas, both in their various ways looking for a ground for socialism neither Stalinist nor social-democratic, may seem less significant in the face of the gulf that now divides Marxism socialist intellectual would claim, among other things, to be from a whole range of post- and anti-Marxist trends on the left.
    [Show full text]
  • Parliamentary Documentation Vol.XLV 16-30 June, 2019 No.12
    Parliamentary Documentation Vol.XLV 16-30 June, 2019 No.12 AGRICULTURE -AGRICULTURAL COMMODITIES-RICE 1. SONI, Jeetendra Kumar and Others Weedy rice : Threat for sustainablility of direct seeded rice production. INDIAN FARMING (NEW DELHI), V.69(No.4), 2019(April 2019): P.37-40. Discusses the weedy rice and its impact on direct seeded rice production. **Agriculture-Agricultural Commodities-Rice; Herbicide; Infestation. -AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION 2. BEHERA, S. K. and Others Best micronutrient management practices for ameliorating micronutrient deficiency and enhance crop productivity. INDIAN FARMING (NEW DELHI), V.69(No.4), 2019(April 2019): P.11-16. **Agriculture-Agricultural Production; Fertilizer; Micronutrient. 3. NOGIYA, M and Others Biological interventions to improve P-use efficiency and sustainable crop production. INDIAN FARMING (NEW DELHI), V.69(No.4), 2019(April 2019): P.17-19. Discusses the method to improve phosphorus use efficiency of soil to maintain sustainble crop production. **Agriculture-Agricultural Production; Micro-organism; Soil; Fertilizers; Soil conservation. 4. RAGHAVENDRA, M. and Others System of wheat intensification : An innovative approach. INDIAN FARMING (NEW DELHI), V.69(No.4), 2019(April 2019): P.23-26. Discusses the management practices for raising wheat production. **Agriculture-Agricultural Production; Agricultural Research; Food Security; Wheat. -AQUACULTURE 5. PRADHAN, Sweta and Others Designer pearl production in freshwater : an upcoming technology. INDIAN FARMING (NEW DELHI), V.69(No.4), 2019(April 2019): P.53-56. **Agriculture-Aquaculture; Designer Pearl; Pond Culture; Pearl Farming. 2 **-Keywords -CROPS 6. VANDANA SHIVA Crime against nature and society are not "Satyagraha". JANATA (MUMBAI), V.74(No.22), 2019(23.6.2019): P.5-6.
    [Show full text]
  • West European Communist Parties: Kautskyism And/Or Derevolutionization?
    INFORMATION TO USERS This reproduction was made from a copy of a document sent to us for microfilming. While the most advanced technology has been used to photograph and reproduce this document, the quality of the reproduction is heavily dependent upon the quality of the material submitted. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help clarify markings or notations which may appear on this reproduction. 1.The sign or “target” for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is “Missing Page(s)”. If it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting througli an image and duplicating adjacent pages to assure complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a round black mark, it is an indication of either blurred copy because of movement during exposure, duplicate copy, or copyrighted materials that should not have been filmed. For blurred pages, a good image of the page can be found in the adjacent frame. If copyrighted materials were deleted, a target note will appear listing the pages in the adjacent frame. 3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., is part of the material being photographed, a definite method of “sectioning” the material has been followed. It is customary to begin filming at the upper left hand comer of a large sheet and to continue from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. If necessary, sectioning is continued again-beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete.
    [Show full text]
  • Jayaprakash: the Road Back to Gandhi New Delhi, India January 3, 1958 Mr
    INSTITUTE OF CURRENT WORLD AFFAIRS WDF-22 c/o American Embassy Jayaprakash: The Road Back to Gandhi New Delhi, India January 3, 1958 Mr. Walter S. Rogers Institute of Current World Affairs 522 Fifth Aenue New York 36, New York Dear Mr. Rogers: ,,Jayaprakash,"-" said Prime Minister Nehru to an American journalist a few years ago, is the future Prime Minister of India." Een with ehru's blessing i.t would not hae been easy, for Jayaprakash Narayan became head of the Praja Socialist Party, hich steed a poor second to ehru's Indian ational Congress. Nevertheless, he was youthful, vigor- ous, articulate, honest, prestigious and popular. Me had an excellent ,independence record (the Indian equivalent of the ar records,,), and he attracted large numbers" of politically minded youth who found the Con- gress too stolid and the Communist Party too extravagant. Today, Jayaprakash is most unlikely to become a Prime Minister of India. He has left ",party and power politics", and joined the Bhoodan (Land-gift) movement led by Vinoba Bhave. Indeed he has made ivandan the gift of one's life, to the ideal of Saro.da_a_, or voluntary XTZ' tarian+/-sm. In so doing, Jayapraks;sh has--diSapponted a lot of Praja 2oclalists, and many Indians who hoped that he would lead his party to become the Opposition in a two-party system o government. He also dis- appointed some who wonder, with some anxiety, who will lead India after lehru leaves the scene. Jayaprakash is still celebrated---he is known at J.P. ,:,, with all the fame that the abbreviation implies.
    [Show full text]