MAPPING the EVOLUTION of PEACE and ITS DRIVERS Quantifying Peace and Its Benefits
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La Situación De La Violencia Relacionada Con Las Drogas En México Del 2006 Al 2017 : ¿Es Un Conflicto Armado No Internacional
La situación de la violencia relacionada con las drogas en México del 2006 al 2017 : Titulo ¿es un conflicto armado no internacional? Arriaga Valenzuela, Luis - Prologuista; Guevara Bermúdez, José Antonio - Otra; Autor(es) Campo Esteta, Laura Martín del - Traductor/a; Universiteit Leiden, Grotius Centre for International Legal Studies - Autor/a; Guadalajara Lugar ITESO Editorial/Editor Comisión Mexicana de Defensa y Promoción de los Derechos Humanos 2019 Fecha Colección Tráfico de drogas; Drogas; Violencia; Carteles; México; Temas Libro Tipo de documento "http://biblioteca.clacso.org/Mexico/cip-iteso/20200713020717/03.pdf" URL Reconocimiento-No Comercial-Sin Derivadas CC BY-NC-ND Licencia http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.0/deed.es Segui buscando en la Red de Bibliotecas Virtuales de CLACSO http://biblioteca.clacso.org Consejo Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales (CLACSO) Conselho Latino-americano de Ciências Sociais (CLACSO) Latin American Council of Social Sciences (CLACSO) www.clacso.org La situación de la violencia relacionada con las drogas en México del 2006 al 2017: ¿es un conflicto armado no Internacional? La situación de la violencia relacionada con las drogas en México del 2006 al 2017: ¿es un conflicto armado no Internacional? COMISIÓN MEXIcaNA DE DEFENSA Y PROMOCIÓN DE LOS DERECHOS HUMANOS, A.C. CONSEJO DIRECTIVO COORDINacIÓN DE INCIDENCIA Ximena Andión Ibáñez Olga Guzmán Vergara Presidenta Coordinadora Alejandro Anaya Muñoz Jürgen Moritz Beatriz Solís Leere María Corina Muskus Toro Jacobo Dayán José Luis Caballero -
L'impact De L'insécurité Urbaine Sur Les Entreprises Manufacturières D'amérique Latine: Une Étude De Cas, Puebla Au Mexique
INRS Urbanisation, Culture et Société L'IMPACT DE L'INSÉCURITÉ URBAINE SUR LES ENTREPRISES MANUFACTURIÈRES D'AMÉRIQUE LATINE: UNE ÉTUDE DE CAS, PUEBLA AU MEXIQUE Par Pamela Echeverria L. Thèse présentée pour l'obtention du grade de Philosophiae doctor (Ph. D.) en Études urbaines (programme offert conjointement par l'INRS-Urbanisation, Culture et Société et l'UQAM) Jury d'évaluation Examinateur externe Winnie Frohn Département d'études urbaines et touristiques Université du Québec à Montréal Examinateur externe Lisa M. Bornstein École d'urbanisme Université McGill Examinateur interne Julie-Anne Boudreau Études Urbaines INRS-Urbanisation, Culture et Société Directeur de recherche Mario Polèse Études Urbaines INRS-Urbanisation, Culture et Société Thèse soutenue le 2 novembre 2009 Tous droits réservés de Pamela Echeverria, 2010 11 « The cUies Jike dreams are made of desires and fears » Halo Calvino, Le città invisibili RÉSUMÉ L'insécurité urbaine est une préoccupation quasi universelle et, pour certaines communautés locales, leur cheval de bataille. La criminalité cause des torts irréparables aux victimes. Elle nuit aussi à la capacité des villes de produire de la richesse et d'attirer de nouveaux capitaux. Certaines régions sont aux prises avec une criminalité endémique, mais aussi avec des crimes de plus en plus violents. C'est le cas de l'Amérique latine. En dépit des effets pervers de l'insécurité urbaine, peu de chercheurs se sont.intéressés à son impact sur le fonctionnement et la productivité des entreprises. Pourtant, elles sont les canaux par lesquels les villes peuvent prospérer. Les quelques études sur le sujet montrent que le coût du crime dans le secteur privé est considérable tout en étant difficile à comptabiliser. -
War on the Mexican Drug Cartels
THE WAR ON MEXICAN CARTELS OPTIONS FOR U.S. AND MEXICAN POLICY-MAKERS POLICY PROGRAM CHAIRS Ken Liu Chris Taylor GROUP CHAIR Jean-Philippe Gauthier AUTHORS William Dean Laura Derouin Mikhaila Fogel Elsa Kania Tyler Keefe James McCune Valentina Perez Anthony Ramicone Robin Reyes Andrew Seo Minh Trinh Alex Velez-Green Colby Wilkason RESEARCH COORDINATORS Tia Ray Kathryn Walsh September 2012 Final Report of the Institute of Politics National Security Student Policy Group THE WAR ON MEXICAN CARTELS OPTIONS FOR U.S. AND MEXICAN POLICY-MAKERS POLICY PROGRAM CHAIRS Ken Liu Chris Taylor GROUP CHAIR Jean-Philippe Gauthier AUTHORS William Dean Laura Derouin Mikhaila Fogel Elsa Kania Tyler Keefe James McCune Valentina Perez Anthony Ramicone Robin Reyes Andrew Seo Minh Trinh Alex Velez-Green Colby Wilkason RESEARCH COORDINATORS Tia Ray Kathryn Walsh September 2012 Final Report of the Institute of Politics 2 National Security Student Policy Group Institute of Politics ABOUT THE INSTITUTE OF POLITICS NATIONAL SECURITY POLICY GROUP The Institute of Politics is a non-profit organization located in the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University. It is a living memorial to President John F. Kennedy, and its mission is to unite and engage students, particularly undergraduates, with academics, politicians, activists, and policymakers on a non-partisan basis and to stimulate and nurture their interest in public service and leadership. The Institute strives to promote greater understanding and cooperation between the academic world and the world of politics and public affairs. Led by a Director, Senior Advisory Board, Student Advisory Committee, and staff, the Institute provides wide-ranging opportunities for both Harvard students and the general public. -
The Politics of Crime in Mexico: Democratic Governance in a Security Trap
EXCERPTED FROM The Politics of Crime in Mexico: Democratic Governance in a Security Trap John Bailey Copyright © 2014 ISBN: 978-1-935049-89-0 hc FIRSTFORUMPRESS A DIVISION OF LYNNE RIENNER PUBLISHERS, INC. 1800 30th Street, Ste. 314 Boulder, CO 80301 USA telephone 303.444.6684 fax 303.444.0824 This excerpt was downloaded from the FirstForumPress website www.firstforumpress.com Contents List of Tables and Figures ix Preface xi 1 Security Traps and Mexico’s Democracy 1 2 Foundational Crime: Tax Evasion and Informality 31 3 Common Crime and Democracy: Weakening vs. Deepening 51 4 Organized Crime: Theory and Applications to Kidnapping 85 5 Drug Trafficking Organizations and Democratic Governance 115 6 State Responses to Organized Crime 143 7 Escape Routes: Policy Adaptation and Diffusion 181 List of Acronyms 203 Bibliography 207 Index 225 vii 1 Security Traps and Mexico’s Democracy “We either sort this out or we’re screwed. Really screwed.” —Javier 1 Sicilia, April 2011. “May the Mexican politicians forgive me, but the very first thing is to construct a state policy. The fight against drugs can’t be politicized.” —Former Colombian President Ernesto Samper, June 2011.2 The son of Javier Sicilia, a noted Mexican poet and journalist, was among seven young people found murdered in Cuernavaca, Morelos, in late March 2011. The scandal triggered mega-marches in 37 cities throughout Mexico to protest violence and insecurity. Like others before him, Sicilia vented his rage at the political class. “We’ve had legislators that do nothing more than collect their pay. And that’s the real complaint of the people. -
Policy Brief
Policy Brief April 26, 2013 Freedom of Expression on the Agenda in Mexico By Mariclaire Acosta, Mexico project director and Viviana Giacaman, director of Latin America programs. Journalists Under Siege President Barack Obama’s planned trip to Mexico, the first to Latin America during his second term, demonstrates the importance the U.S. administration places on bilateral relations with its neighbor to the south. While the Obama administration has filled the agenda with security topics, such as the Mérida Initiative, it also intends to broaden the spectrum of dialogue to include much more positive and forward- looking topics including trade and energy relations. President Obama is right to propose a broad agenda of mutual interest. The security situation in Mexico, which the United States has attempted to address with approximately $2 billion in assistance, has brought about consequences that President Obama simply cannot ignore, such as the shocking number of victims—nearly 60,000 people—as a result of the war against drug cartels. Freedom of expression and the practice of journalism have been held hostage by the spiral of violence, which threatens to undermine the very foundations of Mexico’s democracy. Given the serious repercussions on democratic governance and stability, President Obama should give the protection of journalists a prominent place on the bilateral agenda. Attacks against journalists and media outlets in Mexico have increased since 2000 in proportion to the violence in the streets, turning the country into one of the most dangerous places in the world to practice journalism. While the statistics are not exact, given the difficulty of accessing information and the silence of the victims and relatives who distrust the authorities, official figures provided by the National Human Rights Commission [Comisión Nacional de Derechos Humanos] (CNDH), have documented 82 murders of journalists, 18 disappearances, and 33 attacks on media outlets in the last twelve years. -
“Control...Over the Entire State of Coahuila” an Analysis of Testimonies in Trials Against Zeta Members in San Antonio, Austin, and Del Rio, Texas
“Control...Over the Entire State of Coahuila” An analysis of testimonies in trials against Zeta members in San Antonio, Austin, and Del Rio, Texas NOVEMBER 2017 This report does not represent the official position of the School of Law or the University of Texas, and the views presented here reflect only the opinions of the individual authors and of the Human Rights Clinic 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ............................................................ 3 2. INTRODUCTION .................................................................. 5 A. Project Description And Purpose ............................................... 5 B. The Trials ................................................................... 6 I. The San Antonio Trial..................................................... 6 II. The Austin Trials ......................................................... 7 III. The Del Rio Trial ......................................................... 9 C. Background Information ...................................................... 9 I. Mexico’s Security Strategy ................................................. 9 II. Coahuila, Mexico ......................................................... 10 III. Brief History of the Zeta Cartel ............................................. 11 3. FINDINGS ON THE ZETA CARTEL STRUCTURE AND OPERATIONS ......................... 13 A. Hierarchy and Organization. .................................................. 13 B. Most Important Zeta Members Based on Testimonies ............................. -
Regions and Cities at a Glance 2018 – MEXICO Economic Trends In
http://www.oecd.org/regional Regions and Cities at a Glance 2018 – MEXICO Economic trends in regions Regional gap in GDP per capita, 2003-16 Index of regional disparity in GDP per capita, 2016 GDP per capita in USD PPP Top 20 % richest over bottom 20% poorest regions 2016 2000 Ratio 140 000 Highest region 4 Small regions Large regions Campeche (TL3) (TL2) 120 000 48 980 USD 100 000 3 Second highest region 80 000 Mex ico City 39 860 USD 60 000 Mex ico 2 40 000 16 969 USD 20 000 1 Low est region 0 Chiapas 6 636 USD 2003 2010 2016 Country (number of regions considered) Mexico has high regional disparities. GDP per capita in Mexico City – the country’s second richest region after Campeche, where natural resources significantly contribute to the economy – was more than five times higher than in Chiapas in 2016. Even when resource rich regions such as Campeche or Tabasco are excluded, regional economic disparities in Mexico remain larger than in any other OECD country. However, regional disparities in terms of GDP per capita have slightly decreased in Mexico over the last sixteen years, when the richest and poorest 20% of regions are taken into account. With a productivity growth of 4.4% per year over the period 2010-16, Aguascalientes had the highest productivity growth and strongly converged towards the productivity level of Mexico City, the national frontier in terms of labour productivity (excluding Campeche). Tlaxcala recorded the lowest productivity growth of the country with -1% per year between 2010 and 2016 (excluding Campeche and Tabasco due to fluctuation of natural resource prices). -
Tabasco Mexico
JURISDICTIONAL SUSTAINABILITY PROFILE TABASCO MEXICO LOW-EMISSION RURAL VILLAHERMOSA DEVELOPMENT (LED-R) FOREST NO FOREST AT A GLANCE DEFORESTATION (1985-2014) • Original forest covers 3.4% of the state; few remaining natural forest areas are located in inaccessible flood- DRIVERS OF Large-scale agriculture prone areas DEFORESTATION Sources: Large-scale cattle ranching Socio-economic: INEGI, OECD Deforestation: Hansen et al./ • 14% of state categorized as protected areas, but suffer UMD/Google/USGS/NASA; post- Small-scale cattle ranching high levels of illegal logging, hunting, & fire processing by EII AVERAGE ANNUAL 0.70 Mt CO (2012-2014) 2 Deforestation Includes above-ground biomass • Increase in mangrove areas over the past 10 years due to EMISSIONS FROM GDP & below-ground biomass DEFORESTATION Average deforestation 523,613 communities’ use of wildlife conservation management 2 AREA 24,738 km 2 units (UMAs), promoted by national Secretary of MILLIONS MXN POPULATION 2,454,295 (2018) 0.75 Environment & Natural Resources (SEMARNAT) & National HDI 74.17 (2012) 400,000 Forestry Commission (CONAFOR) GDP USD 27.02 billion 0.50 (2016, Base year 2013) • Significant production of crude petroleum derived GINI 0.46 (2014) 200,000 from mangrove ecosystems, with cases of soil & water 0.25 MAIN ECONOMIC Extraction of non-renewable contamination & ecosystem disruption HUNDREDS OF Km ACTIVITIES resources 0.2 0.00 0.13 0.25 0.45 0.13 0.39 0.19 0.26 0.13 0.14 0.21 0.33 0.32 0.38 0.65 0.91 0 • One of Mexico’s main beef providers from the Trade 03 04 05 -
Mexico: State Law on Legitimation and Distinctions Between Children Born in and out of Wedlock
Report for the Executive Office for Immigration Review LL Files Nos. 2017-014922 through 2017-014953 Mexico: State Law on Legitimation and Distinctions Between Children Born In and Out of Wedlock (Update) August 2017 The Law Library of Congress, Global Legal Research Center (202) 707-6462 (phone) • (866) 550-0442 (fax) • [email protected] • http://www.law.gov Contents Introduction .....................................................................................................................................1 Aguascalientes .................................................................................................................................2 Baja California .................................................................................................................................4 Baja California Sur ..........................................................................................................................6 Campeche .........................................................................................................................................8 Chiapas ...........................................................................................................................................10 Chihuahua ......................................................................................................................................12 Coahuila .........................................................................................................................................14 Colima ............................................................................................................................................15 -
Baja California Sur Tourism Cluster in Mexico
MICROECONOMICS OF COMPETITIVENESS THE BAJA CALIFORNIA SUR TOURISM CLUSTER IN MEXICO Professor Michael E. Porter Professor Niels Ketelhöhn Mulegué Loreto Comondú Los Cabos municipality La Paz San Jose del Cabo Cabo Corridor Cabo San Lucas Daniel Acevedo (Mexico) Dionisio Garza Sada (Mexico) José Luis Romo (Mexico) Bernardo Vogel (Mexico) Boston, Massachusetts May 2nd, 2008 Profile of Mexico Mexico covers an area of 1,964,382 square kilometers (758,452 square miles). With a population of 105 million, Mexico is the 11th most populous country and the most populous Spanish-speaking country in the world. The nation’s capital, Mexico City, is the second largest city in the world. Mexico is composed by 31 states congregated in a federal representative democratic republic. The constitution establishes three levels of government: federal, state, and municipal. The federal government is constituted by the Legislative branch, composed by the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies, the Executive branch, headed by the President who is elected for a single term every six years by a direct national election and is also commander in chief of the military forces, and the Judicial branch, comprised by the Supreme Court.1 Recent Political and Economic Situation The economic policy from 1920 until the end of the 1980’s was based on a centralized economy driven by strong government intervention. During the 1950´s postwar years, Mexico pursued an economic development strategy of “stabilizing development” that relied on heavy public-sector investment to modernize the national economy. Concurrently, Mexican governments followed conservative policies on controlled interest and exchange rates that helped maintain low rates of inflation and attracted external capital to support industrialization. -
Militarization, Organized Crime, and Democratic Challenges in Mexico
RESEARCH & ANALYSIS Militarization, Organized Crime, and Democratic Challenges in Mexico Roberto Zepeda, Jonathan D. Rosen and Thiago Rodrigues Introduction This paper examines the nexus between corruption, weak institu- tions, drug trafficking, and organized crime in Mexico. (Morris 2012; Zepeda, Rosen 2019). Historical legacy has determined the current events of contemporary Mexico, which is characterized by a transition from an authoritarian to a democratic regime (Velasco 2012). Despite its transition to democracy, Mexico has been plagued by high levels of corruption and impunity. This article utilizes data and qualitative analysis to examine the trends in corruption and insecurity as well as lack of trust in institutions. This chapter also analyzes organized crime in Mexico and how the country’s war on drugs has resulted in increases in violence and insecurity. Our main argument is that the PENSAMIENTO PROPIO 51 PENSAMIENTO 233 Militarization, Organized Crime, and Democratic Challenges in Mexico militarization of public safety, especially since Calderón’s administra- tion (2006-2012), and tough on crime policies in general have failed to address the underlying institutional challenges that the country faces connecting corruption, organized crime and political institutions. Democratization and Corruption: Fragile Institutions According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNO- DC), corruption is a complex social, political and economic phenom- enon that affects all countries, as it undermines democratic institu- tions, hinders economic development, and contributes to government instability. Corruption, according to the UNODC, attacks the basis of democratic institutions by distorting electoral processes, perverting the rule of law, and creating bureaucratic obstacles whose only reason for existence is to ask for bribes. -
Variables Que Generan Violencia 52 2.6.1
BENEMÉRITA UNIVERSIDAD AUTÓNOMA DE PUEBLA FACULTAD DE DERECHO Y CIENCIAS SOCIALES POSGRADO EN CIENCIAS POLÍTICAS VIOLENCIAS ILEGALES: PERIODISTAS MUERTOS O DESAPARECIDOS ENTRE 2000 Y 2015 TESIS QUE PARA OBTENER EL TÍTULO DE MAESTRO EN CIENCIAS POLÍTICAS PRESENTA LIC. JUAN FRANCISCO GARCÍA MARAÑÓN DIRECTORA DRA. LIDIA AGUILAR BALDERAS PUEBLA, PUE. MAYO 2015 Dedico esta investigación y agradezco: A mi hijo Pablo, esperanza y motivación de vida. A mi familia por el apoyo y el aguante. A la familia de mi hijo por el cariño incondicional. A don Paquillo y doña Susanita, que andarán por ahí, contemplando actos que sonaban imposibles. A la Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales de la BUAP por la generosidad de alumbrar un nuevo rumbo para reinventarme. Al Doctor Francisco Sánchez y su equipo de trabajo en la Coordinación del Posgrado en Ciencias Políticas, por el rigor científico y el afecto, con lo que aprendo a complementar lo cuantitativo y lo cualitativo. A la Dra. Pilar Calveiro por ayudarme a trazar el camino. A la Dra. Lidia Aguilar Balderas por encauzarme hacia la consecución del objetivo. A mis profesoras y profesores de la Maestría en Ciencias Políticas por llevarme de la mano en la senda actual del estado del arte de la disciplina: la Dra. Pilar, el Dr. Samuel, el Dr. Miguel Ángel, el Dr. Israel, el Dr. César, la Dra. Lidia, el Dr. Paco, el Dr. Diego, el Mtro. Hugo, el Dr. Jorge, el Dr. Octavio; gracias por enseñarme que las cosas-y las personas- en este mundo están profundamente ligadas entre sí. A mis compañeras y compañeros de generación de la Maestría, jóvenes talentosos y brillantes con quienes se conformó un excelente grupo de estudio y trabajo.