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Indigenous and Social Movement Political Parties in Ecuador and Bolivia, 1978-2000
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Democratizing Formal Politics: Indigenous and Social Movement Political Parties in Ecuador and Bolivia, 1978-2000 A Dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirement for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Jennifer Noelle Collins Committee in charge: Professor Paul Drake, Chair Professor Ann Craig Professor Arend Lijphart Professor Carlos Waisman Professor Leon Zamosc 2006 Copyright Jennifer Noelle Collins, 2006 All rights reserved. The Dissertation of Jennifer Noelle Collins is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm: ___________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________ Chair University of California, San Diego 2006 iii DEDICATION For my parents, John and Sheila Collins, who in innumerable ways made possible this journey. For my husband, Juan Giménez, who met and accompanied me along the way. And for my daughter, Fiona Maité Giménez-Collins, the beautiful gift bequeathed to us by the adventure that has been this dissertation. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS SIGNATURE PAGE.……………………..…………………………………...…...…iii DEDICATION .............................................................................................................iv TABLE OF CONTENTS ..............................................................................................v -
Vachudova + Zilovic APSA Paper CWG September 2015
Party Positions, State Capture and EU Enlargement in the Western Balkans Milada Anna Vachudova University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Marko Zilovic George Washington University Paper prepared for the Annual Meeting of American Political Science Association, San Francisco, September 2015. The study of EU conditionality has focused on how the governments of candidate states have changed domestic policies, laws and institutions in order to qualify for EU membership. However, political parties are arguably the most important and most proximate source of domestic policy change – and thus of compliance or noncompliance with EU requirements. Scholars have shown that ruling political parties rarely comply with the EU’s external requirements if the costs of compliance are too high and threaten to undermine the domestic sources of their political power. After twenty-five years of observing post-communist party systems, we also know that extremist and nationalist parties rarely fade away. Consequently, it is important to understand how parties construct and change their agendas, and how these agendas are translated into government policies if they win power. EU enlargement, meanwhile, has been under the spotlight: It has been called the most successful democracy promotion program ever implemented by an international actor. Yet it has also been held liable for weak rule of law in new EU members, and lately for the dismantling of liberal democracy by the Hungarian and also Polish governments. It is therefore also important to understand how and under what conditions the key instrument of EU leverage – using conditionality to moderate parties and shape government policies – has been successful. -
A Layman's Guide to the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict
CJPME’s Vote 2019 Elections Guide « Vote 2019 » Guide électoral de CJPMO A Guide to Canadian Federal Parties’ Positions on the Middle East Guide sur la position des partis fédéraux canadiens à propos du Moyen-Orient Assembled by Canadians for Justice and Peace in the Middle East Préparé par Canadiens pour la justice et la paix au Moyen-Orient September, 2019 / septembre 2019 © Canadians for Justice and Peace in the Middle East Preface Préface Canadians for Justice and Peace in the Middle East Canadiens pour la paix et la justice au Moyen-Orient (CJPME) is pleased to provide the present guide on (CJPMO) est heureuse de vous présenter ce guide Canadian Federal parties’ positions on the Middle électoral portant sur les positions adoptées par les East. While much has happened since the last partis fédéraux canadiens sur le Moyen-Orient. Canadian Federal elections in 2015, CJPME has Beaucoup d’eau a coulé sous les ponts depuis les élections fédérales de 2015, ce qui n’a pas empêché done its best to evaluate and qualify each party’s CJPMO d’établir 13 enjeux clés relativement au response to thirteen core Middle East issues. Moyen-Orient et d’évaluer les positions prônées par chacun des partis vis-à-vis de ceux-ci. CJPME is a grassroots, secular, non-partisan organization working to empower Canadians of all CJPMO est une organisation de terrain non-partisane backgrounds to promote justice, development and et séculière visant à donner aux Canadiens de tous peace in the Middle East. We provide this horizons les moyens de promouvoir la justice, le document so that you – a Canadian citizen or développement et la paix au Moyen-Orient. -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
Jens Gmeiner: from the “Old” to the “New” Moderates. Conditions for Success and Change Processes of the Swedish Conserva
Jens Gmeiner: From the “old” to the “new” moderates. Conditions for success and change processes of the Swedish Conservatives from 2002 to 2010, Books on Demand (BoD) 2020 Submitted as: Conditions for success for the Swedish Conservatives. Structures, actors and processes of change of the Moderate Party from 2002 to 2010 Brief overview of the structure: 1. INTRODUCTION: SUBJECT MATTER AND INTEREST IN THE STUDY 2. STATE OF RESEARCH IN THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND OWN LEVELS OF EXAMINATION 2.1 Research status and research gap on the Moderate Party 2.2 Party change – Clarification of terms, preliminary considerations and approaches 2.3 Theoretical framework – Parties between agency and structure 2.4 On the mission statement, content and trends of the Swedish model 2.5 Own approach: Levels of analysis and concrete questions of the work 3. RESEARCH DESIGN, METHODS, AND STUDY STRUCTURE 3.1 Research design and case selection 3.2 Material and methods 3.3 Structure of the study 4. IDEOLOGICAL AND WELFARE CONTEXT: THE “POLICY OF MARKET ADAPTATION” 4.1 Criticism and diagnosis of the Swedish model since the “long 1990s” 4.2 The new welfare compromise in the 1990s 4.3 The Swedish model between “people's home nostalgia” and market adaptation 5. HISTORY: FOUNDATION, RISE AND LIMITS OF THE MODERATE PARTY (1904–1999) 5.1 Origin, development of ideas, organization and electoral milieu of the Swedish conservatives 5.2 From the marginalized right-wing party to the leading party in the bourgeois bloc (1970–1999) 6. THE MODERATE PARTY IN THE OPPOSITION – THE TRANSITION -
Framework Agreement Between the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Moderate Party, the Swedish Green Party, the Centre Party and the Christian Democrats
Framework agreement between the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Moderate Party, the Swedish Green Party, the Centre Party and the Christian Democrats Pillars Sweden’s energy policy should build on the same three pillars as energy cooperation in the EU. The policy therefore aims to combine: • ecological sustainability • competitiveness • security of supply Sweden must have a robust electricity network with high security of supply and low environmental impact, and offer electricity at competitive prices. This creates a long- term perspective and clarity for actors in the market and helps generate new jobs and investment in Sweden. The energy policy is based on the fact that Sweden is closely linked to its neighbours in northern Europe, and aims to find joint solutions to challenges in the common electricity market. Targets By 2045, Sweden is to have no net emissions of greenhouse gases into the atmosphere and should thereafter achieve negative emissions. The target by 2040 is 100 per cent renewable electricity production. This is a target, not a deadline for banning nuclear power, nor does mean closing nuclear power plants through political decisions. An energy-efficiency target for the period 2020 to 2030 will be produced and adopted no later than 2017. Conditions on the Swedish electricity market Better conditions are needed for investments in renewable energy, energy technologies and energy efficiency. Development of the energy system should be based on a variety of large- and small-scale renewable production that is tailored to local and industrial needs. One major challenge is converting energy policy from focusing almost exclusively on the amount of energy delivered (TWh) to also ensuring sufficient output (MW). -
Coalition Formation and the Regime Divide in Central Europe
Program on Central & Eastern Europe Working Paper Series #52, j\Tovember 1999 Coalition Formation and the Regime Divide in Central Europe Anna Grzymala-Busse· Weatherhead Center for International Affairs Harvard University Cambridge, lvlA 02138 Abstract The study examines the formation of coalitions in East Central Europe after the democratic transi tions of 1989. Existing explanations of coalition formations, which focus on either office-seeking and minimum wmning considerations, or on policy-seeking and spatial ideological convergence. However, they fail to account for the coalition patterns in the new democracies of East Central Europe. Instead, these parties' flrst goal is to develop clear and consistent reputations. To that end, they will form coalitions exclusively within the two camps of the regime divide: that is, amongst par ties stemming from the former communist parties, and those with roots in the former opposition to the communist regimes. The two corollaries are that defectors are punished at unusually high rates, and the communist party successors seek, rather than are sought for, coalitions. This model explains 85% of the coalitions that formed in the region after 1989. The study then examines the communist successor parties, and how their efforts illustrate these dynamics . • I would like to thank Grzegorz Ekiert, Gary King, Kenneth Shepsle, Michael Tomz, and the participants ofthe Faculty Workshop at Yale University for their helpful comments. 2 I. Introduction The patterns of coalition fonnation in East Central Europe are as diverse as they are puzzling. Since the ability to fonn stable governing coalitions is a basic precondition of effective democratic governance in multi-party parliamentary systems, several explanations have emerged of how political parties fonn such coalitions. -
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist a Dissertation Submitted In
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair Professor Jason Wittenberg Professor Jacob Citrin Professor Katerina Linos Spring 2015 The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe Copyright 2015 by Kimberly Ann Twist Abstract The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair As long as far-right parties { known chiefly for their vehement opposition to immigration { have competed in contemporary Western Europe, scholars and observers have been concerned about these parties' implications for liberal democracy. Many originally believed that far- right parties would fade away due to a lack of voter support and their isolation by mainstream parties. Since 1994, however, far-right parties have been included in 17 governing coalitions across Western Europe. What explains the switch from exclusion to inclusion in Europe, and what drives mainstream-right parties' decisions to include or exclude the far right from coalitions today? My argument is centered on the cost of far-right exclusion, in terms of both office and policy goals for the mainstream right. I argue, first, that the major mainstream parties of Western Europe initially maintained the exclusion of the far right because it was relatively costless: They could govern and achieve policy goals without the far right. -
ALLIANCE 90/THE GREENS: Party Program and Principles the Future Is Green
The future is green. ALLIANCE 90/THE GREENS: Party Program and Principles The future is green. ALLIANCE 90/THE GREENS: Party Program and Principles Preamble 7 I. Our values 7 Ecology is sustainability 8 Freedom is realised through self-determination 8 Extending equitability 9 Democracy is the basis 10 The touchstone of our values: Human rights and non-violence 11 II. Challenges in a changing world 12 III. Where we come from – who we are 16 IV. Twelve for 2020 17 Towards the ecological age 18 I. The fundamental principles of our environmental policy 19 II. Sustainable development as a principle for action 20 III. Economical use of resources and the efficiency revolution 21 IV. Ecology and lifestyle 22 V. New energy – from the fossil and nuclear age to the solar future 22 A key project: Towards the solar age 24 Sustainable development in towns and local areas 25 VI. Environmentally-friendly traffic systems 27 A key project: Ecologically mobile 29 1 The future is green. VII. Nature and landscape conservancy 30 VIII. Animals need rights 31 IX. A global perspective for the environment and development 32 Towards an ecological and social market economy 34 I. The foundations of our economic policy 35 A key project: The future of a united Germany 38 II. Market economy and regulative policy 39 A key project: Transparency for consumers 40 III. Ecological fiscal reform 40 IV. Consumer protection 41 V. The knowledge economy 41 VI. Regional economies 42 A key project: A new form of agriculture 43 VII. A sustainable fiscal policy 45 VIII. -
Comparative Political Studies
Comparative Political Studies http://cps.sagepub.com/ Comparing Strategic Voting Under FPTP and PR Paul R. Abramson, John H. Aldrich, André Blais, Matthew Diamond, Abraham Diskin, Indridi H. Indridason, Daniel J. Lee and Renan Levine Comparative Political Studies 2010 43: 61 originally published online 30 July 2009 DOI: 10.1177/0010414009341717 The online version of this article can be found at: http://cps.sagepub.com/content/43/1/61 Published by: http://www.sagepublications.com Additional services and information for Comparative Political Studies can be found at: Email Alerts: http://cps.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Subscriptions: http://cps.sagepub.com/subscriptions Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav Permissions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav Citations: http://cps.sagepub.com/content/43/1/61.refs.html Downloaded from cps.sagepub.com at DUKE UNIV on November 22, 2010 Comparative Political Studies 43(1) 61–90 © 2010 SAGE Publications Comparing Strategic DOI: 10.1177/0010414009341717 Voting Under FPTP http://cps.sagepub.com and PR Paul R. Abramson1 John H. Aldrich2 André Blais3 Matthew Diamond4 Abraham Diskin5 Indridi H. Indridason6 Daniel J. Lee1 Renan Levine7 Abstract Based on recent work that suggests that voters in proportional represen tation (PR) systems have incentives to cast strategic votes, the authors hypothesize that levels of strategic voting are similar in both firstpastthe post (FPTP) and PR systems. Comparing vote intentions in majoritarian elections in the United States, Mexico, Britain, and Israel to PR elections in Israel and the Netherlands, the authors find that a substantial proportion of 1Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA 2Duke University, Durham, NC, USA 3Université de Montréal, CANADA 4Community Midrasha of DurhamChapel Hill, Durham, NC, USA 5Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel, JERUSALEM 6University of California, Riverside, CA, USA 7University of Toronto, CANADA Corresponding author: Renan Levine, Department of Political Science, University of Toronto, 100 St. -
Strategic Coalition Voting: Evidence from Austria Meffert, Michael F.; Gschwend, Thomas
www.ssoar.info Strategic coalition voting: evidence from Austria Meffert, Michael F.; Gschwend, Thomas Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: SSG Sozialwissenschaften, USB Köln Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Meffert, M. F., & Gschwend, T. (2010). Strategic coalition voting: evidence from Austria. Electoral Studies, 29(3), 339-349. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2010.03.005 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. Sie dürfen dieses Dokument document in public, to perform, distribute or otherwise use the nicht in irgendeiner Weise abändern, noch dürfen Sie document in public. dieses Dokument für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke By using this particular document, you accept the above-stated vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, aufführen, vertreiben oder conditions of use. anderweitig nutzen. Mit der Verwendung dieses Dokuments erkennen Sie die Nutzungsbedingungen an. -
2014 Green Party Platform
Platform 2014 Green Party of the United States Approved by the Green National Committee July 2014 About the Green Party The Green Party of the United States is a federation of state Green Parties. Committed to environmentalism, non-violence, social justice and grassroots organizing, Greens are renewing democracy without the support of corporate donors. Greens provide real solutions for real problems. Whether the issue is universal health care, corporate globalization, alternative energy, election reform or decent, living wages for workers, Greens have the courage and independence necessary to take on the powerful corporate interests. The Federal Elec - tions Commission recognizes the Green Party of the United States as the official Green Party National Com - mittee. We are partners with the European Federation of Green Parties and the Federation of Green Parties of the Americas. The Green Party of the United States was formed in 2001 from of the older Association of State Green Parties (1996-2001). Our initial goal was to help existing state parties grow and to promote the formation of parties in all 51 states and colonies. Helping state parties is still our primary goal. As the Green Party National Com - mittee we will devote our attention to establishing a national Green presence in politics and policy debate while continuing to facilitate party growth and action at the state and local level. Green Party growth has been rapid since our founding and Green candidates are winning elections through - out the United States. State party membership has more than doubled. At the 2000 Presidential Nominating Convention we nominated Ralph Nader and Winona LaDuke for our Presidential ticket.