The Highs and Lows of Ethno-Cultural Diversity: Young People's Experiences of Chalga Culture in Bulgaria

Anthropology of East Europe Review

THE HIGHS AND LOWS OF ETHNO-CULTURAL DIVERSITY: YOUNG PEOPLE’S EXPERIENCES OF CHALGA CULTURE IN BULGARIA Apostol Apostolov University of Birmingham

Introduction modernised reworking of regional folklore, heavily influenced by a variety of regional Multiculturalism in the West, it has been argued, musical styles. Serbian, Greek and Turkish is characterised by the emergence of ‘new national musical motifs are used as a source of ethnicities’ (Hall 1996), capable of crossing creative experimentation within Bulgarian ethnic boundaries and overcoming racial barriers popular music, which also draws on sounds (Back 1996; Nayak 2003). Hip hop and other usually associated with the cultures of the Roma types of black music have been seen to provide i or ethnic Turkish minorities in Bulgaria. linguistic and cultural resources which construct for young people a forum for cross-racial The multi-cultural diversity represented communication and a ‘landscape of interaction in chalga suggests that production and and negotiation’ (Back 1996: 51). Indeed, Hall et participation in youth cultural practice in al. suggest that ethnically based cultural products contemporary Bulgaria is moving away from a in general hold the potential to break down inter- mono-white or a mono-ethnic rationale for ethnic antipathy (Hall et al. 2003: 62). Such cultural engagement, representative of the arguments about the potential of Western Socialist past of Bulgaria (Silverman 1989: 147). multiculturalism, developed in the context of In the Socialist period, although cultural life in post-colonial migration, have not been tested, Bulgaria was politically inclusive of ethnic however, in countries outside the global core and minorities, in as much as they were allowed to in national and regional contexts where inter- participate in the production of ‘formal’ cultural ethnic exchange occurs primarily among activities, such as concerts and communal vocal indigenous or ‘indigenised’ ethnic groups or groups, such activities could not be identified as peoples. This article seeks to do just that by anything but ‘Bulgarian’ (Kaneff 2004: 167). considering ‘regional’ forms of inter-ethnic Thus, the Bulgarian dominant ethnic culture was exchange and their potential for fostering the only ethnic culture available for mainstream multiculturalism. As the article will suggest, consumption and production. based on a study of chalga music as a form of It is suggested in this article that chalga popular culture in Bulgaria, multiculturalism in music departs from such homogenous contexts outside the global core could perhaps be constructions of national culture in that it has more adequately interpreted through focusing on become established in people’s minds as cultural pluralism or preservation and ‘Turkish’, ‘Roma’ or ‘Oriental’ music. The fact enhancement of values and habits of co-existing that young people from different ethnic groups, rather than on the emergence of radically backgrounds use ethnic minority musical new forms of ethnicity. elements for the production of chalga also means Young people in Bulgaria use both that it has taken on something of a similar role to global and regional resources in the production global forms of hip-hop as a popular medium for of local youth cultural forms. While global inter-ethnic cultural exchange. Drawing directly resources are appropriated primarily through on young people’s experiences and narratives of Western youth cultural styles and musical chalga music in Bulgaria, this article explores genres, such as hip hop, rock, popular music, chalga’s roots in ethnic musical forms from etc., regional resources are available to young Bulgaria and other cultures from the Balkan people in Bulgaria via folk or ‘traditional’ ethnic region. It also considers the significance, or music from other neighbouring Balkan countries otherwise, of young people’s ethnic background and Turkey. Chalga music, which appeared in and attitudes to their creation and experience of Bulgaria in the 1990s, is a widespread cultural chalga as well as the actual and potential role of phenomenon that draws on such regional ethno- chalga in facilitating inter-ethnic cultural cultural musical traditions. Chalga, sometimes exchange between young people of different also referred to as ‘pop folk’, consists of the ethnic backgrounds in Bulgaria. The article production and consumption of a particular type suggests that chalga as a specific type of music of ethnically mixed music. It is a Bulgarian could both reveal and promote inter-ethnic

Volume 26, No. 1 Page 85

Anthropology of East Europe Review tolerance in the attitudes of young people from people. iii Chalga, therefore, appears to be a Bulgarian ethnic background. musical genre in Bulgaria which, because (or in The article is based on ethnographic spite) of its associations with ethnic minority research with young people in Bulgaria, cultures, narrows the cultural gap between ethnic conducted in 2000-01 in the towns of majority and minority participants in the chalga Targovishte and Veliko Tarnovo, situated about youth cultural scenes. Unlike any other popular fifty kilometres from each other. The choice for music genre in Bulgaria, ethnic minority cultures these urban localities was partly determined by are openly incorporated into the chalga scene. the fact that the study was concerned with Participants in chalga events were observed provincial youth cultural scenes and was during fieldwork enjoying and encouraging inter- interested in the cross-site interaction between ethnic cultural experiences by engaging in some youth cultural scenes in a relatively close dances usually associated with the culture of the regional proximity. ii Both towns are also ‘other’. In particular, ethnic Bulgarian fans play a major part in sustaining the Roma and Turkish ‘hotspots’ outside Sofia - the capital city - for a iv great number of youth cultural scenes, including elements in chalga. For example, dancing to graffiti art, skateboarding, chalga, heavy metal ‘typically’ Turkish or Roma rhythms and belly music, and skateboarding, which the study was dances is common and is practised widely by keen to examine and ‘map’ in relation to each ethnic Bulgarian participants in the chalga other in each town. The ethnographic process scenes in Targovishte and Veliko Tarnovo consisted of semi-structured interviews, (fieldnotes 10.01.2001, 12.01.2001, 23.03.2001, fieldnotes, participant observation and focus 25.03.2001). An ethnic Bulgarian fan of chalga group discussions. Material from a total of thirty- explained his attitude towards the amalgamation two people was gathered. The choice of of Turkish, Roma and Bulgarian folk musical respondents reflected the youth cultural scenes elements in chalga thus: represented in the towns. Thus, the views included in this article are either from members It doesn’t bother me that chalga of the chalga scene or members of the other contains a lot of Turkish and youth cultural scenes in evidence. Although the Gypsy melodies. I like Turkish research was based in the two towns, the pool of rhythms and I like the romantic participants also included young people who character of Gypsy music. But were resident in the wider regions of Veliko chalga is not only Turkish and Tarnovo and Targovishte. While the research for Gypsy music; it also contains re- the study was conducted in 2000-01 (and is worked Bulgarian folk music. It is therefore only a ‘snapshot’ of what was observed not traditional folk music, but a at the time), its findings remain pertinent to lighter pop version of it; it’s more current debates. This is because, firstly, the dynamic. The combination is findings speak to theoretical debates, which seek strange, but the music is great for to understand the impact of, and engagement dancing. [Jana, female, age 24, with, ongoing processes such as globalisation Targovishte]v and Europeanisation among young people in the region. Secondly, the popularity of chalga in Bulgaria has not diminished since the research The above quotation suggests that the was conducted, while, as evidenced by post- combination of Bulgarian, Turkish, and Roma fieldwork secondary literature cited here, the cultures in chalga music is valued by the ethnic discussion of multiculturalism in the region has Bulgarian participants in the scenes, especially become even more topical. because of the dancing potential chalga offers. Although the use of re-worked Bulgarian folk

music is often resented by anti-chalga oriented Chalga as a multi-ethnic ‘national’ music young people (see below), the participants in One of the popular ways of describing chalga in chalga scenes seem to value the fact that Bulgaria is to say that it combines re-worked traditional Bulgarian folk music has been made Bulgarian folk music with Turkish and Roma more accessible and dynamic by bringing it musical traditions. It is also known for attracting closer to the trendier styles of pop music. A to clubs or private parties young people from all similar trend towards cross-fertilisation between ethnic backgrounds in Bulgaria, but primarily ethnic minority music and pop music has been ethnic Bulgarians, ethnic Turks and Roma reported also in Macedonia and Bosnia and

Volume 26, No. 1 Page 86

Anthropology of East Europe Review

Herzegovina in the late Socialist period (Manuel ethnic Bulgarians from the chalga club scenes in 1988). In Macedonia, such ‘modern’ Roma Veliko Tarnovo and Targovishte confirm this bands employed electric guitar, bass, and other and suggest that it is the Turkish minority in amplified melody instruments, which broadened particular that is actively involved in attending their appeal to audiences beyond strictly Roma public chalga events. The Turkish minority is the populations. The music of such bands also drew biggest ethnic minority group in both on Turkish rhythms and vocal styles. In Bosnia Targovishte and Veliko Tarnovo and maintained and Herzegovina, as the demand for popular folk a constant presence at the nightclubs where music with a distinct Roma flavour grew, Roma chalga was played (fieldnotes 12.06.2001, and other minority musicians started producing 22.06.2001). Although Roma young people were ‘upbeat’ musical improvisations which reflected also visible in the chalga clubs in Veliko key elements of popular youth musical trends Tarnovo and Targovishte, my respondents told (Manuel 1988: 139). me that Roma people in general listened and Turkish and Roma cultural motifs have danced to chalga at home where they organise also become more accessible to ethnic Bulgarian big chalga parties that sometimes extend out into audiences because of their musical fusion with the streets in front of their houses. This was Bulgarian folk music. An ethnic Bulgarian particularly visible in the residential areas with chalga fan explains: dense Roma populations in both Targosvishte and Veliko Tarnovo - the so-called Roma

quarters (fieldnotes 24.07.2001, 02.07.2001). I don’t normally listen to Turkish The practice of Roma people dancing to chalga or Gypsy music because I am music particularly in their homes seems to reflect Bulgarian, but chalga uses such the association of chalga with weddings and music alongside Bulgarian music other festive occasions, traditionally taking place and the final product is party in the private sphere in Bulgaria (Buchanan music – I like it. [Tonny, female, 1996, see below). age 20, Targovishte] The enjoyment of inter-ethnic cultural exchange facilitated by the chalga youth cultural Chalga music therefore appears to scenes is not necessarily shared by young people provide its ethnic Bulgarian fans with an who are not fans of chalga. In fact, young people opportunity to appreciate Turkish and Roma who reject chalga often do so because of its use musical cultures within their local environments, of Turkish and Roma musical elements, which, something that is justified by reference to the in the minds of these young people, trigger fact that it creates a good party sound. As the popular associations based on stereotypical above quotation suggests, however, the inclusion knowledge of, and attitudes towards, Turkish and of Turkish and Roma musical elements into the Roma cultural traditions: dance scene does not automatically translate into including Turkish and Roma cultures into What is chalga?...It is Gypsy stuff notions of ‘Bulgarian-ness’. On the contrary, it (tsiganija). It originated from was ‘unnatural’ for my respondent - because of Turkish music – some Turkish her understanding of what it means for her to be girls doing belly dancing. And the ‘Bulgarian’ - to associate herself with any notion people who make chalga are of ‘pure’ Turkish or Roma music, which ‘peasants’. [Plamen, male, age 18, effectively excludes these types of music from Targovishte] the realm of ‘Bulgarian’ culture. Yet chalga music, and dance clubs in particular, provide venues where young people from the Turkish Thus, young people from other cultural and the Roma minorities in Targovishte and scenes, such as the above respondent who is a Veliko Tarnovo are welcome and are able to skater, are not attracted by the ethnic cultural perform publicly ethnic dances - such as kjuchek mix chalga represents. For them, Roma and - together with their ethnic Bulgarian peers.vi Turkish cultures are often undifferentiated, It is established elsewhere (Levy 2004) creating a single image of chalga as ‘Gypsy that the Turkish and Roma minorities in Bulgaria stuff’ or ‘Oriental stuff’. These associations fully enjoy chalga music. My participant mean that chalga is not accorded respect within observation and informal conversations with the wider youth scenes in Targovishte and Veliko Tarnovo.

Volume 26, No. 1 Page 87

Anthropology of East Europe Review

As a result, chalga is also associated lying xenophobic or racist attitudes towards the with ‘village culture’, usually synonymous with Roma and Turkish minorities in Bulgaria.viii ‘backward culture’. In fact, as noted by These stereotypical notions of Turkish and Roma Valchanova, in nineteenth-century Bulgaria cultures are also embedded in particular practices chalga music took on the role of an intermediary or socio-cultural characteristics associated with form between rural and urban culture Turkish and Roma ways of life in Bulgaria. The (Valchanova 1989). This is also suggested by links between chalga and Turkishness, for Buchanan (1996) who points out that the example, are signified by associations with contemporary phenomenon of chalga might be Oriental - and therefore ‘un-Bulgarian’ - culture, linked to the existence in the nineteenth century usually borrowing its repertoire from Turkish TV of small ethnically mixed urban bands, called programmes (fieldnote 03.08.2001).ix Likewise, chalgadzii, who were hired by villagers to the popular links between chalga and Roma perform music of different ethnic and musical culture are manifested in associations of Roma styles at local weddings, christenings and fairs communities with ‘rural culture’, ‘uncivilised’ (202). behaviour, and involvement in illegal businesses This association of chalga with village (fieldnote 26.08.2001). life and other typical festive activities in Bulgaria Overcoming such societal or ‘national’ is understood negatively by some young people attitudes, however, appears to be easier at local as ‘anchoring’ Bulgarian culture in a rural, level in Veliko Tarnovo and, in particular, in primitive past. In contrast, other, more urban, Targovishte (where the ethnic Turkish and the youth cultural practices, such as graffiti or hip- Roma populations are larger) than in some other hop and rap, are said to epitomise a quest for a parts of the country where there are very few ‘modern’, more forward-looking future. Yet, ethnic minorities.x A young ethnic Bulgarian interestingly, chalga has sometimes also been from Targovishte explains this: vested with the opposite potential. It has been suggested that chalga might be a way of It is impossible not to listen to breaking away from the ‘backwardness’ of the Turkish music in Targovishte. past since chalga culture is associated with Wherever you go, there is chalga consumerism, technological advancement and or other types of Turkish music. expression of (male) success (Varbanov 2002: There are a lot of Turks in 135), and thus it can be seen as a rebellious Targovishte and hearing such departure by young people from their Socialist music is quite natural. You hear it past (Ghodsee 2003: 238). Whilst to some extent in the clubs and in the pubs these contrasting opinions are rooted in young everyday and you get used to it. people’s widely divergent attitudes to chalga, Besides, the Turks go to the clubs, one could also argue that such views are not too, so it is just normal to mix mutually exclusive since ‘re-traditionalisation’ is Turkish music and chalga in an integral part of modernity in its late-modern Targovishte. [Petya, female, age and ‘globalised’ variant (Giddens 1994). Thus, it 25, Targovishte] might be extrapolated, the revival of a pre- Socialist past through culture can act as a strategy for creating a post-Socialist future.vii Thus, the infiltration of chalga into The potential of chalga to act as a mainstream popular culture in Targovishte and temporal (between past and future) and spatial Veliko Tarnovo has enabled the scenes to (between village and town) bridge, however, is become ‘normalised’. This process of not celebrated universally. Thus, although ‘normalisation’, it could be suggested, has chalga could be seen to ‘banish racial things’, in provided a rationale for ethnic Bulgarian young the words of Back (1996: 112), within its own people to accept the presence of other ethnicities cultural parameters, resistance to chalga by n on- in chalga venues, such as nightclubs and pubs, chalga fans suggests that stereotypical attitudes but also to legitimise the fact that chalga culture towards the Turkish and Roma minorities in is bound to contain elements of Turkish music. Bulgaria limit a wider appreciation of chalga. As This means that participants in the local chalga suggested by Levy (2002: 199-212), this scenes are actors in re-shaping the established opposition to chalga, primarily among the attitudes or relationships between the majority Bulgarian majority, may in fact reflect deep- and minority cultures characterising the social landscape in Bulgaria. The chalga scene, it may

Volume 26, No. 1 Page 88

Anthropology of East Europe Review be suggested, can be seen as an‘organic bridge’ chalga, you have to listen to other between the traditional perceptions of Bulgarian, [pop or Western] music of some Turkish and Roma cultures and the emerging sort. Everybody listens to other new ones among certain groups of young people. music but pop folk is something Chalga music, in particular, is also a propeller of many people find more familiar. such new perceptions as it deliberately mixes [Julia, female, age 22, Veliko musical elements from these cultures in order to Tarnovo] create popular links between them, thus establishing itself as a dominant genre on the As argued by Statelova (2000), chalga market. As the chalga scene expands and could be seen as ‘Balkan-Bulgarian fusion’, interacts with other youth cultural scenes, it is which is a genre within ‘world music’. The conceivable that these new positive perceptions Balkan association of chalga has also been noted of ethnic diversity might transfer into other by Silverman, who notes that the term chalga youth cultural scenes in Targovishte and Veliko used in Bulgaria might be closely related to the Tarnovo, or further afield. At the time of the Macedonian term čalgija, which refers to an research, however, the youth cultural scenes urban-based genre heavily influenced by Turkish unrelated to chalga music remained occupied music (Silverman 1996: 250). The above predominantly by ethnic Bulgarian young quotation suggests that chalga music has evolved people. from the interaction of Bulgarian folk music with other types of Balkan music. Indeed, music from ‘Pop Folk’ as a Balkan-Bulgarian Fusion the neighbouring Balkan countries, especially The other defining characteristic of chalga music from Serbia and Macedonia, has traditionally is its association with regional Balkan cultural appealed to Bulgarian audiences due to the linguistic, cultural, religious and geographical traditions, and when this aspect of the scene is xiii emphasised the genre is often referred to not as proximities between these nations. The chalga but as ‘pop folk’.xi Pop folk is considered cultural links between Bulgaria and the other to be the most popular music genre among young Balkan countries, however, were overshadowed people in Bulgariaxii and its association with during Communism by Russophone Soviet Balkan folk music is perhaps one of the reasons cultural propaganda that reflected the political for its widespread success. Like its association bond between Bulgaria and the Soviet Union. with ethnic minority cultures, however, this Serbian music was less frequent on national radio broadcasts, while Macedonian music was connection with Balkan folk has proven also to xiv be a source of contention; young people in limited to popular folk songs. Targovishte and Veliko Tarnovo either strongly The popularity of chalga music since liked or disliked this association. the mid-1990s among young people in Bulgaria, Pop folk fans who value the links of therefore, suggests that regional Balkan cultures chalga with other Balkan musical styles tend to are a key factor in determining musical and see chalga as a product of inter-Balkan cultural cultural trends in Bulgaria. This process of ‘re- exchange. They see chalga as a natural Balkanisation’ or ‘re-regionalisation’ of development of the influence of other Balkan Bulgarian culture must be seen in the context of countries on Bulgarian culture: the wider process of ‘re-traditionalisation’ of local cultures inherent in globalisation.

Occurring in parallel with processes of Chalga is quite simply a modernisation, it serves to consolidate Balkan compilation of Serbian and Greek inter-ethnic links and foster distinct alternative musical traditions on top of re- youth cultural identities and lifestyles. Thus, the worked Bulgarian folk music. It is choice young people make to appropriate chalga ‘modern’ folklore. A lot of people as a regional resource of cultural activity is in Bulgaria, who used to listen to rooted, albeit semi-consciously, in a desire to Serbian and Greek music, now sustain a sense of ‘traditional’ Balkan culture in listen to chalga or pop folk. I don’t the face of powerful infiltration of global understand why some people are ‘popular’ music in Bulgaria. The acceptance or against it – as if there is something welcoming of the Balkan associations of chalga, wrong with listening to this kind of it could be suggested, is mediated or encouraged music. If you don’t listen to by the existence of general pro-Balkan

Volume 26, No. 1 Page 89

Anthropology of East Europe Review sentiments in Bulgaria. These sentiments feed considered sufficiently Bulgarian or Balkan by directly or indirectly into young people’s sense chalga fans. As well as fostering identifications of regional belonging, ethnicity, and nationality, with the Balkan region and its collective, albeit or into their identifications with ‘imagined’ or selective, ‘self’ xvii, chalga acts as a counter-force ‘emotional’ communities, as some parts of the to other social or cultural processes which Balkans and their cultures might be seen to attempt to ‘leave behind’ any associations with a represent (Roundometof 2005). These Balkan past and adopt pro-Western orientations. sentiments, it could be suggested, evoke a kind Such processes reflect divergent responses to of ‘collective’ - Balkan - mentality and produce propaganda campaigns, led by the Bulgarian spontaneous cultural identifications with shared Government, calling for the forging of a ‘new’ or common historical and geo-political European or Western identity as part of the developments. As noted by Todorova, although ‘European integration’ agenda (see one cannot talk of a common Balkan identity – below).xviiiAlthough in political terms, the or a single Balkan memory – there are, at times, ‘European integration’ agenda is not an anti- instances of collective Balkan-wide mentality Balkan agenda in Bulgaria, the popular (Todorova 2004: 9). Chalga, therefore, could be association of Bulgarian culture with Balkan seen to foster the creation of alternative, values is sometimes perceived as a barrier to regionally aware, youth cultural experiences or becoming truly ‘European’. identities. Through such alternative youth Indeed, for participants in most other cultural identifications or lifestyles, young youth cultural scenes in Targovishte and Veliko people are able to stand out or distance Tarnovo, it is precisely the association of chalga themselves from other youth cultural and with Balkan culture that makes its acceptance musical scenes, which draw on global or xv problematic. Chalga is seen as ‘stealing’ musical ‘Western’ trends and fashions : elements from other Balkan cultures and not being ‘authentic’ or sufficiently Bulgarian. Its Chalga culture is so popular lack of ‘authenticity’ is often associated with because there is something Balkan lack of, or reduced, aesthetic value: in it, something ‘ours’. Chalga is part of the musical wealth of the Chalga is a total musical mixture – Balkans, of who we are. We can’t Serbian, Turkish, and a little escape our history. Of course I like Bulgarian. Maybe this is what I other music, too, such as disco, don’t like about chalga – the fact blues, etc., but I don’t fully that Bulgarian folk music has immerse myself in these [musical] completely lost its original sounds. styles. What I can’t stand at all is I also don’t like the lyrics of hard rock and metal music – these chalga music – in 99 per cent of are too alien to me, coming from cases they are dirty and vulgar. I another planet. [Kalina, female, simply can’t like music like that. age 24, Veliko Tarnovo] If I want to listen to ethnic music, I listen to authentic Bulgarian folk Musical identifications for the above music. It is a pity that we [the respondent, therefore, are also historical and Bulgarians] don’t appreciate our regional. Indeed, as noted by Peters (2005: 10), a own music enough. [Anton, male, number of scholars have pointed out that there age 24, Veliko Tarnovo] are musical features, usually represented by Turkish and Roma musical characteristics, which The emphasis on aesthetics in chalga music are found in the urban musical traditions of all plays a key role in the way the music is accepted Balkan peoples, and which, therefore, can be xvi culturally. It appears that some of the young considered pan-Balkan. In addition, the above people, who reject chalga’s association with respondent’s notion of certain musical styles Balkan cultural messages, do so on the grounds ‘coming from another planet’ reinforces of chalga’s aesthetically and ‘morally’ boundaries between chalga and some other unacceptable lyrics. As noted by Frith, it is youth cultural scenes in Targovishte and Veliko important to bear in mind that identity, like Tarnovo, such as the ‘hard-core’ scene, for music, is a matter of both ethics and aesthetics example. These musical styles, it appears, are not (Frith 1996: 109). It could be suggested,

Volume 26, No. 1 Page 90

Anthropology of East Europe Review therefore, that these young people construct their opponents, being Balkan was the opposite of youth cultural identities and their perceptions of being European: national culture, ethnicity, and authenticity with reference to their own perceptions of the When I meet foreigners in aesthetic and moral dimensions of the culture Bulgaria, I always let them listen and society around them. They express, produce to authentic Bulgarian folk music. and re-produce their ethno-cultural associations After all, this is what we are through moral and aesthetic judgements of famous for in the world. But the chalga music, formed in historical and foreigners love chalga…and they contemporary contexts of social and cultural soon learn that it is not Bulgarian capital. Indeed, one of the popular arguments but a mixture of Balkan kinds of about chalga music is that its low aesthetic music. I try to tell them that they qualities reflect the decline of moral values in should not associate Bulgaria with Bulgaria and the ‘backwardness’ of this Oriental stuff. Real Bulgarian contemporary Bulgaria as a society (Stoyanov music is different… We will never 1999). The way in which chalga’s aesthetic become truly European if value has been fused in the popular mind with foreigners associate us with music Balkan cultural heritage and Bulgarian societal like chalga. [Milena, female, age developments, therefore, might be considered to 24, Veliko Tarnovo] exemplify how, in the words of Gilroy (1997: 343), ‘the distinctions between art and life, artefact and expression’ are dissolved. Maintaining an association between ‘real’ The resentment towards the ethnic mix Bulgarian music - as perceived by the above of music, described above by my respondent, respondent - and Balkan musical genres, suggests, moreover, that chalga might be seen as therefore, is believed to hinder the process of the a threat to Bulgarian national identity. ‘Europeanisation’ of Bulgarian culture. Perceptions of chalga as ‘dirty’ or ‘impure’ Remaining true to authentic Bulgarian music is, could also be seen as symptomatic of certain on the other hand, seen as a way of fostering a xenophobic attitudes towards the ethnic national distinct, un-Balkan, Bulgarian cultural identity, or Balkan ‘other’. Xenophobia and racism are worthy of association with the cultures of tightly woven into the structures of multicultural ‘modern’ Europe. As noted by Rice (2003: 99- societies and can be manifested sometimes 100), many educated Bulgarians, such as through opposition to cultural diversity. In post- university students, intellectuals, business Communist Eastern Europe, while the collapse leaders, and politicians, think of chalga or pop of former monocultural regimes revealed the folk as an affront because its use of Balkan forms multicultural nature of these societies, the of music ‘harkens back to a benighted past that emerging models of multiculturalism were they would prefer to put behind them and forget’. underpinned by various competing forces and Such allegiance to authentic folk music could processes within the new state systems also be interpreted as a symbolic mechanism for (Apostolov 2006: 2). Thus, although it would be protecting Bulgarian national identity from being too simplistic to suggest that opposition to assimilated into an undifferentiated ‘Balkan chalga’s ethnic mix by young people is a typical culture’, formed as part of the process of example of xenophobia, concealed behind globalisation. This attitude might have its roots aesthetic opposition to certain types of music, the in the Ottoman period when the Bulgarian folk possibility that such attitudes are deeply rooted song was seen to serve an important role in in the dominant society’s nostalgia for a ‘pure’, preserving the Bulgarian language and cultural or ‘monolithic’ Bulgarian culture should not be traditions from extinction (Statelova 2004: 206). ignored. More recently, this attitude might have been perpetuated by fears of stigmatisation or In distancing themselves from chalga ‘Balkanisation’ of the whole region by the West, music, opponents of chalga are also conforming following the inter-ethnic conflict in some to the ‘European integration’ agenda noted above former Yugoslav countries in the 1990s. and, indeed, nostalgia for Bulgarian ‘authenticity’ is accompanied by a search for European identity. Thus, for some chalga Conclusion

Volume 26, No. 1 Page 91

Anthropology of East Europe Review

Young people’s attitudes in Bulgaria to chalga aggregate of characteristics, nor even a mosaic, music derive from its simultaneous association but rather a new, original, and independent with ethnic, regional and national cultures. On phenomenon’. the one hand, chalga is associated with Turkish Participants in the chalga scene, and Roma ethnic minority cultures in Bulgaria. therefore, contribute to the production of new This association invokes deeply divided attitudes multicultural experiences or realities, which are among young people who either support, or informed by their own subjective constructions resent, chalga music because of its connection to of ethnicity and inter-ethnic culture. It is the ethnic minority cultures. On the other hand, constant give-and-take of different cultural chalga music is associated with a mixture of messages, which facilitates the evolution of such Balkan types of music, primarily Greek and subjective constructions. As noted by Glasser Serbian. Young people’s attitudes to chalga’s (1995: 6), within any society, ongoing intra- and association with Balkan cultures are also inter-ethnic negotiation and re-shaping of divided, however; some welcome these cultural forms in dialogue with material associations as a way of holding on to conditions are the ‘stuff’ of which national and ‘traditional’ or ‘Balkan’ culture, despite ethnic identities are made and re-made.xix The pressures from other global musical forms, while popularity and visibility of chalga in the youth others reject them. These associations and cultural space in Targovishte and Veliko attitudes are deeply infused by issues of Tarnovo means that the scene plays a part in ethnicity, nationality, and cultural identification. such historical configurations and re- The attitudes of those who reject chalga might configurations of ethnic perceptions and be seen as racist, xenophobic or nationalist since identities. It does so, moreover, not only within they see chalga as ‘dirtying’ the national. its own youth cultural boundaries, but also, albeit However, those who enjoy the ethnic and indirectly, beyond them. Thus, even though regional mix of chalga are more inclusive in ‘outsiders’ to the scene may not understand or their attitudes towards the cultures of the ‘other’, may resent the ‘Orientalness’ of chalga, by foster practices of inter-ethnic cultural exchange articulating this perception, they too participate and develop positive - ethnically or ‘regionally’ in the re-negotiation of the youth cultural and aware - youth cultural identifications or ethnic order in the youth cultural space. Chalga, lifestyles. therefore, is a powerful vehicle for cultural A preference for chalga does not only change not only because it thrives on the reflect pre-existing dispositions, however, but growing mix of national and regional cultures, chalga itself plays a key role in the way but also because it engages both its fans and its participants in the youth cultural scene construct opponents in a cultural dialogue about ethnicity, their perceptions of the ‘other’. As argued by national identity and the possibilities for Habenicht (1985, cited in Bohlman 1996: 58), imagining a future in which multiculturalism will inter-ethnic musical exchange is not a discrete be the dominant discourse in Bulgarian society. process of communication between two groups Indeed, just as African-American hip but takes place against a historical and hop has been credited with the potential to hold international backdrop. In the case of chalga ‘transformational power as a multicultural music this context is evident in the associations it revolution’ in Europe (Baadqir 2003: 111), so evokes with the Balkan region, its ethnic groups chalga might possess a similar potential to and their history. These symbolic associations influence inter-ethnic cultural relations in between historical cultural contexts and Bulgaria. Unlike the model of Western contemporary musical tastes mean that chalga multiculturalism, however, which tends to may provide a channel for the articulation of portray black music only as a manifestation of deep-rooted xenophobic and racist attitudes successful inter-racial co-existence - almost in towards ‘the other’ among some sections of isolation from the histories of the ethnic peoples Bulgarian society. At the same time, however, involved - the use of chalga music in Bulgaria chalga allows its fans to openly embrace ethnic has demonstrated that the contemporary difference and foster inter-cultural exchange. manifestation of indigenous multiculturalism in a Moreover, the kind of transcultural dialogue post-Communist context is strongly underpinned facilitated by chalga is, in the words of by historically embedded processes, such as Malinowski (1991: xxxiii), ‘a process from Balkanisation, Europeanisation, and which a new – compound and complex – reality globalisation; it is triggered or re-created through emerges, a reality which is not a mechanical

Volume 26, No. 1 Page 92

Anthropology of East Europe Review a constant interplay between time and space. snowballing approach I had adapted for getting Such kind of multiculturalism, this article has access to my respondents. Although I considered suggested, is also situated in an unambiguous the fact that I interviewed only ethnic Bulgarians ‘clash of mentalities’ between xenophobic a legitimate approach - as long as I was clear that attitudes and ethnic tolerance, inherent in the my analysis was going to represent only the histories of the subjects both inside and outside experiences of the Bulgarian majority - I the chalga scene. subsequently became aware of a further limitation of this approach. Not only was I not able to ‘triangulate’ my analysis with Notes perspectives from the Turkish and the Roma 1The associations of chalga with ethnic minority minorities in the two research sites - which musical styles from Bulgaria, on the one hand, would have provided a fuller picture of chalga - and with regional Balkan cultures, on the other, but I was also in danger of assuming the ‘voice’ are two sides of a complex musical genre. of the majority by simply being an ethnic Although this article talks about these sides as Bulgarian myself. I can only hope that I have two distinct categories, the distinctions between managed to keep that danger at bay as much as them are not neatly identifiable in terms of possible. origins of melodies and lyrical content due to the 5 All quotations in the article are referenced by hybrid nature of Balkan cultures as a whole. the use of a pseudonym assigned to the young Thus, the distinctions that this article makes person interviewed, an indication of their gender between local ethnic minority cultural influences and age, as well as the town where the interview and ‘regional’ Balkan influences should not be was taken. seen as rigid and definitive. Rather, they are 6 Chalga music is sometimes also produced and made on the basis of popular perceptions of performed in the Turkish language. Although chalga music among my particular respondents during the research this was not something my who tended to categorise chalga according to respondents talked about, in recent years some how they felt about the music and what they chalga performers of ethnic minority background thought its origins were. have been singing chalga songs both in 2 The term youth cultural scene – respectively Bulgarian and in Turkish. The pop folk singer chalga scene – in this article is used to denote Reihan - of Muslim Roma background – both the cultural spaces inhabited by youth produced an entire album in Turkish. This cultural groupings (i.e. sites of gathering and received a mixed response from ethnic Bulgarian performing cultural activities) and the collective chalga fans, but was accepted on the whole as cultural characteristics attributable to young ‘normal’ by the pop folk musical guild. people who share similar cultural tastes and 7 A good example of a public phenomenon interests. where a pre-Socialist past in Bulgaria has been 3 The fact that this article focuses on inter-ethnic invoked as a strategy for ‘creating’ a sense of a cultural exchange and young people’s attitudes new future can be found in the events of 2001 towards chalga culture as an ethnic music should when the Bulgarian ex-monarch, King Simeon not be seen to suggest that ethnicity is the only II, was elected to serve as a Prime Minister of the denominator through which young people country. After the break down of Communism associate or dissociate themselves from chalga (and its Socialist version) and the following music. As an established popular musical genre, years of disillusion with the new ‘democratic’ chalga attracts fans that simply enjoy being part rule in Bulgaria, the general elections of 2001 of a common cultural environment and do not suggested that Bulgarian people needed to draw necessarily make ethnically related musical on the pre-Socialist history of the country - choices. For example, many young people refuse symbolised by Simeon II - in order to begin to to listen to chalga music on the grounds that it is imagine a better future for themselves under his not of high intellectual standing or because it newly formed government. uses coarse, often highly sexualised, language. 8 Although chalga culture is normally seen as a 4 All my respondents were ethnic Bulgarians. cultural mix drawing from Bulgarian, Turkish Although I was aware of the presence of ethnic and Roma cultures, this does not mean that other Turks and Roma young people in the chalga ethnic minorities in Bulgaria, such as the Pomaks clubs I visited, I was not able to establish contact for example, do not participate in consuming with these young people for the purposes of the chalga music. Although the Turkish, the Roma research because of the constraints of the and the Pomak ethnic minorities were all

Volume 26, No. 1 Page 93

Anthropology of East Europe Review invisible and marginalised during Communism, semi-state-sponsored national churches provided the Turkish and the Roma minorities, unlike the a medium through which the traditional ties of Pomaks, have managed to acquire a certain Orthodox Balkan peoples could be strengthened degree of visibility in post-1989 everyday life in and new national ties constructed. In this way, Bulgaria. The research reported here did not the Balkan peasantry, Roundometof suggests, explicitly address ethnic Turkish, Roma or was socialised into what he calls the emerging Pomak communities’ perceptions of chalga and Serb, Greek, and Bulgarian ‘imagined future research would benefit from such an communities’ (54). inquiry. Such new research might also usefully 14 During the Communist period state radio had a explore the political implications of chalga for selective repertoire of musical tunes. Bulgarian the cultural representation of these minorities music was a mixture of traditional ‘authentic’ and the Balkan region as a whole. folk music and a considerable amount of 9 It is common practice in Bulgaria for the Bulgarian-made pop music (estradna muzika). Turkish ethnic minority to subscribe to satellite International music from the West featured or cable programmes broadcast by television British pop music hits and other famous genres channels in neighbouring Turkey. of the time associated with, French, Italian and 10 The district of Targovishte has a population of German singers. While Soviet music was not the just over 137,000 inhabitants, about 67,000 of main music on state radio, its presence was them living in the Municipality of Targovishte. considerable. Although Balkan music was The ethnic Bulgarian population in the district is available with a limited selection of national- 76,294; the ethnic Turkish population is 49,495; type songs from the region, Soviet propaganda and the Roma population is 9,868. The district of meant that Russian music and Soviet-style Veliko Tarnovo has a population of just over estrada were among the most popular musical 293,000 inhabitants, about 90,000 of them living choices in Bulgaria. Many people who resented in the Municipality of Veliko Tarnovo. The this propaganda tuned in their radios to Serbian, ethnic Bulgarian population in the district is Greek and Turkish radio stations, which 259,099; the ethnic Turkish population is 22,562; broadcast new forms of popular music that and the Roma population is 6,064 (National Bulgarians could relate to - music of a Balkan Statistical Institute 2001). origin (Rice 2003: 91). In the 1980s Serbian 11My respondents, however, did not always music started to return gradually to Bulgarian distinguish between the terms chalga and pop audiences primarily through state-controlled live folk. Sometimes pop folk was referred to as a concerts of the Serbian pop singer Lepa Brena lighter version of chalga but the majority of my and in the mid-1990s Serbian and Macedonian respondents used the two terms interchangeably. cultural products re-gained their high status Distinctions between chalga and pop folk can among Bulgarian audiences. This was, to a great also be made on the basis of lyrical content and extent, facilitated by the release of two cult films notions of aesthetics. Thus, chalga often stands which captured the interest of many young for songs with cynical or profane lyrics under people in Bulgaria: the Serbian Underground more oriental dance-beat or rhythm, whereas pop (Palme d’Or 1995) and the Macedonian Before folk denotes the more ‘benign’ and aesthetically the Rain (1994). Both films dealt with ‘Balkan’ acceptable spectrum of the genre. I am grateful issues and had an immediate impact on to an anonymous reviewer for drawing my Bulgarian audiences who identified with a attention to the need to reflect further on the number of historical allegories portrayed by the complexities of employing chalga as an analytic films (Cherrington 2000; Iordanova 1999 and category. 2000). 12 A survey conducted by ALFA Research in a 15 This is consistent with evidence from the selection of big Bulgarian cities in August 1999 extra-urban youth cultural practices in suggested that young people (18-30 years) Targovishte and Veliko Tarnovo (e.g. hiking and listened to pop folk more than any other music informal gatherings in the countryside); genre; 62.5 per cent of respondents in the survey participants in these practices also rejected some said they listened to it (Stoyanov 1999). mainstream Western experiences, such as 13 Roundometof (2005) suggests that the strong clubbing. links between some of the Balkan counties, 16 For a comprehensive review of research on especially between Greece, Serbia, and Bulgaria East European Folk Music, see Elschek (1991: are rooted in the spread of Eastern Orthodoxy in 91-112). the nineteenth century. At that time, the new

Volume 26, No. 1 Page 94

Anthropology of East Europe Review

17 Not all countries from South-Eastern Europe Slobin (Ed.), Returning Culture: were included within the ‘collective’ Balkan Musical Changes in Central and identity. While Greece, Macedonia, and Serbia Eastern Europe, pp. 200-230 (Durham were commonly referred to by my respondents in and London: Duke University Press). relation to chalga, no references were made to Cherrington, R. (2000) ‘A Moment in Time: the other Balkan countries, such as Slovenia, Struggle for “Free” Media in Post- Albania, or Croatia. 18 Communist Europe’, paper presented at Bulgaria has taken a pro-European course of CCM research seminar, Coventry development since the early 1990s and became a University, 12 April. member of the European Union in January 2007. Elschek, O. (1991) Ideas, Principles, As a result, social and political life in Bulgaria Motivations, and Results in Eastern has been dominated by the idea of ‘returning to European Folk Music Research, in: B. Europe’ and building a strong European identity. Nettl (Ed.), Comparative Musicology Massive campaigns in this direction have been and Anthropology of Music, pp. 91-112 led by the Bulgarian Government in the last (Chicago and London: University of decade in the form of media propaganda, Chicago Press). distribution of information sheets, etc. 19 In her argument, which she develops with Frith, S. (1996) Music and Identity, in: S. Hall reference to Puerto Rican music and identity in and P. du Gay (Eds.), Questions of the USA, Glasser draws on the work of the Cultural Identity, pp. 108-127 (London: anthropologist Frederik Barth. In his book Ethnic Sage). Groups and Boundaries (1969), Barth pioneers a Ghodsee, K. (2003) The Role of International ‘constructionist’ approach to ethnic Organisations on Women’s Civil configurations. He believes that ethnic Organisation in Post-Communist boundaries are not given, but constructed, Bulgaria, in: D. Keridis, E. Ellis-Bursac subject to change, and situational. He is and N. Yatromanolakis (Eds.), New interested in the movement of individuals from Approaches to Balkan Studies, pp. 235- one ethnic group to another and in the changes of 254 (Virginia: Brassey’s Inc). whole ethnic groups from one identity to another Giddens, A. (1994) Living in a Post-Traditional over time (Barth 1969). Society, in: U. Beck, A. Giddens and S. Lash, Reflexive Modernization: Politics, References Tradition and Aesthetics in the Modern Apostolov, A. (2006) Implementing the Durban Social Order, pp. 56-109. (Cambridge: Agenda, in: C. van den Anker and A. Polity Press.) Apostolov (Eds.), Educating for Peace Gilroy, P. (1997) Diaspora, Utopia and the and Multiculturalism: A Handbook for Critique of Capitalism [1987], in: K. Trainers, pp. 1-4 (Coventry: The Gelder and S. Thornton (Eds.), The University of Warwick). Subcultures Reader, pp. 340-349 Baadqir, R. A. (2003) The Browning of Europe: (London and New York: Routledge). Multicultural Challenges and Glasser, R. (1995) My Music is my Flag: Puerto Perspectives of a Changing Europe Rican Musicians and their New York (Philadelphia: Xlibris Corporation). Communities, 1917-1940 (Berkley, Los Back, L. (1996) New Ethnicities and Urban Angeles, London: University of Culture: Racism and Multiculture in California Press). Young Lives (London: UCL Press). Habenicht, G. (1985) Melodies in Interethnic Barth, F. (1969) Ethnic Groups and Boundaries Exchange: On shared Characteristics in (Boston: Little Brown). Hungarian, German and Slovak Repertories [in German], Jahrbuch des Bohlman, P.V. (1996) Central European Folk österreichischen Volksliedwerkes 34: Music: an Annotated Bibliography of 68-93. Sources in German (London and New York: Routledge). Hall, S. (1996b) New Ethnicities, in: D. Morley and K-H. Chen (Eds.), Stuart Hall: Buchanan, D.A. (1996) Wedding Musicians, Critical Dialogues in Cultural Studies, Political Transitions, and National pp. 441-449 (London and New York: Consciousness in Bulgaria, in: M. Routledge).

Volume 26, No. 1 Page 95

Anthropology of East Europe Review

Hall, J.R., Neitz, M.J., Battani. M. (2003) Ottoman Turkish Contact on Bulgarian Sociology on Culture (London and New and Macedonian Folk Musics, York: Routledge). Folklorica, X(2): 5-25. Iordanova, D. (1999) Kusturitsa’s Rice, T. (2003) Music in Bulgaria: Experiencing “Underground” (1995): Historical Music, Expressing Culture (Oxford and Allegory or Propaganda?, Historical New York: Oxford University Press). Journal of Film, Radio and Television Roundometof, V. (2005) Towards an 19(1): 69-86. Archaeology of National Iordanova, D. (2000) Before the Rain in a Commemorations in the Balkans, in: M. Balkan Context, Rethinking History, E. Geisler (Ed.), National Symbols, 4(2): 147-156(10). Fractured Identities: Contesting the Kaneff, D. (2004) Who Owns the Past?: The National Narrative, pp. 36-62 (Hanover Politics of Time in a “Model” and London: Middlebury College Bulgarian Village (New York and Press). Oxford: Berghahn Books). Silverman, C. (1989) Reconstructing Folklore: Levy, C. (2002) Who is the “Other” in the Media and Cultural Policy in Eastern Balkans: Local Ethnic Music as a Europe, Communication, 11(2): Different Source of Identities in 141-160. Bulgaria, in: R. Young (Ed.), Critical Silverman, D. A. (1996) Music and Marginality: Studies: Music, Popular Culture, Roma (Gypsies) of Bulgaria and Identities, pp. 215-230 (Amsterdam and Macedonia, in: M. Slobin (Ed.), New York: Rodopi). Returning Culture: Musical Changes in Levy, C. (2004) Who is the “Other” in the Central and Eastern Europe, pp. 231- Balkans: Local Ethnic Music as a 253 (Durham and London: Duke Different Source of Identities in University Press). Bulgaria, in: S. Whiteley, A. Bennett Statelova, R. (2000) Don’t Call Chalga a and S. Hawkins (Eds.), Music, Space Bastard!, 24 Hours Newspaper, 6th and Place: Popular Music and Cultural January: Sofia. Identity, pp. 42-54 (London: Ashgate Statelova, R. (2004) The Contemporary Sorbian Publishing). Choral Movement: Horizons of Malinowski, B. (1991) Introduction, in: F. Ortiz, Meaning by Singing Sorbian Songs, in: Contrapuento cubano del tabaco y el U. Hemetek, G. Lechleitner, I. azucar (Cuban Counterpoint of Naroditskaya, and A. Czekanovska Tobacco and Sugar) [originally (Eds.), Manifold Identities: Studies on published in 1940] (La Habana: Music and Minorities, 201-208 Editorial de Ciencias Sociales). (London: Cambridge Scholars Press). Manuel, P. (1988) Popular Musics of the non- Stoyanov, S. (1999) Generation “Ch”, Capital Western World: An Introductory Survey Newspaper, 14-20 August: Sofia. (Oxford, New York, Toronto: Oxford Todorova, M. (2004) (Ed.) Balkan Identities: University Press). Nation and Memory (London: Hurst & National Statistical Institute (2001) Census 2001: Company). Final Results (Sofia: National Statistical Valchanova, E. (1989) Instrumentalists (Chalga Institute). Musicians) from the Middle of the 19th Nayak, A. (2003) “Ivory Lives”: economic Century: An Intermediate Form restructuring and the making of between Village and Urban Musical whiteness in a post-industrial youth Culture, Muzikalni Horizonti, 12/13: community, in: H. Pilkington and R. 134-137. Johnson (Eds.), ‘Peripheral Youth’, Varbanov, V. (2002) Bulgaria: Mobile Phones as European Journal of Cultural Studies, Post-Communist Cultural Icons, in: J. 6(3): 305-325. E. Katz and M. Aakhus (Eds.), Peters, K.A. (2005) Contemplating Music and Perpetual Contact: Mobile the Boundaries of Identity: Attitudes Communication, Private Talk, Public and Opinions Regarding the Effect of

Volume 26, No. 1 Page 96

Anthropology of East Europe Review

Performance, 126-136 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).

Volume 26, No. 1 Page 97