Anarcho-Surrealism in Chicago
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The Painting of Modern Life: Paris in the Art of Maner and His Followers / T
THE PAINTING of Copyright © 1984 by T. f. Clark All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. Published by Princeton University.Press, 41 William Street, Princeton, New Jersey 08540. Reprinted by arrangement with Alfred A. Knopf, Inc. MODERN LIFE Grateful acknowledgment is made to the following for permission to reprint previously pub- lished material: Excerpt from "Marie Lloyd" in Selected Essays by T. S. Eliot, copyright 1950 by Harcourt Brace [ovanovich, Inc.; renewed ]978 by Esme Valerie Eliot. Reprinted by permission PARISIN THE ART OF MANET AND HIS FOLLOWERS of the publisher. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING IN PUnUCATION DATA Revised Edition Clark, T. J. (Timothy J.) The painting of modern life: Paris in the art of Maner and his followers / T. 1- Clark. - Rev. ed. P: em. Includes bibliographica! references and index. T.1.CLARK ISBN 0-69!-00903-1 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Impressionism (Art)-France-Paris. 2. Painting, French- France-Paris. 3. Painting, Modern-19th century+=France-c-Paris. 4. Paris (Francej-c-In art. 5. Maner, Edouard, l832-1883--Inftuencc, I. Title. ND550.C55 1999 758'.9944361-dc21 99-29643 FIRST PRINTING OF THE REVISED EDITION, 1999 MANUFACTURED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA FIRST PRINCETON PAPERBACK PRINTING, 1986 THIRD PRINCETON PAPERBACK PRINTING, 1989 9 8 7 CHAPTER TWO OLYMPIA'S CHOICE "We shall define as prostitute only that woman who, publicly and without love, gives herself to the first comer for a pecuniary remuneration; to which formula we shall add: and has no other means of existence besides the temporary relations she entertains with a more or less large number of individuals." From which itfollows--and it seems to me the truth--that prostitute implies first venality and second absence of choice. -
Libertarian Marxism Mao-Spontex Open Marxism Popular Assembly Sovereign Citizen Movement Spontaneism Sui Iuris
Autonomist Marxist Theory and Practice in the Current Crisis Brian Marks1 University of Arizona School of Geography and Development [email protected] Abstract Autonomist Marxism is a political tendency premised on the autonomy of the proletariat. Working class autonomy is manifested in the self-activity of the working class independent of formal organizations and representations, the multiplicity of forms that struggles take, and the role of class composition in shaping the overall balance of power in capitalist societies, not least in the relationship of class struggles to the character of capitalist crises. Class composition analysis is applied here to narrate the recent history of capitalism leading up to the current crisis, giving particular attention to China and the United States. A global wave of struggles in the mid-2000s was constituitive of the kinds of working class responses to the crisis that unfolded in 2008-10. The circulation of those struggles and resultant trends of recomposition and/or decomposition are argued to be important factors in the balance of political forces across the varied geography of the present crisis. The whirlwind of crises and the autonomist perspective The whirlwind of crises (Marks, 2010) that swept the world in 2008, financial panic upon food crisis upon energy shock upon inflationary spiral, receded temporarily only to surge forward again, leaving us in a turbulent world, full of possibility and peril. Is this the end of Neoliberalism or its retrenchment? A new 1 Published under the Creative Commons licence: Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works Autonomist Marxist Theory and Practice in the Current Crisis 468 New Deal or a new Great Depression? The end of American hegemony or the rise of an “imperialism with Chinese characteristics?” Or all of those at once? This paper brings the political tendency known as autonomist Marxism (H. -
Human-Computer Insurrection
Human-Computer Insurrection Notes on an Anarchist HCI Os Keyes∗ Josephine Hoy∗ Margaret Drouhard∗ University of Washington University of Washington University of Washington Seattle, WA, USA Seattle, WA, USA Seattle, WA, USA [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] ABSTRACT 2019), May 4–9, 2019, Glasgow, Scotland, UK. ACM, New York, NY, The HCIcommunity has worked to expand and improve our USA, 13 pages. https://doi.org/10.1145/3290605.3300569 consideration of the societal implications of our work and our corresponding responsibilities. Despite this increased 1 INTRODUCTION engagement, HCI continues to lack an explicitly articulated "You are ultimately—consciously or uncon- politic, which we argue re-inscribes and amplifies systemic sciously—salesmen for a delusive ballet in oppression. In this paper, we set out an explicit political vi- the ideas of democracy, equal opportunity sion of an HCI grounded in emancipatory autonomy—an an- and free enterprise among people who haven’t archist HCI, aimed at dismantling all oppressive systems by the possibility of profiting from these." [74] mandating suspicion of and a reckoning with imbalanced The last few decades have seen HCI take a turn to exam- distributions of power. We outline some of the principles ine the societal implications of our work: who is included and accountability mechanisms that constitute an anarchist [10, 68, 71, 79], what values it promotes or embodies [56, 57, HCI. We offer a potential framework for radically reorient- 129], and how we respond (or do not) to social shifts [93]. ing the field towards creating prefigurative counterpower—systems While this is politically-motivated work, HCI has tended to and spaces that exemplify the world we wish to see, as we avoid making our politics explicit [15, 89]. -
Black Flag White Masks: Anti-Racism and Anarchist Historiography
Black Flag White Masks: Anti-Racism and Anarchist Historiography Süreyyya Evren1 Abstract Dominant histories of anarchism rely on a historical framework that ill fits anarchism. Mainstream anarchist historiography is not only blind to non-Western elements of historical anarchism, it also misses the very nature of fin de siècle world radicalism and the contexts in which activists and movements flourished. Instead of being interested in the network of (anarchist) radicalism (worldwide), political historiography has built a linear narrative which begins from a particular geographical and cultural framework, driven by the great ideas of a few father figures and marked by decisive moments that subsequently frame the historical compart- mentalization of the past. Today, colonialism/anti-colonialism and imperialism/anti-imperialism both hold a secondary place in contemporary anarchist studies. This is strange considering the importance of these issues in world political history. And the neglect allows us to speculate on the ways in which the priorities might change if Eurocentric anarchist histories were challenged. This piece aims to discuss Eurocentrism imposed upon the anarchist past in the form of histories of anarchism. What would be the consequences of one such attempt, and how can we reimagine the anarchist past after such a critique? Introduction Black Flag White Masks refers to the famous Frantz Fanon book, Black Skin White Masks, a classic in anti-colonial studies, and it also refers to hidden racial issues in the history of the black flag (i.e., anarchism). Could there be hidden ethnic hierarchies in the main logic of anarchism's histories? The huge difference between the anarchist past and the histories of anarchism creates the gap here. -
The History and Philosophy of the Postwar American Counterculture
The History and Philosophy of the Postwar American Counterculture: Anarchy, the Beats and the Psychedelic Transformation of Consciousness By Ed D’Angelo Copyright © Ed D’Angelo 2019 A much shortened version of this paper appeared as “Anarchism and the Beats” in The Philosophy of the Beats, edited by Sharin Elkholy and published by University Press of Kentucky in 2012. 1 The postwar American counterculture was established by a small circle of so- called “beat” poets located primarily in New York and San Francisco in the late 1940s and 1950s. Were it not for the beats of the early postwar years there would have been no “hippies” in the 1960s. And in spite of the apparent differences between the hippies and the “punks,” were it not for the hippies and the beats, there would have been no punks in the 1970s or 80s, either. The beats not only anticipated nearly every aspect of hippy culture in the late 1940s and 1950s, but many of those who led the hippy movement in the 1960s such as Gary Snyder and Allen Ginsberg were themselves beat poets. By the 1970s Allen Ginsberg could be found with such icons of the early punk movement as Patty Smith and the Clash. The beat poet William Burroughs was a punk before there were “punks,” and was much loved by punks when there were. The beat poets, therefore, helped shape the culture of generations of Americans who grew up in the postwar years. But rarely if ever has the philosophy of the postwar American counterculture been seriously studied by philosophers. -
With Three Big Barns Albert J. Hall Observes 90Th Birthday
" BON-IN-LAW COI\II'JH Ji'IWJ\f ntmi\IANV Death Beats Kin to Mason Henry Lange, AG, cllc!l Sunrlay evPning iJPr',lliHC he hucl turned on nigh! ,tt hm home in M.tson, liP tlw light, Ntnety-Third Year No, 7 Mason, Michigan, February 141 1952 Three Sections, 22 Pages livmi alorw ut :J~2 Eo~st Runriolph Mr. unrl Mrs, Jl,tymonrl lmcw Jfp cllccl oliOTl(', A lr.w hours lo~ter tl~otl '!'Pel llem.u· of Amcliua wm; Ills son-tn·iaw ft•om J•!.tst GPt'· L.mgc's rwpiww. Moncl.1y morn Farmers ~lect Dairy Quean News Index motny walked up to tile cloot•. '!'he Ing 1\lrs, Ho~ymonrl I'Hiiecl the Hc Women Stand Want ads, Pngc'i 6, 7 and H, nlcl m.tn had hr•Pn cxpP~Iing him rn;u· farm illlrl HPmar· ~arne, IIro Pnrt 1 Fair ·Board Goes. Ahead hut not until J•'l'id.ty u( this w.th at the ltaymnnrl hmrsc when Sncini items, Pngcs •l and !3, week. Mrs. Hnvmoncl glnnccd outside Pnrt 1. Mr. L.mge lc>fl !tis f.tr·m in just .ts a stro~nger wnllwri up to As Candidates Sports, Page 1, Part 2. Wiwntflcld 21/. ye,trs ,1go In eomP the Ln 111-(1' hnusP nmi lwockcd Clrurch new•,, Pugc li, Petri 2. With Three Big Barns to Masr,n. He tell well Suncl.ty, '"J'Iwre's llw son in-l,rw from l~dltorrnls, I'.tgc 2, Part 3. lw told his ncighhor Clare HolY· C:r•r m.my," Mt s Haymond said. -
Rancour's Emphasis on the Obviously Dark Corners of Stalin's Mind
Rancour's emphasis on the obviously dark corners of Stalin's mind pre- cludes introduction of some other points to consider: that the vozlzd' was a skilled negotiator during the war, better informed than the keenly intelli- gent Churchill or Roosevelt; that he did sometimes tolerate contradiction and even direct criticism, as shown by Milovan Djilas and David Joravsky, for instance; and that he frequently took a moderate position in debates about key issues in the thirties. Rancour's account stops, save for a few ref- erences to the doctors' plot of 1953, at the end of the war, so that the enticing explanations offered by William McCagg and Werner Hahn of Stalin's conduct in the years remaining to him are not discussed. A more subtle problem is that the great stress on Stalin's personality adopted by so many authors, and taken so far here, can lead to a treatment of a huge country with a vast population merely as a conglomeration of objects to be acted upon. In reality, the influences and pressures on people were often diverse and contradictory, so that choices had to be made. These were simply not under Stalin's control at all times. One intriguing aspect of the book is the suggestion, never made explicit, that Stalin firmly believed in the existence of enemies around him. This is an essential part of the paranoid diagnosis, repeated and refined by Rancour. If Stalin believed in the guilt, in some sense, of Marshal Tukhachevskii et al. (though sometimes Rancour suggests the opposite), then a picture emerges not of a ruthless dictator coldly plotting the exter- mination of actual and potential opposition, but of a fear-ridden, tormented man lashing out in panic against a threat he believed to real and immediate. -
Things Are Nothing to Me: the Unique Philosophy of Max Stirner'
H-Socialisms Price on Blumenfeld, 'All Things Are Nothing to Me: The Unique Philosophy of Max Stirner' Review published on Monday, December 14, 2020 Jacob Blumenfeld. All Things Are Nothing to Me: The Unique Philosophy of Max Stirner. Winchester: Zero Books, 2018. 155 pp. $17.46 (paper), ISBN 978-1-78099-663-9. Reviewed by Wayne Price (Independent Scholar) Published on H-Socialisms (December, 2020) Commissioned by Gary Roth (Rutgers University - Newark) Printable Version: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showpdf.php?id=56060 Self and Others: Max Stirner and Revolutionary Anarchism Max Stirner was the pen name of Johann Kasper Schmidt (1806-56). He was part of a milieu of young philosophers who sought to develop further the philosophy of the great German thinker Georg W. F. Hegel, who had died in 1831. This milieu has been referred to as the Young Hegelians or Left Hegelians. While Hegel’s system had solidified into a reactionary form, they mainly tried to rework it in more humanistic, naturalistic, and democratic directions. The most well-known of these young men today (there were women in the grouping, but their names have dropped out of history) are Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. (Engels had been a personal friend of Stirner’s for a time.) Michael Bakunin—later a founder of revolutionary socialist-anarchism—also studied Hegel and was in contact with this milieu. Stirner wrote his masterwork, Der Einzige und sein Eigentum, in 1844. In 1907 it was translated into English as The Ego and His Own, although a current translation by Wolfi Landstriecher (2017) more correctly has it as The Unique and Its Property. -
Jan Feb Mar 2018
JAN FEB MAR 2018 FROM THE DIRECTOR A collaborative effort between Findley Elementary School students, their teacher Lisa Hesse, and artist Dave Eppley, whose major site-specific installation is included in the In late September, The Links, Drawing in Space exhibition, resulted in Mile-a-Minute Rainbow Incorporated, a not-for-profit corporation Ivy, 2017, being installed on the Richard Meier building during of African-American women leaders, held the month of November. their 60th anniversary celebration at the Art Center. The evening also showcased the many works by African-American artists in our permanent collections. It was an especially rewarding collaboration for everyone involved. The Links is now continuing this special partnership with a gift of $1,000 to support an education- based internship at the Art Center in 2018 for African-American students. The Art Center, like many museums across the country, is striving to introduce young persons of color to employment in the field in an attempt to increase their numbers in the museum career pipeline. This project will help do so. Another exciting partnership occurred in October with the Iowa Civil Rights Commission. The group held a board meeting at the Art Center where the members toured our recent exhibition, I, too, am America, with Assistant Curator Jared Ledesma. Later in October, the Iowa Civil Rights Commission organized a public symposium, which featured a break-out session entitled, I, too, am America, inspired by the show. This is a wonderful example of the power of art to inspire, illuminate understanding, and engage broad audiences. In early November, the Art Center celebrated the creation of a temporary, large-scale mural on the exterior of the Richard Meier building with a public reception. -
Syllabus for Activism: Engagement and Resistance
1802804 : Activism: Engagement and Resistance Syllabus Spring 2018 Login Course Syllabus Syllabus Dashboard Courses Activism: Engagement and Resistance Calendar Sunset with burning building Inbox Help Semester & Location: Spring 2018 - DIS Copenhagen Type & Credits: Elective Course - 3 credits Major Disciplines: Communication, Philosophy, Sociology. Faculty Members: Jesper Lohmann Program Director: Neringa B. Vendelbo - [email protected] Time & Place: Monday & Thursday, 14.50 - 16.10, N7 - C24 Course Description: This course offers a broad introduction to the concept of activism, focusing on the challenges and opportunities activists face in contemporary society. In the course we will be reading theoretical articles on activism as well as analyzing specific examples. Classes will rest on a combination of empirical and theoretical discussions. We will be looking at different topics of activism (Occupy Movement, Internet, Labor, Human Rights, Feminism, Environment, Global Justice) and different forms/tools of activism (Social Media, Hacktivism, Strikes, Boycotts, Demonstrations, Gate-crashing, Culture Jamming…). The variety of cases, topics and forms will help us understand how and why some forms of activism might be more efficient than others in specific contexts. Several of the cases will be from Denmark or other European countries. This focus will give us the opportunity to discuss potential differences and similarities between European and American examples of activism. In short, by looking at multiple cases, our ability to analyze specific cases will be strengthened. This broad perspective will help us decide how to create our own activist projects – in this course as well as in our future lives – that are suited for making a difference in the world we are living in today. -
Gustav Landauer (1870–1919)
Gustav Landauer (1870–1919) James Horrox Contents Bibliography ................................. 25 2 Although acknowledged by those who have encountered his ideas as one of the finest minds ever to have come out of the anarchist movement, Gustav Landauer re- mains relatively unknown outside the German- and Hebrew-speaking world. Pre- cious little of his voluminous corpus of work is presently available in English, and despite a minor resurgence in interest in his ideas during the early 1970s Landauer is known today primarily for his involvement in the Bavarian revolution of 1918– 19, or in connection with one or more of the many illustrious individuals with whom he was in close touch throughout his life, rather than for his own inimitable philosophy. Landauer’s was a Romantic, non-doctrinaire anarchism which, although rooted in the ideas of Proudhon and Kropotkin, went unashamedly against the grain of the anarchist orthodoxy of late 19th and early 20th century Europe. Central to his thinking is a fundamental comprehension that the capitalist state by its very na- ture is not something that can be “smashed” — rather, as he famously declared in 1910, it is “a condition, a certain relationship between human beings, a mode of human behaviour; we destroy it by contracting other relationships, by behaving differently”1. Rejecting the historical materialists’ reification of the state and soci- ety he argued that in reality “we are the State and continue to be the State until we have created the institutions that form a real community”. He maintained that although externally imposed the state lives within each and every human being, and can only perpetuate itself as long as human beings exist in this ‘statual’ rela- tionship which makes its coercive order necessary; following thinkers like Étienne de la Boétie he therefore insisted that all it takes is for human beings step out of this relationship, this artificially-created social construct of reality, and the state is rendered obsolete, it disintegrates. -
Art for People's Sake: Artists and Community in Black Chicago, 1965
Art/African American studies Art for People’s Sake for People’s Art REBECCA ZORACH In the 1960s and early 1970s, Chicago witnessed a remarkable flourishing Art for of visual arts associated with the Black Arts Movement. From the painting of murals as a way to reclaim public space and the establishment of inde- pendent community art centers to the work of the AFRICOBRA collective People’s Sake: and Black filmmakers, artists on Chicago’s South and West Sides built a vision of art as service to the people. In Art for People’s Sake Rebecca Zor- ach traces the little-told story of the visual arts of the Black Arts Movement Artists and in Chicago, showing how artistic innovations responded to decades of rac- ist urban planning that left Black neighborhoods sites of economic depres- sion, infrastructural decay, and violence. Working with community leaders, Community in children, activists, gang members, and everyday people, artists developed a way of using art to help empower and represent themselves. Showcas- REBECCA ZORACH Black Chicago, ing the depth and sophistication of the visual arts in Chicago at this time, Zorach demonstrates the crucial role of aesthetics and artistic practice in the mobilization of Black radical politics during the Black Power era. 1965–1975 “ Rebecca Zorach has written a breathtaking book. The confluence of the cultural and political production generated through the Black Arts Move- ment in Chicago is often overshadowed by the artistic largesse of the Amer- ican coasts. No longer. Zorach brings to life the gorgeous dialectic of the street and the artist forged in the crucible of Black Chicago.