The Copperbelt in Theory from ..Emerging Africa" to the Ethnography of Decline

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Copperbelt in Theory from ..Emerging Africa CHAPTER ONE The Copperbelt in Theory From ..Emerging Africa" to the Ethnography of Decline Calo cesu cileya pantanshi Na 'fwe bantu tuleya pantanshi. Our country is going forward, And we the people, too. 1 Copperbelt popular song (and opening quotation to A. L. Epstein's Politics in an African Community, I9J8) Car owning remains a dream. A decade ago, young men in gainful employment were able to buy cars of all models. That era is gone, gone never to return again. Terence Musuku, "Dreams Are Made of This," Times of Zambia, July zr, r989 DREAMS ARE MADE OF THIS: "MODERN AFRICA" TODAY In the mid-I96os, everyone knew, Africa was "emerging." And no place was emerging faster or more hopefully than Zambia, the newly inde­ pendent nation that had previously been known as Northern Rhodesia. The initiation of large-scale copper mining in the late I920s had set off a burst of industrial development that had utterly transformed the coun­ try; by the time of Independence in I964, that industrial growth seemed sure to propel the new nation rapidly along the path of what was called "modernization." From being a purely rural agricultural territory at the time of its takeover by Cecil Rhodes's British South Africa Company in the I89os, the modern nation-state of Zambia had by I969 arrived at an urban population of over I million (nearly 30 percent of the pop- I 2 Expectations of Modernity ulation), with total waged employment of over 75o,ooo (of a total pop­ ulation of just over 4 million) (Zambia 1973, 1:1), and a vibrant indus­ trial economy that made it one of the richest and most promising of the new African states. Observers from early on were stunned by the rapidity and scale of the social transformation that had taken place along the urban, indus­ trial "line of rail" that ran from Livingstone in the south all the way to the Copperbelt in the north (see Map 1). Within a few short years fol­ lowing the development of commercial copper mining, mining towns sprang up all along the Copperbelt (Map 2). European colonists settled the new towns in numbers, while "natives" came by the thousands to seek work in the mines and other new industries. Africa was having its "Industrial Revolution," thought the missionary Sandilands, at a brutal and blinding speed; the process had "something of the suddenness and ruthlessness and irresistibility, on the social plane, of what, on the mil­ itary plane, we have become familiar with as the German 'blitzkrieg' " (Sandilands 1948, ix). The social anthropologist J. C. Mitchell con­ curred: "We in Northern Rhodesia to-day are living in a revolution, the intensity of which, as far as we can judge, has not been equalled in thousands of years" (1951, 20). Already in 1941 Godfrey Wilson had sensed an epochal transfor­ mation: Over the heart of a poor and primitive continent civilization has laid a finger of steel; it has stirred a hundred tribes together; it has brought them new wealth, new ambitions, new knowledge, new interests, new faiths and new problems. (Wilson 1941, 9) Thirty-five years later, Robert Bates remained equally impressed: Less than a century ago, Zambia was exclusively agrarian; in the present era, it is a society dependent upon large-scale industry. Once characterized by village society, the territory that is now Zambia contains a score of cities of roo,ooo or more persons, and these cities contain over 40 percent of its population. Where but a little over fifty years ago forests once stood, there now stand copper mines; and the marketed produce from these mines makes Zambia one of the world's leading exporters of this mineral. (Bates 1976, r) There was already something a little off here. Wilson's dramatic vi­ sion of "small-scale society" being suddenly replaced by "large-scale" industrialism ignored both the shallowness of "the industrial revolu­ tion" (which was largely confined to mining) as well as the way that Africans in the region had been bound up in large-scale political struc- The Copperbelt in Theory 3 Plate r. A view of the concentrator at Luanshya. (Zambia Consolidated Copper Mines Limited, 1984 annual report) tures and long-distance trade for centuries before. Nor was wage labor so new in the 1920s and 1930s as it appeared-Africans from Northern Rhodesia had already been migrating in numbers to work in the mines in Katanga across the border with the Belgian Congo for at least twenty years, and some had gone as far as Rhodesia and South Africa even earlier (Perrings 1979, 14-23; Parpart 1983, 31-32; Meebelo 1986, 19). 4 Expectations of Modernity WESTERN ------- Provincial boundary ~~Railway ~ Copperbelt urban area Map r. Map of Zambia (Source: Daniel 1979:5) Bates's "score of cities of 1oo,ooo or more persons," meanwhile, turned out on inspection to be only five. 2 The overdramatic and exaggerated narration of the rise of industrialism and urbanism here reflected the extent to which the Zambian experience captured something in the mod­ ernist imagination and came not only to exemplify but to epitomize the revolution that was understood to be taking place in Africa. It was neither rapid change nor the existence of mineral wealth alone that made Zambia and its industrial core, the Copperbelt, such a good symbol of "emerging Africa." Africa, after all, had seen plenty of both in the past. Instead, it was the particular character of the social and economic transformation that captured the imagination. Zambia at its 1964 Independence was a highly urbanized nation, and newly so. The mining towns that had sprung up on the Copperbelt symbolized newness in a way that older cities could not. Here, unlike many other parts of Africa, the very idea of cities was a "modern" one.3 And "urbanization" was understood to involve not simply a movement in space but an ep­ ochal leap in evolutionary time. Cooper has explained: The Copperbelt in Theory 5 0 Relative size of copper production, ca. 1980 R Copper refinery 6 Open cast mine ~ Underground mine ® Mine township -Power line .l Power station =Road \ 0 5 10Miles 0 5 10 15 Kilometers Map 2. Map of Zambian Copperbelt (Adapted from Zambia Secondary School Atlas, Office of the Surveyor General, Ministry of Lands and Natural Resources [Zambia, 1983]) As Africans flocked into cities in ever greater numbers in the 1950s, the dualist approach to urbanization suggested that they were entering the main­ stream of history. The key word in the urban anthropology of those years was "adaptation," and studies stressed how organizations from ethnic as­ sociations to trade unions eased the-inevitable-movement into an urban way of life. The liberal affirmation that the African was becoming an urbanite was an affirmation of modernity. (Cooper 1983a, 12) Urbanization, then, seemed to be a teleological process, a movement toward a known end point that would be nothing less than a Western­ style industrial modernity. An urbanizing Africa was a modernizing one, and there was no place urbanizing faster than Zambia. What is more, the expanding mining economy that was driving the urbanization pro­ cess was a stereotypically industrial one, whose noisy smelting plants and sooty miners seemed to reiterate a well-known chapter in the usual narratives of the West's own rise to modernity, evoking particularly the 6 Expectations of Modernity iconic images of the early period of British industrialization. And every­ one knew where that had led. A certain convergence with a familiar Western model thus seemed to be no speculation; it was directly ob­ servable in the smokestacks that dramatically appeared on the horizon as a traveler approached the Copperbelt from the south. What was hap­ pening along the line of rail, as Max Gluckman and others insisted, was nothing less than "the African Industrial Revolution" (Gluckman 1961; Moore and Sandilands 1948). Until recently, this vision seemed to many a convincing and straight­ forwardly descriptive account of what was happening in Zambia. Throughout the 1960s and most of the 1970s, we must remember, Zam­ bia was not reckoned an African "basket case," but a "middle-income country," with excellent prospects for "full" industrialization and even ultimate admission to the ranks of the "developed" world. In 1969 its per capita gross domestic product (GDP) was not only one of the highest in Africa (more than three times that of Kenya, and twice that of Egypt, for instance), it was also significantly higher than that of such "up-and­ coming" middle-income nations as Brazil, Malaysia, South Korea, and Turkey. Indeed, with what appeared to be a rapidly rising per capita GDP of $431, it did not seem unreasonable to suppose that Zambia might soon reach the ranks of at least the poorer European nations such as Portugal, with a 1969 per capita GDP of just $568, or Spain, with $867 (United Nations 1973, 627-629). Even as late as 1979, Zambia was still being reckoned a "middle-income country," whose GNP jus­ tified a ranking above such countries as the Philippines, Thailand, or Egypt (World Bank 1979, 126).4 Somewhere along the way, though, "the African Industrial Revolu­ tion" slipped off the track. The script of Zambian "emergence" via in­ dustrialization and urbanization has been confounded by more than two decades of steep economic decline. According to the World Bank, per capita income in Zambia fell by more than 50 percent from 1974 to 1994 (World Bank 1996, 562). GNP per capita, meanwhile, shrunk by an average of 3.1 percent per year from 1980 to 1993, by which time the figure amounted to only $380, leaving Zambia near the bottom of the World Bank's hierarchy of "developing nations" (only 25 countries ranked lower) (World Bank 1995, 162).
Recommended publications
  • FROM COERCION to COMPENSATION INSTITUTIONAL RESPONSES to LABOUR SCARCITY in the CENTRAL AFRICAN COPPERBELT African Economic
    FROM COERCION TO COMPENSATION INSTITUTIONAL RESPONSES TO LABOUR SCARCITY IN THE CENTRAL AFRICAN COPPERBELT African economic history working paper series No. 24/2016 Dacil Juif, Wageningen University [email protected] Ewout Frankema, Wageniningen University [email protected] 1 ISBN 978-91-981477-9-7 AEHN working papers are circulated for discussion and comment purposes. The papers have not been peer reviewed, but published at the discretion of the AEHN committee. The African Economic History Network is funded by Riksbankens Jubileumsfond, Sweden 2 From Coercion to Compensation Institutional responses to labour scarcity in the Central African Copperbelt* Dácil Juif, Wageningen University Ewout Frankema, Wageningen University Abstract There is a tight historical connection between endemic labour scarcity and the rise of coercive labour market institutions in former African colonies. This paper explores how mining companies in the Belgian Congo and Northern Rhodesia secured scarce supplies of African labour, by combining coercive labour recruitment practices with considerable investments in living standard improvements. By reconstructing internationally comparable real wages we show that copper mine workers lived at barebones subsistence in the 1910s-1920s, but experienced rapid welfare gains from the mid-1920s onwards, to become among the best paid manual labourers in Sub-Saharan Africa from the 1940s onwards. We investigate how labour stabilization programs raised welfare conditions of mining worker families (e.g. medical care, education, housing quality) in the Congo, and why these welfare programs were more hesitantly adopted in Northern Rhodesia. By showing how solutions to labour scarcity varied across space and time we stress the need for dynamic conceptualizations of colonial institutions, as a counterweight to their oft supposed persistence in the historical economics literature.
    [Show full text]
  • Kitwe (Zambia)
    Assessing and Planning City Region Food System Kitwe (Zambia) :: Introduction Kitwe city region includes the 10 districts that compose the Copperbelt Province. The Copperbelt Province is located in north-western Zambia and covers 31,329 Km2. It is the second most populated and dense area in Zambia after Lusaka (approx.2.3 million inhabitants), with 39% living in urban areas. It lies on one of the world’s greatest mineral bearing rocks, in particular for copper, dictating the spatial pattern of development. Three layers have been defined to characterize the area: 1. Primary or Core Region, defined exclusively by Kitwe district; 2. Secondary of Peripheral Region, defined by the Copperbelt Province, i.e. the area defined as the city region, where most of the food consumed is produced; 3. Tertiary or Other Region: Region outside the secondary region but from which the Kitwe food system obtains agricultural, livestock and poultry products. Kitwe city region: core, secondary and tertiary regions (Source: CSO, 2012) :: Describing the city region food system (CRFS) Food production: Most small scale farmers are still illegal settlers Who feeds the city region? awaiting title to land. Access to land in the core region is very difficult due to high demand as The Kitwe City region has great potential well as competition between agriculture, mining to produce agro-commodities. Although activities and urban development. almost all fresh food products are locally There is a major issue of agrochemicals produced, the demand exceeds supply and contamination of the worker’s health and the the shortfall is made up by importing from ecosystems, due to inadequate data to be shared outside the region even outside the country.
    [Show full text]
  • Metal Sources for the Katanga Copperbelt Deposits (DRC): Insights from Sr and Nd Isotope Ratios. Jorik VAN WILDERODE1, Hamdy A
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Ghent University Academic Bibliography GEOLOGICA BELGICA (2014) 17/2: 137-147 Metal sources for the Katanga Copperbelt deposits (DRC): insights from Sr and Nd isotope ratios. Jorik VAN WILDERODE1, Hamdy A. EL DESOUKY2, Marlina A. ELBURG3, Frank VANHAECKE4 & Philippe MUCHEZ1 1 Department of Earth and Environmental Sciences, KU Leuven, Celestijnenlaan 200E, 3001 Leuven, Belgium 2 Geology Department, Menoufyia University, Shebin El-Kom, Egypt 3 Discipline of Geological Sciences, SAEES, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Westville Campus Private Bag X54001, 4000 Durban, South-Africa 4 Department of Analytical Chemistry, Ghent University, Krijgslaan 281-S12, 9000 Ghent, Belgium ABSTRACT. The ore deposits of the Central African Copperbelt formed during a multiphase mineralisation process. The basement underlying the Neoproterozoic Katanga Supergroup that hosts the ore, demonstrates the largest potential as metal source. Various ore deposits that formed during different mineralisation phases are taken as case studies, i.e. Kamoto, Luiswishi, Kambove West, Dikulushi and Kipushi (Democratic Republic of Congo, DRC). The Sr and Nd isotopic compositions of gangue carbonates associated with these deposits is determined and compared with those of rocks from several basement units, bordering or underlying the Copperbelt, to infer the metal sources. The mineralising fluid of diagenetic stratiform Cu-Co mineralisation interacted with felsic basement rocks underlying the region. The Co from these deposits is most likely derived from mafic rocks, but this is not observed in the isotopic signatures. Syn-orogenic, stratabound Cu-Co mineralisation resulted mainly from remobilisation of diagenetic sulphides. A limited, renewed contribution of metals from felsic basement rocks might be indicated by the isotope ratios in the western part of the Copperbelt, where the metamorphic grade is the lowest.
    [Show full text]
  • Trade and Labour Migration in the Copperbelt (1910-1940) Enid Guene University of Cologne
    Zambia Social Science Journal Volume 4 Article 5 Number 1 Volume 4, Number 1 (April 2013) Copper’s Corollaries: Trade and Labour Migration in the Copperbelt (1910-1940) Enid Guene University of Cologne Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/zssj Part of the African History Commons, African Studies Commons, Agricultural and Resource Economics Commons, and the Labor Economics Commons Recommended Citation Guene, Enid (2013) "Copper’s Corollaries: Trade and Labour Migration in the Copperbelt (1910-1940)," Zambia Social Science Journal: Vol. 4: No. 1, Article 5. Available at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/zssj/vol4/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Zambia Social Science Journal by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Copper’s Corollaries: Trade and Labour Migration in the Copperbelt (1910-1940) Enid Guene University of Cologne The geopolitical importance of the mining industry in Zambia and Katanga, and the rural-urban migration patterns that it brought about, has been the subject of many studies. And yet, the extent to which these industries were interdependent is often downplayed or overlooked. Looking more closely at the history of the Zambian and Katangese Copperbelts, one can see that, despite their separateness, there was interplay between them. During the British South Africa Company rule of Rhodesia (1899-1924), Northern Rhodesia was developed as an important labour and food reserve for the Katangese mines.
    [Show full text]
  • Processing of Konkola Copper Concentrates and Chingola Refractory Ore
    Processing of Konkola copper concen- trates and Chingola refractory ore in a fully integrated hydrometallurgical pilot plant circuit by R.M. Whyte*, N. Schoeman†, and K.G. Bowes‡ terized by the size and quality of its copper and cobalt deposits. The Nampundwe mine Synopsis situated south-west of Lusaka is of strategic importance to the metallurgical operations on The Konkola Deep Mining Project (KDMP) seeks to exploit the deep the copperbelt, supplying a high sulphur pyrite level potential of the Konkola Deeps orebody, producing high grade concentrate to the cobalt roast-leach- copper concentrates for treatment at the Nkana Smelter and electrowinning (RLE) plants, and to the copper Refinery. smelters to make up for a sulphur deficit in the As an alternative to smelting, Konkola Copper Mines (KCM) has smelter feed. examined a processing route involving pressure leaching of the The Konkola mine commenced production Konkola concentrates at Nchanga, with the leach liquor being in 1957. The mine is one of the wettest in the treated by solvent extraction and electrowinning to produce high world, with a total of 300 000 cubic metres of purity copper cathode. The solvent extraction circuit would be operated to achieve a high ‘delta’ copper, thereby providing a water being pumped daily from the strong acid raffinate which can be used in the existing Tailings underground mine. Current mine production Leach Plant (TLP) to treat Nchanga oxide copper materials. from Konkola’s Kililabombwe orebody The main focus of the hydrometallurgical option is to capitalize amounts to approximately 2 million ton per upon the synergy that exists between the treatment of sulphide year, and this ore is treated through a conven- copper concentrates (acid producing) and oxide copper ores (acid tional crushing, milling and flotation plant.
    [Show full text]
  • Copperbelt Intermodal Solutions
    t s a o C t es W ica er m A th u o S m o r F COPPERBELT INTERMODAL SOLUTIONS / One-stop shop for all your needs on land and at sea o T Intermodal contacts TANZANIA [email protected] MOZAMBIQUE - Beira [email protected] TANZANIA SOUTH AFRICA DRC Dar Es Salaam [email protected] NAMIBIA Kambove Kolwezi Likasi [email protected] Lubumbashi Kitwe ZAMBIA Ndola MOZAMBIQUE [email protected] ZAMBIA Kapiri Mposhi Lusaka Sales [email protected] [email protected] Beira Walvis Bay Our Strengths NAMIBIA • CMA CGM is extending its footprint in Africa’s Copperbelt, with the establishment of a New Rail Carrier Haulage service on the TAZARA rail line • Enhance CMA CGM’s ability to provide logistics services for the mining SOUTH firms operating in the Copperbelt region AFRICA Durban • Bonded ICD at Kapiri Mposhi used a dispatch hub to CopperBelt (Kitwe, Chingola, Ndola and DR Congo). Final leg to be done by truck • Bi-weekly departures to Kapiri Mposhi with only 7 days transit time, environmental-friendly solution • Cost effective solution compared to the road (rail can carry up to 30 tons maximum), well organized service. Reduced exposure to truck detention • ICD storage facility upon client request at MCCL/Kapiri ICD with 30 free days • Will mitigate congestion/delay risk and optimize transit time from Dar Es Road connections Salaam port. Improved turnaround times • Trains are equipped with GPS devices which helps to provide daily Rail connections information of the movement of the cargo www.cma-cgm.com June 2020.
    [Show full text]
  • The Origin of the Central African Copperbelt: in a Nutshell
    The Southern African Institute of Mining and Metallurgy Base Metals Conference 2013 S.J. Theron The origin of the Central African Copperbelt: in a nutshell S.J. Theron Exxaro Resources Ltd The Central African Copperbelt, the largest resource of Cu and Co in the world, straddles the international boundary between Zambia and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). A major sedimentological facies change coincides with or is very close to this international border. For decades these two countries were controlled by two different colonial powers, Britain and Belgium respectively. The political, administrative, and language boundaries between these colonial powers also led to very powerful scientific and technological boundaries. The sedimentological facies change coinciding with the international border led to scientists from both colonial powers often observing and studying only their respective sides of the border. The end of colonialism eventually resulted in nationalization of the mines in both Zambia and the DRC, with minimal scientific work being conducted for nearly two decades. When these countries again became accessible to multinational mining companies in the late 1990s to early 2000s, many workers had for the first time the opportunity to work across the international border to observe and study the ‘complete’ Copperbelt. The more siliciclastic sediments proximal to the underlying basement ‘granites’ often dominate the stratabound ore horizon on the Zambian side. The presence of K-feldspar, biotite/phlogopite, muscovite and an associated ‘enrichment’ in potassium often led workers to believe that these may represent signs of hydrothermal K-metasomatism related to later metal-bearing epigenetic fluids. These are, however, all of a sedimentary origin.
    [Show full text]
  • The Dynamics of Inequality in the Congolese Copperbelt a Discussion of Bourdieu’S Theory of Social Space
    A Discussion of Bourdieu’s Theory of Social Space Benjamin Rubbers Chapter 6 The Dynamics of Inequality in the Congolese Copperbelt A Discussion of Bourdieu’s Theory of Social Space Benjamin Rubbers Few Congolese people would acknowledge the existence of social classes in their own country. The categories that they use in everyday life (the ‘unemployed’, ‘intellectuals’, ‘villagers’ or ‘whites’, to give but a few examples) are based on different criteria of classification, ambiguous and ill- defined; for that reason, they cannot easily be matched with social classes. All would however acknowledge the existence of strong inequal- ities in Congolese society. So how can we account for these inequali- ties and their evolution since Congo’s independence in 1960? In order to do so, a vast literature suggests starting from an a priori definition of class- in- itself (the political class, the working class, or more recently, the middle class), and then to study its formation, its interests, its conflicts and the forms of consciousness associated with it. This line of enquiry, however, is confronted by two longstanding issues in class analysis: to determine the boundaries of social classes (who belong to the class under study?), and to think the relationship between class- in- itself and class-for- itself (what is the relevance of class from people’s point of view?). This chapter argues that to account for the evolution of inequalities in Congo since independence, the theoretical framework developed by Bourdieu in Distinction (1979) offers a better starting point. It allows one not only to overcome the two above- mentioned difficultiesfaced by tradi- tional class analysis, but also to study the dynamics of class in a broader perspective – beyond the usual emphasis on the formation of a particular class.
    [Show full text]
  • An Overview of Copper Mining in Zambia's Copperbelt Province
    Title An overview of copper mining in Zambia's Copperbelt province Author(s) Sinkala, Pardon; Fujii, Yoshiaki; Kodama, Jun-ichi; Fukuda, Daisuke Citation Proceedings of Spring Meeting of MMIJ Hokkaido Branch, 2018, 35-36 Issue Date 2018-06-16 Doc URL http://hdl.handle.net/2115/70843 Type proceedings (author version) Note 2018 MMIJ Spring Meeting of Hokkaido Branch. June 16 2018, Kitami Institute of Technology, Kitami, Japan. File Information PardonSinkala_MMIJ-BH_20180616.pdf Instructions for use Hokkaido University Collection of Scholarly and Academic Papers : HUSCAP An overview of copper mining in Zambia's Copperbelt province Pardon SINKALA, Yoshiaki FUJII, Jun-ichi KODAMA and Daisuke FUKUDA Hokkaido University 1. Introduction saw an exceptional investment in the construction of new schools, hospitals and roads. Corresponding to the oil crisis of Copper production plays a vital role as one of the major driving 1974 and 1979, copper price declined and the economy of forces in Zambia's economy. On the overall, Zambia has about Zambia began to decline. In addition to falling copper prices, eight (8) major underground mines, and five (5) major open pit the industry faced a number of challenges such as lack of mines operating in copper production. These are private owned investment, over-staffing, poor technology, and the cost of companies with the government of the Republic of Zambia production relatively increased as mining progressed to deeper (GRZ) holding some shares. This paper illustrates a summary of levels in the underground mines, which left Zambia the 25th copper mining in Zambia's Copperbelt province in terms of poorest country in the world in 1994.
    [Show full text]
  • ENSURING DRY MINES in the COPPERBELT Water Management Is Critical for Mine Operations in the African Copperbelt
    CASE STORY ENSURING DRY MINES IN THE COPPERBELT Water management is critical for mine operations in the African Copperbelt The Central African Copperbelt is the largest copper-cobalt resource in the CLIENT world. Ore is extracted in dozens of mines spread across Zambia and An integrated, global mining company with southern Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo). Many of these mines operations in Democratic Republic of Congo have significant water challenges due to the high rainfall and the porous nature of the host ore bodies. DHI has been working in DR Congo for several CHALLENGE years developing hydrology and dewatering models to support mine To directly support dewatering activities operations in this challenging part of the world. (planning and implementation) with detailed groundwater models CENTRAL AFRICAN COPPERBELT To support decision-making by the operations, environmental and social groups Water is critical to profitable operations at mine sites around the world. However, where decisions impact, or are impacted by, there is rarely just the right amount of water. Invariably, there is either too much regional hydrology or too little, or it is in the wrong places. The Central African Copperbelt is no SOLUTION exception. The Central African Copperbelt stretches across Zambia and into Katanga Province in DR Congo. This is the largest copper and cobalt resource in Hydrology models were developed using MIKE SHE – a fully integrated, coupled groundwater- the world. Artisan mining for centuries has supplied the trade in copper ingots and surface water modelling framework. Detailed bracelets across Africa. groundwater models were developed in FEFLOW – a comprehensive, advanced However, the area has numerous water challenges – the Copperbelt contains software for groundwater modelling.
    [Show full text]
  • Chingola District
    CHINGOLA DISTRICT INVESTMENT PROFILE Compiled by: Director Planning Unit 1 Contents 1.0 Overview ................................................................................................................. 4 1.1 Climate ................................................................................................................ 4 1.2 Demography and Socio-Economic Profile................................................................. 6 1.3 Transportation in the District ...................................................................................... 7 2.0 INVESTMENT OPPORTUNITIES IN THE DISTRICT ........................................................... 7 2.1 Infrastructure (Property Development) Sector ............................................................. 9 2.2 Manufacturing Industry - Mineral Processing in Chingola. ............................................12 2.3 Agriculture Sector ....................................................................................................12 2.3.1 Fish Farming ......................................................................................................12 2.3.2 Investing in Fish Farming ....................................................................................13 2.3.3 Crop Production .................................................................................................13 2.3.4. Investing in Crop Production ..............................................................................14 2.3.5 Livestock Production ...........................................................................................14
    [Show full text]
  • Rodents of Ndola (Copperbelt Province, Zambia)
    Rodents of Ndola (Copperbelt Province, Zambia) Inaugural-Dissertation zur Erlangung des Doktorgrades Dr. rer. nat. des Fachbereichs Bio- und Geografie, an der Universität - Duisburg-Essen vorgelegt von Mathias Kawalika, MSc. aus Chipata (Sambia) Juli 2004 2 Die der vorliegenden Arbeit zugrundeliegenden Untersuchungen wurden unter direkter Betreuung von Herrn Prof. Dr. Hynek Burda, FB Bio- und Geowissenschaften, Land- schaftsarchitektur der Universität Duisburg-Essen, im Freiland und in Laboratory Sec- tion von Ndola City Council sowie im Labor Kafubu Water and Sewerage Co. Ltd. in Ndola (Sambia) durchgeführt. 1. Gutachter: Prof. Dr. Hynek Burda (Univ. Duisburg-Essen) 2. Gutachter: Prof. Dr. Herwig Leirs (Univ. Antwerpen) 3. Gutachter: prof. Dr. Friedemann Schrenk (Univ. Frankfurt am Main) Vorsitzender des Prüfungsausschusses: Prof. Dr. Guido Benno Feige (Univ. Duisburg-Essen) Tag der mündlichen Prüfung: 23. November 2004 3 I dedicate this thesis to my spiritual guide and mentor Sant Thakar Singh, my lovely wife Doyen, the children Enid, Clara, Jean, Henry, Margaret, Mirriam and Luwin and also my father Mr. Henry Chimpumba Kawalika. They all felt I deserved this one. 4 Abstract The present thesis deals with rodents of Ndola, capital of the Copperbelt Prov- ince, Zambia, and its surroundings. The study area is located approximately 13 o South and 28 o 35 East, about 1,300 m above sea level, is characterised by average monthly rainfall of 1,198 mm (with a highly variable rain: monthly range 0-283 mm, with 5 to 7 virtually rainless months per year). The region exhibits a mosaic of built up areas, culti- vated fields, forests and natural habitats of the original Zambezian savannah woodland.
    [Show full text]