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Amadis De Gaula Autor

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Amadis De Gaula Autor Amadis de gaula autor Continue Juan Manuel Cacho BlecuaAs Fernando Gómez Redondo explained in previous pages, the early Amadís had to survive for almost two centuries in continuous reformulations, in each of which the texts acquired a meaning, fulfilled a function and were instilled in their historical context. Only from these transformations could we understand well its prolonged success in the different peninsular realms, as reflected by the more than twenty-seven allusions that demonstrate a special acceptance of fiction. Among them are the numerous free references in texts in Portuguese, Castilians and Catalans, or names of real people called as the characters of the novel, Florestán, Galaor, Olinda, Oriana, Amadís, Briolanja, without forgetting some dogs like the Amadís del infante Juan de Aragón (1372), or the one that is carved in the Sevillian tomb of Don Lorenzo Suárez de Figueroa (1409). A copy of the work appears inventoried in the library of Alfonso Tenorio (c. 1430), just as a portable Amadís is recorded in the early sixteenth century among the funds of the library of Cristóbal de Santisteban, ruler of Valladolid, while Dona Aldonza de Mendoza, half-sister of the Marquis of Santillana (died 1435), three had manuscripts of creation. , perhaps those mentioned in a poetry by Pero Ferrús, (h. 1379-1390), in which the death of the hero was also announced: His exploits failed in three books and diredes that God gives him sacred perch. From a few medieval texts Hispanic novels we could accumulate so much data, most of the fifteenth century, but at the height of the last years of the reign of the Catholic monarchs the ideological substrate that held the cane of ancient materials did not come well with the mission granted to the cavalry, nor in the hope of a desired future; Moreover, from the linguistic and literary level, his speech was felt as inaccurate and flawed over time. In these circumstances, Rodríguez de Montalvo decided to correct the old materials and, confident in his artistic strengths, increased them with two more books. He transmitted medieval fiction soaked in new molds, and sometimes transformed, while offering as his own the fourth book of the Amadís of Gaula and its continuation, The Sergas of Esplandián. He reformed a work well known to the public, enlarged it, gave it new meanings, and propagated to the four winds the superiority of his work. Thus, he concluded the first cycle of the Books of Spanish Cavalry and reborn a genre recognizable for future times, of multiple poetics, both probably increased with new texts. The task revealed his literary ambition, correlated with his claim to move on to posterity: And I this cleaning this from me some shadow of memory was left, I dare not put my lean wit into what the wisest wise men cared for, take it along with these post-arrivals that the lightest and least substantial things wrote, for being to him according to his most conforming weakness, correcting these three books of Amadís, than for lack of bad subscribers , or composors, very corrupt and cruel were read, and moving and ingesting the fourth book with the Sergas of Esplandián, his son, which so far is not in memory of any being seen. (Amadís, ed. Cacho Blecua, I, p. 223-24) On October 30, 1508, in the workshops of Zaragozan of Jorge Coci, part of the fruit of his speech came to light, the four books of Amadís de Gaula, although we can certainly affirm that this was not his oldest impression: according to his textual transmission the princes, the first edition necessarily had to be published a few years earlier : according to their textual transmission the princes, the first edition necessarily had to be published a few years before , although we do not know their whereabouts. In its beginning, the work is attributed to the honorable and virtuous cavallero Garci Rodríguez de Montalvo, ruler of the noble village of Medina del Campo (Amadís, I, 225). From the character we also know his status as hidalgo, data that place him among the ruling class of Medina del Campo (Valladolid). Its components came from the small local nobility, to which individuals and families emerged from the ranks of the most prominent neighbors who joined, enriched, above all, through commerce. In the second half of the 15th century, medina's two famous fairs made the village the main commercial and financial center of the Castilian crown, a dynamic urban center in which a differentiated intermediate class of the dominant groups and the common of the neighbors were being forged. Without yet aspiring to power, he tried to control his exercise by various means at his fingertips. On the other hand, at that time access to hydalguía and cavalry became easier for those who stood out in the service of kings and also had a certain personal fortune. And we must not forget that at the time Medina, a city to which Isabella, the Catholic, had a predilection, with some repetition became the residence of the court. In this context of the medieval urban patrician, very well studied by Isabel del Val, the Montalvo, by Martín Gutiérrez de Montalvo, eighth lord of Botalorno, married to a Ruiz de Medina, of the lineage of the Pollinos, stood out. Our author was the son of Juan Gutiérrez de Medina, collector of John II of Navarre and Aragon (the monarch was born in Medina, whose landlord he had received until transferring it). It belonged to one of the lineages that traditionally distributed the power of the city, who held a preeminent position. He was responsible for receiving the process-honor of the new members, but he broke up because they did not want to give him fieldad to a servant of his. It is very likely that he was born around 1440, and different critics postulated a converted origin, hypotheses that were not supported by documentary evidence. With his brother he inherited (1462) an oath granted by John II of Navarre and Aragon to his father, confirmed by the then baby Ferdinand. In October 1476 our character was already ruler of Medina, where it was documented until his death, which had to occur around 1505. In the rich Castilian population he served as the scribe of the peoples of his demarcation. He tried to distribute among the most humble breasts the payments and charges necessary for transportation, almost always of the Catholic monarchs and his House and Council, a trade that would allow him some economic availability. The documentation examined about the character shows his awareness of lineage, his prerogatives, in a rich city and in the field of a municipal administration addicted to corruption, by continuous pulses of power and even by family or personal quarrels. The Sergas provide us with more personal data, such as their love of hunting. Urganda la Desconocida, fictional magician of the work, describes him as a simple man without letters without sciencaia, but only of the one that you like you the labrador aafios knows (Sergas, ed. Sáinz de la Maza, XCVIII, 528). Through the narrative stratagem is presented in a humble way, without the theme being able to deduce its possible intellectual formation. On the contrary, the quotations in the work of classical historians, Salustio, Tito Livio, the Trojan War, Godfrey of Bouillon and the Falls of the Princes of Boccaccio reflect their interests as a reader, similar to those of the Castilian nobility of the fifteenth century, without us being able to emavier any special curiosity of a humanist nature. Through the references, he showed his readings and knowledge, probably acquired second-hand through translations or indirect testimonies. Several references allow the completion of the Amadís and Sergas to be dated around 1495 and 1497, although, given the scale of reformulation and expansion, the creative process could have begun before the end of the Granada War (1492). According to the dates of his possible birth (1440), by then he could be about 55 years old, that is, some more than Don Quixote and about sixty that Macandón, character of the Amadís described as an old squire, had wandered in search of anyone who could investigate him (Amadís, II, LVI, 797), a source of continuous laughter in court. In front of the writer's theme, he apologizes for writing book of chivalry during his youth, Montalvo presents himself as a mature man, prone to convey doctrines and worry about the salvation of the soul; in the opposite direction, as Urganda disproves it, her age is unconducive to reviving loving passions: not to fear that she is so contrary to her ingenreche of acts like the water of fire and the cold snow of the great heat of the sun; that in such a strange thing as this they can neither become fablar, but those in which their bowels are almost burned and lit from that loving flame. (Sergas, XCVIII, 529- 530) The admonition of the fictional character is still an interested benevolent captatio, from which emerges a primary and emotional conception of writing: only those who live passionately are able to recreate a language capable of reproducing the affective intensity of novelist characters, although it is not advisable to draw conclusions outside the episodic and rhetorical context of the quotation. The censorship is justified because previously the magician accepted that Montalvo meddled in telling the affairs of war: because with so much love his will is in and out of knowing the famous locks of arms, and because the style of his life since his birth was in weaning and following. (Sergas, XCVIII, 529) Unlike love, he will be able to speak of the facts of war with greater knowledge without any incompatibility between his fictions and literary matter, through which it was much easier to overcome the fictitious past of the work and the glorious present lived under the reins of its monarchs.
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