Amadis De Gaula Autor

Amadis de gaula autor

Continue Juan Manuel Cacho BlecuaAs Fernando Gómez Redondo explained in previous pages, the early Amadís had to survive for almost two centuries in continuous reformulations, in each of which the texts acquired a meaning, fulfilled a function and were instilled in their historical context. Only from these transformations could we understand well its prolonged success in the different peninsular realms, as reflected by the more than twenty-seven allusions that demonstrate a special acceptance of fiction. Among them are the numerous free references in texts in Portuguese, Castilians and Catalans, or names of real people called as the characters of the novel, Florestán, Galaor, Olinda, Oriana, Amadís, Briolanja, without forgetting some dogs like the Amadís del infante Juan de Aragón (1372), or the one that is carved in the Sevillian tomb of Don Lorenzo Suárez de Figueroa (1409). A copy of the work appears inventoried in the library of Alfonso Tenorio (c. 1430), just as a portable Amadís is recorded in the early sixteenth century among the funds of the library of Cristóbal de Santisteban, ruler of Valladolid, while Dona Aldonza de Mendoza, half-sister of the Marquis of Santillana (died 1435), three had manuscripts of creation. , perhaps those mentioned in a poetry by Pero Ferrús, (h. 1379-1390), in which the death of the hero was also announced: His exploits failed in three books and diredes that God gives him sacred perch. From a few medieval texts Hispanic novels we could accumulate so much data, most of the fifteenth century, but at the height of the last years of the reign of the Catholic monarchs the ideological substrate that held the cane of ancient materials did not come well with the mission granted to the cavalry, nor in the hope of a desired future; Moreover, from the linguistic and literary level, his speech was felt as inaccurate and flawed over time. In these circumstances, Rodríguez de Montalvo decided to correct the old materials and, confident in his artistic strengths, increased them with two more books. He transmitted medieval fiction soaked in new molds, and sometimes transformed, while offering as his own the fourth book of the Amadís of Gaula and its continuation, The Sergas of Esplandián. He reformed a work well known to the public, enlarged it, gave it new meanings, and propagated to the four winds the superiority of his work. Thus, he concluded the first cycle of the Books of Spanish Cavalry and reborn a genre recognizable for future times, of multiple poetics, both probably increased with new texts. The task revealed his literary ambition, correlated with his claim to move on to posterity: And I this cleaning this from me some shadow of memory was left, I dare not put my lean wit into what the wisest wise men cared for, take it along with these post-arrivals that the lightest and least substantial things wrote, for being to him according to his most conforming weakness, correcting these three books of Amadís, than for lack of bad subscribers , or composors, very corrupt and cruel were read, and moving and ingesting the fourth book with the Sergas of Esplandián, his son, which so far is not in memory of any being seen. (Amadís, ed. Cacho Blecua, I, p. 223-24) On October 30, 1508, in the workshops of Zaragozan of Jorge Coci, part of the fruit of his speech came to light, the four books of Amadís de Gaula, although we can certainly affirm that this was not his oldest impression: according to his textual transmission the princes, the first edition necessarily had to be published a few years earlier : according to their textual transmission the princes, the first edition necessarily had to be published a few years before , although we do not know their whereabouts. In its beginning, the work is attributed to the honorable and virtuous cavallero Garci Rodríguez de Montalvo, ruler of the noble village of Medina del Campo (Amadís, I, 225). From the character we also know his status as hidalgo, data that place him among the ruling class of Medina del Campo (Valladolid). Its components came from the small local nobility, to which individuals and families emerged from the ranks of the most prominent neighbors who joined, enriched, above all, through commerce. In the second half of the 15th century, medina's two famous fairs made the village the main commercial and financial center of the Castilian crown, a dynamic urban center in which a differentiated intermediate class of the dominant groups and the common of the neighbors were being forged. Without yet aspiring to power, he tried to control his exercise by various means at his fingertips. On the other hand, at that time access to hydalguía and cavalry became easier for those who stood out in the service of kings and also had a certain personal fortune. And we must not forget that at the time Medina, a city to which Isabella, the Catholic, had a predilection, with some repetition became the residence of the court. In this context of the medieval urban patrician, very well studied by Isabel del Val, the Montalvo, by Martín Gutiérrez de Montalvo, eighth lord of Botalorno, married to a Ruiz de Medina, of the lineage of the Pollinos, stood out. Our author was the son of Juan Gutiérrez de Medina, collector of John II of Navarre and Aragon (the monarch was born in Medina, whose landlord he had received until transferring it). It belonged to one of the lineages that traditionally distributed the power of the city, who held a preeminent position. He was responsible for receiving the process-honor of the new members, but he broke up because they did not want to give him fieldad to a servant of his. It is very likely that he was born around 1440, and different critics postulated a converted origin, hypotheses that were not supported by documentary evidence. With his brother he inherited (1462) an oath granted by John II of Navarre and Aragon to his father, confirmed by the then baby Ferdinand. In October 1476 our character was already ruler of Medina, where it was documented until his death, which had to occur around 1505. In the rich Castilian population he served as the scribe of the peoples of his demarcation. He tried to distribute among the most humble breasts the payments and charges necessary for transportation, almost always of the Catholic monarchs and his House and Council, a trade that would allow him some economic availability. The documentation examined about the character shows his awareness of lineage, his prerogatives, in a rich city and in the field of a municipal administration addicted to corruption, by continuous pulses of power and even by family or personal quarrels. The Sergas provide us with more personal data, such as their love of hunting. Urganda la Desconocida, fictional magician of the work, describes him as a simple man without letters without sciencaia, but only of the one that you like you the labrador aafios knows (Sergas, ed. Sáinz de la Maza, XCVIII, 528). Through the narrative stratagem is presented in a humble way, without the theme being able to deduce its possible intellectual formation. On the contrary, the quotations in the work of classical historians, Salustio, Tito Livio, the Trojan War, Godfrey of Bouillon and the Falls of the Princes of Boccaccio reflect their interests as a reader, similar to those of the Castilian nobility of the fifteenth century, without us being able to emavier any special curiosity of a humanist nature. Through the references, he showed his readings and knowledge, probably acquired second-hand through translations or indirect testimonies. Several references allow the completion of the Amadís and Sergas to be dated around 1495 and 1497, although, given the scale of reformulation and expansion, the creative process could have begun before the end of the Granada War (1492). According to the dates of his possible birth (1440), by then he could be about 55 years old, that is, some more than Don Quixote and about sixty that Macandón, character of the Amadís described as an old squire, had wandered in search of anyone who could investigate him (Amadís, II, LVI, 797), a source of continuous laughter in court. In front of the writer's theme, he apologizes for writing book of chivalry during his youth, Montalvo presents himself as a mature man, prone to convey doctrines and worry about the salvation of the soul; in the opposite direction, as Urganda disproves it, her age is unconducive to reviving loving passions: not to fear that she is so contrary to her ingenreche of acts like the water of fire and the cold snow of the great heat of the sun; that in such a strange thing as this they can neither become fablar, but those in which their bowels are almost burned and lit from that loving flame. (Sergas, XCVIII, 529- 530) The admonition of the fictional character is still an interested benevolent captatio, from which emerges a primary and emotional conception of writing: only those who live passionately are able to recreate a language capable of reproducing the affective intensity of novelist characters, although it is not advisable to draw conclusions outside the episodic and rhetorical context of the quotation. The censorship is justified because previously the magician accepted that Montalvo meddled in telling the affairs of war: because with so much love his will is in and out of knowing the famous locks of arms, and because the style of his life since his birth was in weaning and following. (Sergas, XCVIII, 529) Unlike love, he will be able to speak of the facts of war with greater knowledge without any incompatibility between his fictions and literary matter, through which it was much easier to overcome the fictitious past of the work and the glorious present lived under the reins of its monarchs. Even in the battles of Book IV, of which her fatherhood is attributed, events related to Elizabeth's attempts to disown, her subsequent marriage, and the war that arose could be interspersed. Montalvo could recreate new past events of his monarchs, whom he not only excels at in his exploits, but also advises on the issues to be pursued. As a character in his own fiction, he is subjected to various tests by the magician, a moment used by the media to talk about the present and the future more broadly than at other times. This undoes praise from both Isabel and Fernando, who surpass in qualities the fictional characters, and even in the case of Elizabeth all Hispanic ancestors. But in addition, the Unknown, character who revealed the events that will come from the work always certain, advises them to continue this holy war that against the infidels with aenaada have (Sergas, XCIX, 546), words that we must project on the crusade in North Africa, logical consequence and prolongation of the war of Granada. Soon after, in a moralize the author cares about the judgment of peoples close to Persia, who are made to disown the Catholic faith. If the solution is not found is because some princes (Catholics) only plan to subjugate those who can least. If your sons-in-law were repaired, our Holy Father would not be necessary... (Sergas, IIC, 567). It is quite possible that there was an allusion night to the Holy League of Venice of March 31, 1495, an anti-French alliance composed of Alexander VI, Spain, Maximilian of Austria, Milan and Venice, who called himself a saint because he intended his mission to be the defense of Christianity against the Turks. The door was left open for the incorporation of France, although Charles VIII had to give up his purpose of conquering Naples. As with so many other writers of the time of Catholic monarchs, literature becomes a vehicle of propaganda, in many cases interested in being promoted from power, and through it Montalvo found a suitable vehicle to spread an ideology, flatter their kings with explicit allusions and new recreations of their personal avatars explained in political and chivalrous key, develop their tastes , develop your tastes , show your class consciousness, differentiate yourself from the increasingly frequent resumptions, and emphasize the supremacy of cavalry: And yet, the other offices inferior by the perfiation of the loins are nosy, must be more than anything and above all shines, as the sun clear over all other claritys (Sergas, LXXI, 416). Through the theme, long tradition, the author gave the cavalry a preeminence that the monarchy sought to boost and control. Fernando, the Catholic, had shown good samples of his chivalrous affations, displayed, for example, in his personal propaganda challenge to Alfonso of Portugal to end the war of succession (1475), as well as in the library and tapes of Isabel there are traces of his interest in artric literature. During the Granada War, kings increased the granting of cavalry to prominent combatants, an exceptional, effective and inexpensive mechanism; even the king himself invited his son John (1490), ten years old, before the city walls, and this, in turn, to other descendants of great lords. Despite the changes and the greater complexity of the armies, cavalry was an interested reference, just as the nobility continued to participate very actively in the war. It is very significant that in 1480 the fashion of putting chivalrous names for people of flesh and blood increased. The revitalization of these traditions could be lived more intensely in the Hispanic kingdoms, but not deprivation of our country. At the end of the 15th and early 16th centuries, this literature was being born throughout Europe, for which the press is no stranger. The institution's value system, reinforced by new attitudes, survived the social class that created it throughout Europe. It will not only manifest itself in the various festivals, tournaments and receptions of the various European territories, but also in its literary production. In England, Thomas Malory had finished Le Morte d'Arthur around 1469, published by Caxton in 1485 and printed on successive occasions until the 17th century. In France, new chivalrous Romans were created while prosiseing and adapting old gesta songs, many of which have spread in Spain since the late 15th century in smaller, smaller, short chivalrous stories. New chivalrous biographies were also created and old products were printed, including the lancelot and Tristan (1494) editions of Antoine Vérad, the latter already printed by Jehan le Bourgoys in Rouen (1489). In Italy, the subject was revitalized through the epic cult, a part of which will be prosified and adapted in Spain later according to the molds of the cavalry books. To this, we must add the extraordinary vitality of this culture and literature at the court of Burgundy, to which we must add the propaganda, artistic and personal interests of Emperor Maximilian I of Austria (1459-1519), who has been insistently called the last knight. At the end of the 15th century and a few years later, cavalry was a powerful system of beliefs, thought and worldview throughout Europe. The redevelopment of the Amadís de Montalvo must be explained from the special Hispanic circumstances, around a brief heroic stage that arose during the Granada War, but does not constitute any anomaly in the European international context. From Montalvo's prologious words at the beginning of his work (Amadís, I, pro., 223-225), complemented by external statements, it follows that he intervened in the Amadís/Sergas cycle in four interrelated ways: 1) corrected and altered the old originals, 2) he resplendent them with doctrines and examples, 3) he reformulated them and adapted them narratively, stylistically and ideologically to new times, different segments and new plots; to do this, it must close, modify, mount, or amplify some episodes; 4) It has a new text, formally non-existent in advance, in which we can distinguish the fourth book of Amadís and a fifth book, starring his son. The first types of intervention (correction, alteration and brightness), which seemed to be more modest, should have served to ensure that Montalvo partially approved a foreign text, a process in which he had to face discourses already formed. The intensity of their task can be hypothetically inferred by the older remaining linguistic substrates and by the different ideological, structural, technical and stylistic developments that spy. Usually, the language used in the whole corresponds to the usual Spanish of the late fifteenth century, although below this linguistic stratum are perceived the oldest, as attest by some archaeal sums that have not been eliminated or modified. They are more abundant in Book I, the least transformed of all, diminish in II, and are then used to a lesser extent, as if Montalvo's intervention had become increasingly intense. However, certain archaea do not disappear from the fourth or fifth books, a possible indication of a reformulation of pre-existing materials, now displaced in their new provision. As for some of her stylistic patterns, short, short and intense direct speeches are more frequent in Book I, sometimes with similar replicas, as well as simple and hectic phrases are often squandered, with abundant copulatory loops, in which countless actions take place in a short space: For all tables, the Queen wanted to receive her camera , and helisena rising fell from the halon a very beautiful ring , that to wash his finger remove, and with the great turmoy he had no agreement of what to turn there, and baxosis to take it; but King Perion, who fits in his stava, chisogelo gives it, then the hands came to a season, and the king took his hand and shook it. Helisena turned very red, and looking at the King with loving eyes I dixo passito who thanked him for this service. Oh, ma'am! - let's say he -- won't be the postrimer, but all the time of my life will be employed in you to serve. (Amadís, i.e. with. 230-231) On the contrary, the medieval ruler tends to prefer a more orational rhythm, full of bimembrações, parallels and adjectives above, with generally more extensive phrases, more complex prayer links, a certain tendency to concept, dramatized representation and rhetorical articulation, especially to pathetic figures, especially rhetorical questioning and exclamation. In this sense, his interventions are also disseminated in the first three books, and are unmistakable in many of the dialogues and gloss and concern for certain religious behaviors. To name two of the most iconic episodes, the hero's fight against the evil monster, the Endriago of Book III, it would be inconceivable without the intervention of the Medianés, as well as the loving penance in the Poor Rock (book II) caused by the furious letter of Oriana, from which I extract this brief quotation: My sweeping quexa accompanied by all reason too much results in the lean hand declaring what the sad blush- the false and disloyal cavallero Amadís of Gaula for it is already known the disloyalty and little firmness that against me, the most unfortunate and diminished of adventure on all those in the world, you showed, moving your will from me, that above all the things you love, putting you in that, according to your age, love or know your discretion is enough. (Amadís, II, XLIV, 676-677) On the other hand, in his plotal accommodation of primitive materials, Montalvo modified the device and the previous narrative plot, for example, eliminating the death of the protagonist couple, of which certain traits remain in chapter 39 of Sergas. The death of Amadís in the previous version is attested by the poem of Pedro Ferrús mentioned above, and he refers in more detail to the Book called Remedy of the Lost, whose author placed Alberto Blecua (2005) after the generation of Mena and Santillana and before that of Manrique and Cartagena: Asy you see to say the marked things that by loves fizo [Amadís] would be a thing of leftover and prolixa , except so much that he egg a fixed or a fixed orana, which was so good cavallero that he killed his father without knowing him. Thus, the information from the fifth book is ratified: the fight is carried out without the son knowing of his father, while the poetic allusions of Pérez de Guzmán (before 1445) and the Portuguese Nuno Pereira (between 1483 and 1484) also cite Oriana among a series of deceased characters, so that the resurrection of the couple can be attributed to the ruler medinés. But it is also quite possible that this death was not the only death of prominent characters. According to the Triumph of Love (c. 1475-1476) of Juan de Flores, among the members of the army of the dead who thickened the side of the living to balance their numerical inequality were strong Heitor and Jason, in love with Medea, and Ulixes and Aeneas and Lansalote and Amadís and Galaor and Florestán y Agrises (sic) (ed Antonio Gargano) , 146). The implications of the reference are numerous for the trajectory of Galaor, Florestan and Agrajes, although I only emphasize that Amadís' death was yet another link - possibly the most representative - of the of the main knights of the text, an indication of the tragic channels through which the work was directed. The turn given by Montalvo took the work of some unsealed endings present in various genres of the time, for example, in the main arturate models of the hero, Lanzarote and Tristan, in tirant lo Blanch, published in 1490, in sentimental fiction or later in Celestina. This reorientation of the result heralded a less skeptical view of the cavalry, which resurfaced as a phoenix and better incorporated its purposes into Sergas. According to these data, how can we explain that Median is responsible for the last two books, some of which episodes were well known to the public? The answer seems simple: the pre-existing materials were distributed differently from their original configuration, dividing the entire series, reworked and increased, into five books. Thus, Montalvo's initial words are incorporated editorially, since the last two books did not exist before. The whole was distributed according to the different degree of his intervention in three blocks, each introduced with his own prologue according to the following scheme: From a political and ideological perspective, the additions of the fourth and fifth books could represent two different times: 1) that of an outdated past in which the cavalry prevented the removal and postponement of the legitimate heiress (Oriana) , for which the knights had to resort to weapons against even the king, while annihilating all previous adversaries, represented by Arcaláus, Arab king, etc. Internal problems were overcome in this first stage, and it was not difficult to transpose it into conflicts that occurred with access to the throne of Isabella, the Catholic. However, at the end of the 15th century, from a perspective close to the ideology spread in the royal environment, the confrontation between cavalry and royalty did not correspond to the interested longings of the most immediate present, nor to the hopes of the future. 2) From this point of view it makes sense for a second consecutive and differentiated time, of which Esplandián is the protagonist, freed by Montalvo from having killed his father, and representative of a new expansionist attitude. If the international political keys of Catholic monarchs can be secured to achieve the general peace of Christians and in the war against the unfaithful enemies of the faith, the sergas consistently conform to both guidelines. The previous cavalry, exercised by Amadís and his friends, is devalued based on other higher objectives. The exercise of weapons now seeks to detach itself from the conquest of an honor and is created as a service to God through which salvation can be attained. In the absence of a classical preceptive that justified the novelty of narrative fiction and its lack of theoretical autonomy, Montalvo will bring the work closer to the most prestigious and close genre: history, whose development in the fifteenth century admitted the most disparate practices. Historiography embraced important transformations and different novelties, among which I will train several to explain the context of the intervention of the Medinés in the Amadís: the extension of their historians, with the multiplication of particular chronicles; its repeated use as a propaganda vehicle; , interested in hosting increasingly new legendary and epic traditions; the popularity of classical historians through translations, reception that should be interpreted in most cases in chivalrous and not so much humanist key; the repeated persistence of its exemplary value. In short, the historiographic practices of the fifteenth century accentuated the chivalrous and ideological dyes, and also at the same time coexisted various forms of history from the youngest (Pérez de Guzmán and Hernando del Pulgar) to the more archaic, especially the highly known postal products, so that the boundaries between truth and fiction on many occasions were not well delimited. On the other hand, classical antiquity provided examples for militia and prestige to the writing of history, always conceived since its exemplary. To all this, we should add that the Amadís spread before Montalvo did not always have a favorable reception. Chancellor Ayala confesses to having wasted his time reading books of windings, of proven lies, such as Amadís and Lanzarote (Rhymed Book of the Palace), as Alfonso de Cartagena (around 1440) considers barren and foolish some large volumes such as those of Tristan, Lanzarote and Amadís. The problem is no longer only posed by its null instructional value, but by the angle of probability. These criticisms of children's fiction and the new orientations of the story are felt in Montalvo's prologue, which differentiates three modalities of writers: a) the authors who relied on some basis of truth, but told some facts invented to cause admiration, as happens in stories of Greeks and Trojans and Godfrey of Bouillon; b) historians of greater credit, such as Titus Livio, who tried to exalt the ardiation and effort of the heart referring to some strange but credible events, because they can be corroborated by current experiences; c) a third group formed by those who composed feigned and invented stories, which are not based only on any basis of truth, but tell admirable facts, outside the order of nature, stories that must be made. Montalvo chose this third modality, but in asserting his false history status faced several problems. The Judeo-Christian tradition perhaps reinforced the idea that it was important to distinguish the true past from lies and fiction. But this division associated fiction with falsehood and added connotations of a certain moral contempt. To get rid of the weight of falsehood, historically the authors have resorted to several alternatives. Some insisted that their fiction was historical truth, derived from authentic sources and based on the observation of witnesses of all trust. The other way was to admit or manifestly that the story was certainly fiction, without it being subject to judgments about whether it was historically true or false. In this sense, Rodríguez de Montalvo points out intermediate formulas: 1) he will tell a false story, but in his account he will use the procedures of real history. Thus, he will resort to the fiction of a manuscript found by chance in a tomb and brought by a merchant, in which book IV and its continuation were located. Starting very timidly in the Amadís, but already from Sergas, the original assumption is offered as if it were a chronicle or true story, whose writing was commissioned by an eyewitness of the events, Master Elisabad, of remarkable moral qualities that reinforce the veracity of what was said. 2) He will present numerous moralizing comments, so that with these additions his work can be accomplished more by chronic than by. The narrator and sometimes some characters highlight the consequences and examples that can come from episodes told or lived. Sergas will continue to use identical resources and take it a step further: its exemplary ness also comes from its structural design, making the fight against the infidel one of its main guidelines. 3) In the prologue he projects his work against the background of stories of Greeks and Romans, so it is also not strange that, from time to time, he compares the facts of his fiction with those of that distant past, a procedure that increases in sergas and by which he intends to honor his false history, while cheerfully his knowledge, on the other hand easy to carry. Rewriting and rewriting the old materials, with new additions Montalvo elaborated a cycle whose arrangement depends on its great lines of the arteric tradition and, to a lesser extent, the Trojan. In its final essay, the model followed in the first four books corresponds to that of the best knight in the world and of the most faithful lovers, for whom he had two great paradigms: Tristan de Leonís and Lanzarote del Lago, although in Las sergas de Esplandián cavalry and love acquire certain peculiarities of their own. Each of the two works stars the characters referred to in the titles, and more secondary by other knights whose life trajectory is usually parallel to that of the main heroes. The Amadís focus on the hero of the same name, from whom they tell us their main biographical milestones from the loves of their parents to his heyday as a walking knight and his retirement on Firm Island, once publicly married to Oriana. Increasingly systematically, the events are centered around large narrative nuclei, starring almost exclusively as the main hero, to the detriment of the adventures of other characters, especially Galaor and Agesties, whose interventions descend from Book I to simplify the threads of the plot. The sergas recreate, above all, the exploits of his son Esplandián, begun after his donation and completed after his marriage and coronation as emperor of Constantinople. Both fictional are starring traditional prototypes, young knights, descendants of kings, in the age of arms, single and in love. Far from the paternal lands, they will overcome countless adventures in which they will be qualified as unique heroes, as lovers and as heads of a group of knights. In the end, they will participate in a collective battle against a numerically much superior enemy. In this apocalyptic war will be at stake either his marriage to the lover (Oriana in the Amadís), or the defense of a territory of the father of the beloved attacked by the infidels (Constantinople in the Sergas). As a last result, they will no longer be walking knights to regents of a landhouse such as The Firm Island, an intermediate stage before Amadís takes on Gaul and Great Britain, or a large empire like constantinople, in a progression favorable to Esplandián. Both are part of a higher cycle in which they are inserted, designed simply from the family and generational succession of father and son, which refers to the arteric scheme of Lancelot and Galaad, configured as if there was a narrative continuity: The sergas link argumentatively with the end of the Amadís, its first chapters solve unfinished episodes and unfilled essays from the previous one. The book begins without prior information about the characters or the time of action, so it is intended as if the reader knew the background. It is logical that it is described as bouquet that comes out of the four books of Amadís comes out. In the current configuration, the large lines of construction tend to be repeated, sometimes with small variations, in a meditative narrative crescendo: the hero, alone or accompanied, must solve a difficult task in which the peace of Britain and love, Oriana, is in danger. In book I, Arcalau, the main enemy, betrays Lysuarte while trying to get Barsinán to take the kingdom and marry Oriana. The intervention of Amadís and Galaor will prevent its realization. After the release of his beloved, there will be the union of the couple in which the delicacy of the gentleman's behavior, unusual in the description of these situations (remember callisto) will occur: And Amadís became his mistress; and when I asy saw her so ferotic and in her possession she aved her will, she was so bothered by plazer and empacho, that only tasting did not osve; I know that it can very well be said that in that green girl, on top of this robe, more by the grace and eating of Oriana, than by the disbursement or daring of Amadís, the most beautiful donut in the world was made of owner. And believing with her the burning flames, he catches a cold, increasing in a much larger number of ways, the hotter and more strongly they were left, as in the healthy and true loves that it often happens. After this difficult task, the story could be completed, although some episodes remain unfinished. Because of some words of the sun ardián, Oriana reacts with jealousy and anger, writing a letter of spite, later imitated by Don Quixote in the penance of Sierra Morena. When he receives the misiva, Amadís retreats with a hermit to Poor Rock, abandons his weapons, changes his name and clothes, becoming a kind of savage, isolated from society, with symptoms of loving illness. You will only resume your activity when you receive a new reconciliation letter, having to regain lost fame, thus starting a second cycle in which the previous schemes are reiterated. Book II highlights the dangers of The Battle of Cildadán against Lisuarte because giants challenge Lisuarte if he does not turn Oriana to marry one of them. Amadís with the name Beltenebros kills his beloved opponent and rescues Leonoreta, Oriana's sister. Once again, the lovers will meet, although in this case they will procreate their children. Nor does the book end there, beginning a third cycle, as Amadís must abandon the after antag-enlist with Lisuarte because of bad counselors. When his friends attack the island of Mongaza, Oriana writes to Amadís to remain in Gaul until a new order. Thirteen and a half months passed, those who used his friends to fight Lisuarte, until the arrival of another letter from his lady: he can leave Gaula, but not fight with his father. In their new adventures, the space realms are greatly expanded; known as the Knight of the Nore or the Green Sword and the Greek Knight achieves a prestige that even eclipses or equal sums as Amadís. His return to the lands of Lisuarte will coincide with the latter's decision to surrender to Oriana to marry the Roman emperor, Skate, despite the will of his daughter and the advice of his friends. On her way to Rome, she will be rescued by Amadís, which will motivate the great battle of Book IV. After the intervention of the hermit Nasciano and her son Esplandián, everything will end in general peace and in the defeat of new attackers, Arcalaus and the main enemies of the hero and Lisuarte, who were lurking awaiting the resolution of the conflict. Now the hero's friends will also have conquered lands from their opponents, made differential from the above. The book ends with general marriages, for which everyone meets at the Insula Firm and not in the court of Great Britain. However, in his latest adventures Amadís fails, so that again there are some future events, resolved in Sergas, leaving readers with the expectation of its realization. The arrangement of adventures follows similar guidelines: at the end of each book, conflicts begin whose resolution is postponed. Except in the third, the structure is similar: the initial problem that generates the new events is happily solved with the triumph of the cavalry, later gathered in the utopian court of Lisuarte. On the contrary, in Book III, when Amadís departed from Britain, in his various adventures he obtained some allies, with everything being arranged to converge to the final battle of Book IV. The lady is disowned, in addition to having to accept, against her will, a resolution that would keep her away from her land, repeated arguments that can be understood from various keys: on the one hand, she is an unjustly treated and defenseless woman, to whom the knights led by Amadís will come to help fulfill the main function of the Order they profess; on the other hand, from the political context of it was not difficult for Oriana to associate with Isabel de Castilla, whom they tried to marry twice without her consent with the intention of resemidivising her from the Castile throne and who had married Ferdinand, the Catholic behind the king, as Luzdivina Cuesta emphasized (2002). Oriana's disdain, forced marriage, and subsequent war could easily be interpreted as political key. Through public marriage, the main events of the heroic life of the character, who ceases to walk the paths of adventures, to perform functions of ruler, end. Exhausted his new world after marriages, he continues with that of his son. In Montalvo's eyes, public marriage makes love a non-novelizable reason, increasing the change in the character's roles and the age of arms his son has attained. The adventures starring the walking knights, especially the war and the wonderful, together with their loves, constitute the main axes that see the five books. However, if we analyze them in detail, the chivalrous and feminine prototypes, the largest or smallest number of protagonists and narrative topics, the affective relationships of the characters and the narrated spears, the use of magic, etc., ostensibly evolve from the first book to the fifth. Its modifications affect ideology, the represented world and forms of representation, so that different substrates are perceived as a whole. In addition, the texts reformulated by Montalvo hosted the most diverse materials. He had twanded from eminently folkstructures - abandoned and later recognized children - to draw similar lines in his great characteristics to those of greek romance with separate lovers and casual storms; Likewise, Beltenebrós' stay in the Poor Peña could be interpreted as a sentimental interlude, a future proclamation of pastoral care. The metafitoca nature of the author's presence in Sergas and the increase in affective expressions would not be well understood without the influence of sentimental fiction. If we add to this the creative and innovative will of the media, we can coherently explain that the five books propose different poetics, sometimes even contradictory, although certain constant lines persist everywhere. The work is not content to welcome and reproduce without changing the arteric tradition. The love of Amadís and Oriana differs in two fundamental aspects of their main models, Tristan and Iseo and Lanzarote and Geneva: on the one hand, it develops among singles, thus avoiding adultery; on the other hand, culminates with the physical possession of the lover, after different and stadiums according to the courtesan heritage, although in the Amadís there is formerly a secret marriage. However, this aspect does not affect the quality or clandestine condition of his love, so there is a skillful compromise between more orthodox erotic conduct and literary codes. Courteous love explains small details of the couple's love affair, motivates the realization of adventures and even explains the characters' cell phones. It functions as a spring generating all the qualities, promoting the development of heroic activity, just as disgust leads to the inactivity of its penance in the Poor Peña. The hero behaves like a perfect lover and through his body and gestural behavior, intimate and inevitable - self-absorption, insomnia and tears - reflects the purity of his feelings; he also manifests his loyalty and perfection, resists the temptations offered to him, which in some cases endanger his life, and obeys his lady's orders, according to his longingfor adventure and fame. Love stimulates the development of her rhetorical qualities, for she will achieve her lady's favors after implanting her persuasive gifts. These relationships stand out as overcoming those of other young couples, such as Agrajes and Olinda, while contrasting with the adulterous love of Dom Guilán, or the erotic adventures of Galaor, characterized by her discontinuity, her speed and physical dedication of the lady, residues of a type of arteric love of Celtic origin. They stand out even more in contrast to the loves of magicians, Urganda and the Charming Maiden, who despite their powers fail to achieve success, and differ from the subsequent chastity of Esplandián, in whose development new guidelines attributable to Montalvo are perceived. The new chivalrous ideal preconsciously sees a lifestyle subject to the norms of asctic-Christian morality, essentially anti-Anti-Rtesane. The finals of both works coincide with the marriages of the companions of the heroes, a decision involving the heads of both lineages. As was the case in reality, the family's opinion determined the choice of the spouse. With repetition, Montalvo is pleased to develop the courteous rhetoric of love, but in its deepest layers the differences with the spirit of the first books are radical. Love is dissociating itself from adventure and is separated from carnaus pleasures. Regardless of the many functional characters of the work - witnesses, messengers, links, etc. - the protagonists belong to the highest spheres of society - they are kings, sons of kings or nobles - and in the case of men who have been endowed with knights. They reflect different archetypes, incarnation of addictions or with almost no intermediate nuance, and the most significant ones are distinguished by some striking trait that defines his personality: loving loyalty (Amadís), donjuanesca attitude (Galaor), impetuosity (Agrajes), etc. They can be identified by their appeal, such as Urganda the Unknown, Arcalaus the Charmer, and even the names come to reflect the essence of personality. Amadís is named after Darioleta's devotion to a saint, according to the unconvincing explanation of its author, but his name must necessarily be related to love. After Oriana's jealousy, he will be known as Beltenebros, with a beauty-related etimo, while the second, -dark, acquires negative connotations. In turn, the protagonists, paradigms of perfect knights, demonstrate in the multiple adventures their courteous, physical and ethical qualities. Among his values stands out the goodness of weapons, also called prez and effort, concreted in his ability to win the individual struggle and encourage the army with the example of his exploits. This quality is increased by the danger of enemies, either by their conditions or by their number, without the lack of fighting between unrecognized relatives. In addition to the drama, the minimal hierarchy between the characters is encouraged, noticeable in other tests such as those of Firm Island, in which Amadís shows his superiority: he is the best knight and the most loyal passionate. Honor is the main value of the male world in the form of a high social level, or in the form of fame, propagated by the word, especially witnesses, through the writings that collect its exploits and through sculptural representations. To achieve it, they must fulfill their chivalrous duties - the defense of the territory, the help of the underdogs (widows, orphans, maidens) - and observe a number of virtues, including courtesy, mesura and loyalty, on which peace and order of the kingdom depend. In the female world, beauty, honesty and honor stand out, the latter reinforced after the intervention of the Media. Heroes test the effectiveness of their role in adventures: they resee existing disorders and punish offenders, almost always similar to the transgression committed. Opponents often behave anti-ballestry, anti-court and sometimes anti-Christian. Among the opponents stands out Arcaláus the Charmer, who in his war conditions joins the danger of his magical knowledge, with which he defeats the hero in his first confrontation. Such forces are fought by Urganda the Unknown, a magician remodeled over the tradition of Merlin, Morgana and the Lady of the Lake. With its power of transformation, indicates the dominance of forces beyond the reach of the rest of mortals. She gives gifts to heroes, heals them, prophesied of her future, and acts as a counselor. The work houses much of the most prominent inventory of the wonderful medieval: dreams and prophecies that advance in events; magical spaces such as Firme Island or The Lovely Peña de la Doncella; Extraordinary human beings among those who are not missing the giants and dwarves or magicians, or characters with remarkable physical peculiarities such as Ardán Canileo or the gigantic Andandona, the only humans described in detail to highlight their wonderful ugliness; wonderful objects, such as the sword that Urganda will bestow in Galaor; rings with special virtues, protective animals that collect heroes, such as the lion of Esplandián, or imaginary monsters like the diabolical Endriago: All his slack was to kill men and other animalias bivas, and when he misses lions and dares that something was defended, very blunt bullfighting, and throws a smoke so shattered, that it is , and gives some terrible hoarse clowns to hear; I said all things bivas ran away ant'him as before death. It smelled so bad, that I did nothing that did not emponognese; It was so terrible when he shook the shells with each other and made his teeth and wings creak, that he didn't look like it, but that the earth faced shudder. Such is this animalia Endriago called as you say - dixo master Elisabad. And there is more to you, I say, that the great force of the giant's sin and its fixation caused the evil enemy to enter into it, both in its strength and bloody crisis. (Amadís, III, LXXIII, 1133-34) In turn, from the first books of the Amadís certain adventures move toward the courteate, as happens in judicial duels and magical tests, in whose Hispanic development there are notable deviations from the arturate models. An important part of the wonderful is the product of magicians and tends to conceive it in the form of a spectacle; After all, the wonderful scene in narrative fiction and palatial fun has the same purpose: to arouse admiration. Even in The Sergas, Urganda comes to fight the magician Melaia, to whom he literally pulls his hair: Then the old lady, giving the touches and roasting them by the hairy gray hair... (CX, 590). However, the work is not produced in festive manifestations, unlike the Tirant and in much of medieval literature, for example, tournaments shine through its absence. The first adventures are characterized by emerging as random and road adventures; then, on the other hand, they will join the battles, with a sense of territorial defense, and as the Wars advance and their preparations become more frequent than isolated adventures, or are intrinsically or extrinsially related to conflicts. If individual adventures predominate in the first books, collective confrontations are more prominent. This is the case of the confrontation between Amadís against Lisuarte and the Romans, which became the center and main focus of Book IV, whose plot and structure are the simplest of the whole work. Amadís proved in his many adventures to be the best knight and the most loyal passionate. The logical colophon will correspond to his moral victory over Lisuarte and the Romans in defense of Oriana. This new twist also involved a reformulation of the war patterns used in the early books, and in recent books there is greater concern about tactical arrangements, prudent strategies and adjusted to the new situation. Individual battles do not disappear, but they take less weight in the face of collective battles, both in large group clashes and in wars of attrition with the taking of some cities, in which granada's war experience can be reflected. And if in the Amadís the weapons were decorative, in Sergas their presence is already felt, even if it is still very scarce. However, the fight against the infidels could also provide fame, although it is more significant that Esplandián occasionally seeks natural and artificial adventures with which he forgets the paternal world. It is not that Montalvo denies the Amadisian cavalry as an absolute value, but that, in the coordinates of his time, Esplandián will incorporate other values considered superior. The book collects and reshapes a literary tradition, the succession of Lanzarote and Galaad, and thus is incited in a historical time, that of Catholic monarchs, intune to a mesianic and providential ideology, in which the multiple interests, geopolitical, strategic, economic, etc., are masked by political and religious propaganda. Montalvo's intervention was a new narrative, technical, stylistic and ideological guidelines, among which we were able to highlight a greater concern with the capture of reality, an incipient plausibility interested in the logic of events and which aims to justify the story to the possible criticisms of readers, although they are still very germinative techniques. The dialectic established in the arteric literature between the court and the adventures, usually assumed in flowers, is perceived more openly in the books that better preserve the most archaic structures, for example the first, but then the binomial, without disappearing completely, it replaces a multiform geography, especially directed to the east, in which it highlights its maritime space, always conducive to unforeseen and populated by wonderful islands, paradisiacal and infernal. This change is linked to the simplification of the narrative plot, mainly by the reduction of the characters to which the highlight is given, being focused on the development in the main ones; the number of adventures is also reduced, although those retold tend to be more extensive and complex: similarly, the narrative rhythm more leisure allows the amplification of sentimental aspects; at the same time, the use of techniques such as entanglement decreases, and the author tries to solve the problem of temporal competition through other techniques that do not favor dispersion so much. In Montalvo's speeches, there is a greater rhetorical concern. Thus, different types of dialogues and discourses proliferate in which the author shows and sports all the resources at his disposal, incorporated in the sands, letters, laments, etc. If Montalvo in Sergas proposed a new chivalrous prototype, the book IV amadisiano envisions other changes that accommodate the qualities of the characters at the time of their intervention: behaviors become more courteous according to hierarchical and coded social values , gifts related to uncontaminated blood, nobility, state and education , and are expressed through gestures, words and actions. Courtesy will be evident in relationships with others, especially in love affairs and war, to which chivalrous codes apply. Mainly associated with discretion, humility and resentment, in the new direction we can attribute to Montalvo will be developed through verbal expression, as noted in the funny words that Amadís utters in the Court of Constantinople. The narrator relates them to the honest and polished child mesura of those who come in clean and generous blood (Amadís, III, LXXIV, 1173). The proposed stereotype does not become the combination of fortitude and wisdom, or otherwise of weapons and letters, but of fortitudo and Curialitas, courtesy, understood in a more limited sense than in Castiglione. It is not that the letters are uttered, but that they barely reach any narrative importance. Courtesy also assumes a playful character, reflected in the characterization of the only Spanish character in the work, Brian de Monjaste, distinguished by serving all the ladies, but fundamentally by his discretion, effort, friendship and pleasant character, for with his friends never with them is, but in plazer taunts, as the one who very discreet and beautiful was (Amadís, IV, LXXXVI, 1326). Lineage, state and education become the pillars of courtesy, but must necessarily be accompanied by personal virtues. In these new formulations, the stereotype of the gentleman will no longer be defined not only by his effort, but by new attitudes that presuppose class values. It is about reconciling two seemingly contradictory attitudes: the world of arms and that of palatial courtesy. This combination was anomalous from a traditional and patriarchal perspective, as certain words and tones were associated with the female kingdom and implicitly disqualified the adversary of war, as exemplified by Gasquilán's contempt for Amadís' physique and conduct: how he saw him as beautiful and so calm and with such courtesy, if he did not know so much of his kindness, he was aware of his ear , I didn't have much; which at its most coupled was for between owners and donzellas than between cavalleros and war chaplanes; that since he was brave of predoence and shell, he was padded to be on the word, because he had believed that one who was very difficult to come from being at all was necessary for him to be, and if something of it was missing, it would harm him in his very value. (Amadís, IV, CXVII, 1547-48) According to implicit oppositions, the word of a combatant must go even to his condition, an equation applicable to both Gasquilán and Amadís, which combines his perfection as a knight to his beauty, peace and courtesy. In the consciousness of the warrior state the words were feminine, more aligned with the lawyers, while the acts of arms were masculine and more typical of instinctive values. However, once Alfonso X the good word of the knight was valued, in which the chronicles of the fifteenth century placed greater emphasis. The Amadís has been able to combine the two aspects, properly applied according to each situation. Therein lies one of its merits and, in this perspective, it will have to explain its European success, which would hardly have occurred without the intervention of Rodríguez de Montalvo. By inserting new sap into an ancient matter, history must have produced the feeling of being something already known and, in turn, different; it offered a happy synthesis of the medieval tradition, but at the same time it was configured with new expressive, narrative and ideological patterns. Finally, in the eyes of some writers and readers, the main protagonist was formed as a model of absolute perfection, even aesthetics, as presented to us by Francisco Delicado. The author beautifully painted Amadís de Gaula for reasons, that painters, poets and stompers like him are licensed to paint and dezir what suits them best, to his works in all and for all the beautiful (Venice, 1533). In other words, he tried to impose his own reality, according to a logic whose roots are within the same story; and in the words of F. Rico he wanted to make this world so recreated so admirable, so powerful, that the reader, the listener, in penetrating it, feels in a reality more true than that which is around him. It's the art of pure fiction. From this perspective, it is not strange that for an excellent reader like Don Quixote the hero represented the perfect paradigm of the walking cavalry, his guide and skylight: the famous Amadís de Gaula was one of the most perfect walking knights. I did not say a good: he was the soil, the first, the only, the lord of all who were in his time in the world. Discovering luck, Amadís was the north, the skylight, the sun of the brave and passionate gentlemen, to whom we must imitate all those who under the banner of love and chivalry we militate. we militate.

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