DOCSLIB.ORG

Tezkere Oylaması ‘Kördüğümle’ Sonuçlandı

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Tezkere Oylaması ‘Kördüğümle’ Sonuçlandı TWO PATHS OF MODERNIZATION: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF TURKEY AND EGYPT Yunus Akçalı Tese de Doutoramento Departamento de História e de Estudos Políticos e Internacionais 2014 iii To my father and mother… iv v Abstract Turkey and Egypt’s modernization process dates back to the 17th century. The modernization and westernization processes continued in the aftermath of Egyptian independence (1922) and the declaration of the Republic (1923) in Turkey. One of the main outcomes of modernization in Turkey and Egypt was the secular policies, which were positioned in the center of state-religion relations. After 1980, liberal political and economic developments triggered the social, economic and political transformation in Turkey and Egypt, which are two close allies of the Western countries in the Middle East. However, Turkey and Egypt’s modernization processes gave different outcomes within three decades in term of democratization. By 2010, Turkey enjoyed the rise of democratic values while the military, one of the most prominent symbols of the secular regime, was losing its dominance in politics. A series of public demonstrations, known as “the Arab Spring”, shook Egypt in late 2010, and caused the fall of the Mubarak regime. Therefore, this dissertation aims to compare the modernization processes of Turkey and Egypt and their responses to change. I outline this study in two parts. First I analyze the social, economic and political developments of the two countries through their main political actors and institutions in a comparative perspective. Later, in case study part, I analyze the political actors that played a significant role in modernization and democratization: the Muslim Brotherhood, the Milli Görüş Movement and the AK Party. I also examine the socio-religious movement, the GM, and the MB through its social perspective. By doing this, I follow a parallel comparison pattern for the cases. In this dissertation, I will adopt the comparative historical method. In order to achieve the objectives, I will do historical analysis and study the sociological- structural, ideological and political behavioral aspects of the cases. In terms of the data sources, this dissertation will include content analyses and tertiary sources. vi Keywords: Turkey; Egypt; modernization; democracy; Milli Görüş Movement; AK Party; Gülen Movement; Muslim Brotherhood. vii Resumo O processo de modernização da Turquia e do Egito, datado do século XVII, bem como o processo de ocidentalização, continuou a fazer-se sentir na sequência da independência do Egito (1922) e na proclamação da República na Turquia (1923). Um dos efeitos principais da modernização desses países teve repercussões nas suas políticas seculares, com particular ênfase nas relações estado-religião. Após 1980, o desenvolvimento económico e político-liberal desencadeou transformações sociais, económicas e políticas nos dois países, ambos fortes aliados do Ocidente no Médio Oriente. Todavia o processo de modernização na Turquia e no Egito surtiu resultados bem diferentes ao longo de três décadas em termos de democratização. Até 2010, a Turquia assistiu à ascensão dos valores democráticos enquanto o aparelho militar, um dos símbolos mais proeminentes do regime secular, foi perdendo o seu domínio em termos políticos. Por outro lado, várias manifestações públicas, conhecidas como “a Primavera Árabe” sacudiram o Egito em finais de 2010, provocando a queda do regime de Mubarak. O objetivo desta dissertação consiste portanto em comparar os processos de modernização na Turquia e no Egito, assim como as suas respostas à mudança. Dividiu-se este estudo em duas partes: num primeiro momento, procedeu-se à análise dos desenvolvimentos sociais, económicos e políticos em ambos países, através dos seus principais atores e instituições políticas, numa perspectiva comparativa. Em seguida, no capítulo de estudo de caso, examinaram-se os atores políticos com papel predominante na modernização e democratização dos países; a Irmandade Muçulmana (IM); o Movimento Milli Görüş e o partido AK. Foram igualmente alvo de estudo os movimentos socio-religiosos, o Movimento Gülen e a IM, através da sua vertente social. Recorreu-se a um padrão comparativo paralelo para ambos os casos. Nesta dissertação, optou-se pelo método histórico comparativo, pelo que, a fim de alcançar o objectivo proposto, procedeu-se à análise histórica e ao estudo dos viii aspectos comportamentais sociológico-estruturais, ideológicos e políticos dos casos em estudo. Em termos de fontes de dados, esta dissertação inclui análises de conteúdo e fontes terciárias de pesquisa. Palavras-chave: Turquia; Egito; modernização; democracia; Movimento Milli Görüş; Partido AK; Movimento Gülen; Irmandade Muçulmana. ix Acknowledgements Pursuing a PhD program was a long-lasting story, which began in the USA and ended up in Portugal for me. However, I never thought that I would study a program in such a beautiful country, Portugal; I have always enjoyed being here and met valuable people during Porto life. During my 4 years of study, I conducted my researches Portugal, Turkey, Egypt and the USA; therefore, there are many people and institutions that I would like to thank for the completion of this dissertation. I would never finish my studies without their valuable supports. First of all, I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my supervisors; Prof. Jose Maciel Santos, and Prof. Ramazan Kılınç, for their support and wise comments throughout my studies. I would also like to thank Prof. Maciel for offering the opportunity to become an Associate Researcher at Centro de Estudos Africanos da Universidade do Porto (CEAUP). I would like to show my special appreciation for arranging all my needs during my stays at University of Nebraska-Omaha. At Portugal level, I would like to thank an old friend, Mr. Dinçer Özer, for offering me to study in University of Porto. Also, I am very grateful for his support during my early days in Porto. I would also like to thank another good friend, Mr. Ali Akça, for his generous support. Without his guidance, that would be so hard for me to integrate with Portuguese society. On behalf of him, I would like to introduce my sincere appreciation to valuable people of Associação de Amizade Luso-Turca in Porto and Lisbon. I would also like to thank Mr. Mehmet Alimoğlu and his family for their generous support and hospitality. I am also grateful to Prof. Manuel Loff, Prof. Luís Miguel Duarte and Prof. Amélia Polónia for their guidance and supports. For Turkey part of my studies, I would like to thank to Turgut Özal University and its distinguished academic members. I am extremely grateful to Prof. Muhammet Kösecik, Dean of School of Economics and Administrative Sciences, for accepting me as Research Assistant and providing me the institution’s and his endless support xi during my studies in both Ankara and Porto. I would also like to thank Prof. Engin Akçay, Vice-Dean of School of Economics and Administrative Sciences, for his understanding and support. I also owe a debt of gratitude to my colleagues for their support. My field study of Egypt was extremely enjoyable despite existing political turbulent in the summer of 2012. First of all I would like to thank Prof. Nahed Awny for her guidance and hospitality during my studies at American University in Cairo. I am also thankful to Dr. Diaa Rashwan, Political Analyst and Former Head of Al- Ahram Centre for Political and Strategic Studies (ACPSS), for his friendship and generous hospitality at ACPSS. I am also indebted to many Turkish and Egyptian friends for their grateful helps during my field work in Cairo. I would like to thank again Prof. Kılınç for his physically and materially supports during my USA visits. I am also grateful to the College of Art and Science, and the Islamic Studies Program at University Nebraska – Omaha for having received me so warmly. My warmest gratitude goes to a great friend, Mr. Mustafa Şener Hoşnut for his endless support and friendship during my stay in the USA and after. Lastly, I would like to underline the courtesy of Ausra Alsauskaite who always encouraged me with her gentle words and sincere support. Finally, the deepest gratitude goes to my parents, Mehmet Şahin and Semaha Akçalı. They have supported me always, and given the all conditions that brought me here. They always believe in me and respect my choices that I have ever made in this life. I also want to thank my brother, Emre, and my sister, Necmiye, for their endless encouragements and joy. Without their support, I would not be in this position. xii TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ....................................................................................................................................... VI RESUMO ......................................................................................................................................... VIII ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................................................................... XI ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS ......................................................................................... XX LIST OF TABLES, FIGURES AND MAPS ................................................................................ XXV INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................... 1 1. PROBLEM STATEMENT ................................................................................................................................
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Military, the Parties, and Globalization, 1980–2003
    7 The Military, the Parties, and Globalization, 1980–2003 RESTRUCTURING THE POLITICAL SYSTEM Few people were aware of the intentions of the generals when they captured power; they claimed that they had intervened in order to save the state and its people from social division, economic breakdown, and the anarchy and violence for which the parties and politicians were responsible. They promised to restore the authority of the state in an impartial manner. To do that, the generals set up the National Security Council (NSC) headed by Kenan Evren, who was chief of staff, and composed of army, navy, air force, and gendarmerie commanders. The NSC was merely a front for other senior officers of the armed forces, who were divided as to the course of action they should take. As is often the case, there were moderates and hardliners, the latter in charge of martial law an d restoration of law and order. General Necdet Uru , commander of the First Army and martial law, was a hard- liner who was able to impose his will on his fiefdom. But these factional differences never emerged into the open because the generals abided by the well-established hierarchical principle: they all agreed to be committed to Kemalism which, since the death of Atatürk in 1938, still carried the symbolic significance of avowed loyalty to the original ideals of the republic. The hardliners won the internal debate and the NUC agreed to reconstruct the entire 149 150 TURKEY : THE QUEST FOR IDENTITY political system on new foundations by composing a new consti- tution, disqualifying former politicians and introducing new ones, and even establishing the military’s own political party to contest elections.
    [Show full text]
  • Media-Watch-On-Hate-Speech-May
    Media Watch on Hate Speech & Discriminatory Language May - August 2013 Report Hrant Dink Foundation Halaskargazi Cad. Sebat Apt. No. 74 D. 1 Osmanbey-Şişli 34371 Istanbul/TURKEY Phone: 0212 240 33 61 Fax: 0212 240 33 94 E-mail: [email protected] www.nefretsoylemi.org www.hrantdink.org Media Watch on Hate Speech Project Coordinators Nuran Gelişli – Zeynep Arslan Part I : Monitoring Hate Speech in the National and Local Press in Turkey İdil Engindeniz Part II: Discriminatory Discourse in Print Media Gözde Aytemur Nüfuscu Translator Melisa Akan Contributors Berfin Azdal Rojdit Barak Azize Çay İbrahim Erdoğan Eda Güldağı Merve Nebioğlu Günce Keziban Orman (statistic data analysis) Nazire Türkoğlu Yunus Can Uygun Media Watch on Hate Speech Project is funded by Friedrich Naumann Foundation, Global Dialogue, the British Embassy and Danida. The views expressed in this report do not necessarily reflect the views of the funders. CONTENTS MONITORING HATE SPEECH IN THE MEDIA 1 MONITORING HATE SPEECH IN THE NATIONAL AND LOCAL PRESS IN TURKEY 2 PART I: HATE SPEECH IN PRINT MEDIA 5 FINDINGS 6 NEWS ITEMS IDENTIFIED DURING THE PERIOD MAY-AUGUST 2013 16 EXAMPLES BY CATEGORY 24 1) ENMITY / WAR DISCOURSE Masons, communists and Jews! – Abdurrahman Dilipak 24 From EMPATHY to YOUPATHY! – Dursen Özalemdar 26 2) EXAGGERATION / ATTRIBUTION / DISTORTION German violence to the Turk – Dogan News Agency 28 ‘Do not be treacherous!’ - News Center 30 3) BLASPHEMY/ INSULT/ DENIGRATION Unwavering hatred and grudge - C. Turanlı 31 No such cowardice was ever seen before
    [Show full text]
  • Who's Who in Politics in Turkey
    WHO’S WHO IN POLITICS IN TURKEY Sarıdemir Mah. Ragıp Gümüşpala Cad. No: 10 34134 Eminönü/İstanbul Tel: (0212) 522 02 02 - Faks: (0212) 513 54 00 www.tarihvakfi.org.tr - [email protected] © Tarih Vakfı Yayınları, 2019 WHO’S WHO IN POLITICS IN TURKEY PROJECT Project Coordinators İsmet Akça, Barış Alp Özden Editors İsmet Akça, Barış Alp Özden Authors Süreyya Algül, Aslı Aydemir, Gökhan Demir, Ali Yalçın Göymen, Erhan Keleşoğlu, Canan Özbey, Baran Alp Uncu Translation Bilge Güler Proofreading in English Mark David Wyers Book Design Aşkın Yücel Seçkin Cover Design Aşkın Yücel Seçkin Printing Yıkılmazlar Basın Yayın Prom. ve Kağıt San. Tic. Ltd. Şti. Evren Mahallesi, Gülbahar Cd. 62/C, 34212 Bağcılar/İstanbull Tel: (0212) 630 64 73 Registered Publisher: 12102 Registered Printer: 11965 First Edition: İstanbul, 2019 ISBN Who’s Who in Politics in Turkey Project has been carried out with the coordination by the History Foundation and the contribution of Heinrich Böll Foundation Turkey Representation. WHO’S WHO IN POLITICS IN TURKEY —EDITORS İSMET AKÇA - BARIŞ ALP ÖZDEN AUTHORS SÜREYYA ALGÜL - ASLI AYDEMİR - GÖKHAN DEMİR ALİ YALÇIN GÖYMEN - ERHAN KELEŞOĞLU CANAN ÖZBEY - BARAN ALP UNCU TARİH VAKFI YAYINLARI Table of Contents i Foreword 1 Abdi İpekçi 3 Abdülkadir Aksu 6 Abdullah Çatlı 8 Abdullah Gül 11 Abdullah Öcalan 14 Abdüllatif Şener 16 Adnan Menderes 19 Ahmet Altan 21 Ahmet Davutoğlu 24 Ahmet Necdet Sezer 26 Ahmet Şık 28 Ahmet Taner Kışlalı 30 Ahmet Türk 32 Akın Birdal 34 Alaattin Çakıcı 36 Ali Babacan 38 Alparslan Türkeş 41 Arzu Çerkezoğlu
    [Show full text]
  • ADALET VE KALKINMA PARTİSİ Ve KARİZMATİK LİDER İMGESİNİN MEDYADA İNŞASI
    Hacettepe Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü İletişim Bilimleri Anabilim Dalı TÜRKİYE’DE SEÇİM KAMPANYALARININ AMERİKANVARİLEŞMESİ: ADALET VE KALKINMA PARTİSİ ve KARİZMATİK LİDER İMGESİNİN MEDYADA İNŞASI Dicle Kavak Ekmekci Yüksek Lisans Ankara, 2017 TÜRKİYE’DE SEÇİM KAMPANYALARININ AMERİKANVARİLEŞMESİ: ADALET VE KALKINMA PARTİSİ ve KARİZMATİK LİDER İMGESİNİN MEDYADA İNŞASI Dicle Kavak Ekmekci Hacettepe Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü İletişim Bilimleri Anabilim Dalı Yüksek Lisans Ankara, 2017 v TEŞEKKÜR Tez çalışmam süresince desteğini gördüğüm pek çok kişiye teşekkür borçluyum. Yüksek lisans hayatımın başlangıcından itibaren bilgi ve deneyimleriyle desteklerini esirgemeyen, tez teslim sürecim boyunca her an yanımda olan değerli hocam sayın Prof. Dr. H. Simten Coşar’a yürekten teşekkür ediyorum. Lisans öğrenimimin ilk yıllarından itibaren yetişmemde emeği olan ve kariyerimi akademi yolunda ilerletmem konusunda ufkumu açan kıymetli hocam Prof. Dr. Çiler Dursun’a teşekkür ediyorum. Tezime katkılarından dolayı sayın jüri üyelerim Prof. Dr. Gamze Yücesan Özdemir’e, Prof. Dr. Suavi Aydın’a, Doç. Dr. Funda Gençoğlu Odabaşı ve Yrd. Doç. Dr. Emek Çaylı Rahte’ye teşekkürü borç bilirim. 2014 yılında çıkarttığı Politik İletişim Sözlüğü için daha lisans öğrencisi olmama rağmen bana güvenerek Amerikalı ve İngiliz profesörlerle çalışıp kitabı için çeviri yapmamı sağlayan Doç. Dr. Fatih Keskin’e teşekkür ederim. Tez konum için Siyasal İletişim alanını seçmemin en büyük sebebi, Politik İletişim Sözlüğü için hazırladığım 50 sayfalık bibliyografya bölümü süresince söz konusu literatüre olan ilgi ve bilgimin artmasıdır. Psikolojik danışmanlıktan kaynak tarama uzmanlığına kadar zorlu tez sürecimde her konuda en büyük yardımcım ve destekçim olan canım babam Adnan Kavak’a, çok sevgili annem ve kardeşlerime minnettarım. Son olarak amaçlarım doğrultusunda çıktığım bu yolda beni yüreklendiren ve destekleyen hayat arkadaşım Mustafa Cem Ekmekci’ye teşekkür ediyorum.
    [Show full text]
  • TRANSFORMATION of POLITICAL ISLAM in TURKEY Islamist Welfare Party’S Pro-EU Turn
    PARTY POLITICS VOL 9. No.4 pp. 463–483 Copyright © 2003 SAGE Publications London Thousand Oaks New Delhi www.sagepublications.com TRANSFORMATION OF POLITICAL ISLAM IN TURKEY Islamist Welfare Party’s Pro-EU Turn Saban Taniyici ABSTRACT The recent changes in the Islamist party’s ideology and policies in Turkey are analysed in this article. The Islamist Welfare Party (WP) was ousted from power in June 1997 and was outlawed by the Consti- tutional Court (CC) in March 1998. After the ban, the WP elite founded the Virtue Party and changed policies on a number of issues. They emphasized democracy and basic human rights and freedoms in the face of this external shock. The WP’s hostile policy toward the European Union (EU) was changed. This process of change is discussed and it is argued that the EU norms presented a political opportunity structure for the party elites to influence the change of direction of the party. When the VP was banned by the CC in June 2001, the VP elites split and founded two parties which differ on a number of issues but have positive policies toward the EU. KEY WORDS European Union party change political Islam political oppor- tunity structure Turkey Introduction The Islamist Welfare Party (WP) in Turkey recently changed its decades-old policy of hostility toward the European Union (EU) and began strongly to support Turkey’s accession to the Union, thereby raising doubts about the inevitability of a civilizational conflict between Islam and the West. 1 This change was part of the party’s broader image transformation which took place after its leader, Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan,2 was forced by the Turkish political establishment to resign from a coalition government in June 1997.
    [Show full text]
  • Humour As Resistance a Brief Analysis of the Gezi Park Protest
    PROTEST AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 2 PROTEST AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS David and Toktamış (eds.) In May and June of 2013, an encampment protesting against the privatisation of an historic public space in a commercially vibrant square of Istanbul began as a typical urban social movement for individual rights and freedoms, with no particular political affiliation. Thanks to the brutality of the police and the Turkish Prime Minister’s reactions, the mobilisation soon snowballed into mass opposition to the regime. This volume puts together an excellent collection of field research, qualitative and quantitative data, theoretical approaches and international comparative contributions in order to reveal the significance of the Gezi Protests in Turkish society and contemporary history. It uses a broad spectrum of disciplines, including Political Science, Anthropology, Sociology, Social Psychology, International Relations, and Political Economy. Isabel David is Assistant Professor at the School of Social and Political Sciences, Universidade de Lisboa (University of Lisbon) , Portugal. Her research focuses on Turkish politics, Turkey-EU relations and collective ‘Everywhere Taksim’ action. She is currently working on an article on AKP rule for the Journal of Contemporary European Studies. Kumru F. Toktamış, PhD, is an Adjunct Associate Professor at the Depart- ment of Social Sciences and Cultural Studies of Pratt Institute, Brooklyn, NY. Her research focuses on State Formation, Nationalism, Ethnicity and Collective Action. In 2014, she published a book chapter on ‘Tribes and Democratization/De-Democratization in Libya’. Edited by Isabel David and Kumru F. Toktamış ‘Everywhere Taksim’ Sowing the Seeds for a New Turkey at Gezi ISBN: 978-90-8964-807-5 AUP.nl 9 7 8 9 0 8 9 6 4 8 0 7 5 ‘Everywhere Taksim’ Protest and Social Movements Recent years have seen an explosion of protest movements around the world, and academic theories are racing to catch up with them.
    [Show full text]
  • The Case of the Turkish Religious Right
    International Journal of Business and SocialScience Vol. 4 No. 4; April 2013 Regime Opposition as a Source of Party Policy Change: The Case of the Turkish Religious Right Hakan Köni Assistant Professor of Political Science, Assistant-Chair Political Science and Public Administration, Çankırı Karatekin University Turkey Abstract The article is devoted to the examination of the role of the Turkish state elites on the change in the political line of the Turkish religious right. To do this, the article respectively analyzes the course of radicalization in the religious right, the secularist backlash it encountered, and the ensuing process of moderation to which it has been introduced. Based on an in-depth empirical analysis, it is observed that the Turkish religious right has gone through a notable process of moderation in response to successive reactions displayed by the secularist state elites. Assuming a cooperative and conciliatory attitude from the beginning, the movement has gradually abandoned its religious fundamentalist discourse and demonstrated a remarkable resolution to incorporate contemporary political norms and understandings into the core of its political agenda. Keywords: 28 February, State Elites, Secularism, Political Islam, Justice and Development Party 1. Introduction The causes of change in the political orientation of the Turkish religious right have been studied very popularly. The secularist reaction of the state elites, globalization, Europeanization and growing civil society activism are often pointed as the leading causes of the change.1This article scrutinizes the impact of the state elites among others with a detailed empirical analysis. The aspects of analysis conducted for this purpose include the examination of the radicalization of the Turkish religious right, the ensuing response by the state elites and its reception by the religious right.
    [Show full text]
  • The Critic of Liberal Approach Towards Jdp
    THE CRITIC OF LIBERAL APPROACH TOWARDS JDP A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY ÖZGÜR OLGUN ERDEN IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY DECEMBER 2018 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences ________________________ Prof. Dr. Tülin Gençöz Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. ________________________ Prof. Dr. Sibel Kalaycıoğlu Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. ________________________ Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mustafa Şen Supervisor Examining Committee Members Assoc. Prof. Dr. Cenk Saraçoğlu (Ankara Uni., GZT) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mustafa Şen (METU, SOC) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Erdoğan Yıldırım (METU, ADM) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mustafa Kemal Bayırbağ (METU, ADM.) Assist. Prof. Dr. Kurtuluş Cengiz (Ankara Uni., SOS.) ii I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name: Özgür Olgun Erden Signature : iii ABSTRACT THE CRITIC OF LIBERAL APPROACH TOWARDS JDP Erden, Özgür Olgun Ph.D., Department of Sociology Supervisor: Assoc.Prof. Dr. Mustafa Şen December 2018, 314 pages This study examines the analyses and arguments of three major intellectual groups, which is termed as liberal, conservative-Islamist, and leftist-liberal and/or liberal- leftist, concerning the JDP and Islamism.
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Analysis of the Muslim Brotherhood and the Akp Tradition: Why Did Turkish Model Fail in Egypt?
    THE POLITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD AND THE AKP TRADITION: WHY DID TURKISH MODEL FAIL IN EGYPT? A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY DÜZGÜN ARSLANTAŞ IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS SEPTEMBER 2013 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences Prof.Dr. Meliha B. ALTUNIŞIK Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science. Prof. Dr. Hüseyin BAĞCI Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science. Prof. Dr. Süha BÖLÜKBAŞIOĞLU Supervisor Examining Committee Members Assist. Prof. Dr. Işık KUŞÇU (METU, IR) Prof. Dr. Süha BÖLÜKBAŞIOĞLU (METU, IR) Prof. Dr. Recep BOZTEMUR (METU, HIST) I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name : Düzgün ARSLANTAŞ Signature : iii ABSTRACT THE POLITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD AND THE AKP TRADITION: WHY DID TURKISH MODEL FAIL IN EGYPT? Arslantaş, Düzgün M.Sc., Department of International Relations Supervisor : Prof. Dr. Süha Bölükbaşıoğlu September 2013, 154 pages This thesis aims to analyze the transformation of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and the AKP tradition in Turkey with a reference to the model debate.
    [Show full text]
  • Copenhagen School and Securitization of Cyberspace in Turkey
    Propósitos y Representaciones Jan. 2021, Vol. 9, SPE(1), e850 ISSN 2307-7999 Special Number: Educational practices and teacher training e-ISSN 2310-4635 http://dx.doi.org/10.20511/pyr2021.v9nSPE1.850 RESEARCH ARTICLES Copenhagen school and securitization of cyberspace in Turkey Escuela de copenhague y titulización del ciberespacio en turquía Didem Aydindag University of Kyrenia, Turkey ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4752-5037 Received 08-12-20 Revised 09-30-20 Accepted 10-13-20 On line 01-12-21 *Correspondence Cite as: Aydindag, D. (2021). Copenhagen school and securitization of Email: [email protected] cyberspace in turkey. Propósitos y Representaciones, 9 (SPE1), e850. Doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.20511/pyr2021.v9nSPE1.e850 © Universidad San Ignacio de Loyola, Vicerrectorado de Investigación, 2021. This article is distributed under license CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 International (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/) Copenhagen school and securitization of cyberspace in Turkey Summary With a particular rise since the turn of the millennium, cyber-security become one of the most important security sector in contemporary security politics. Despite this, the convergence of cyberspace and security has mostly been analyzed within the context of technical areas and had been neglected in the political realm and international relations academia. The article argues that in line with developments in the domestic and international arena, the AKP government shifted towards the securitization of cyberspace. Secondly the article argues that there seems to be two waves of securitization and desecuritization within the case. The first wave starts from 2006 through the end of 2017 whereby cyber securitization took place within the subunit level and very much connected to political and societal sectors.
    [Show full text]
  • Biographies of Political Leaders of the Turkish Republic
    Biographies of Political Leaders of the Turkish Republic RECEP TAYYIP ERDOĞAN Israeli President, has given him heroic status among the general Middle Eastern public. Recently, at the Council of Prime Minister of the Turkish Republic since 2003 Europe Parliamentary Assembly, Erdoğan responded, with strong and clearly critical remarks to the questions of European Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who is originally from Rize, a Black Sea parliamentarians about sensitive issues in Turkey, for example coastal city, was born on 26 February 1954 in Istanbul. In relations with Armenia, freedom of the press, and the ten 1965 he completed his primary education at the Kasımpaşa percent vote barrier. While Erdoğan’s rebukes tend to surprise Piyale Elementary School and, in 1973, graduated from the the international public, Turkish people are accustomed to his Istanbul Religious Vocational High School (İmam Hatip Lisesi). style. Moreover, many people believe that this belligerent style He also received a diploma from Eyüp High School since, at is the key to his success and popularity. the time, it was not possible for the graduates of religious vocational high schools to attend university. He eventually studied Business Administration at the Marmara University, Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences (which was then known as Aksaray School of Economics and Commercial Complete version of the Biography of Recep Tayyip Sciences) and received his degree in 1981. Erdogan at: In his youth, Erdoğan played amateur football from 1969 www.cidob.org/es/documentacion/biografias_lideres_ to 1982 in local football clubs. This was also a socially and politicos/europa/turquia/recep_tayyip_erdogan politically active period in his life.
    [Show full text]
  • HH Sheikh Nasser Al-Mohammad Al-Sabah Publication Series
    HH Sheikh Nasser al-Mohammad al-Sabah Publication Series Globalisation as an Agent of Party Ideological Change: The Case of the Turkish Religious Right Hakan Köni Number 11: May 2014 About the Author Dr Hakan Köni is Assistant Professor of Politics in the Department of Political Science and Public Administratrion at Çankırı Karatekin University, Çankırı in Turkey. He was Visitng Research Fellow in the School of Government and International Affairs at Durham University in 2011/12. Disclaimer The views expressed in the HH Sheikh Nasser al- Mohammad al-Sabah Publication Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the School or of Durham University. These wide ranging Research Working Papers are products of the scholarship under the auspices of the al-Sabah Programme and are disseminated in this early form to encourage debate on the important academic and policy issues of our time. Copyright belongs to the Author(s). Bibliographical references to the HH Sheikh Nasser al-Mohammad al-Sabah Publication Series should be as follows: Author(s), Paper Title (Durham, UK: al-Sabah Number, date). 2 | Page Globalisation as an Agent of Party Ideological Change: The Case of the Turkish Religious Right Hakan Köni Abstract This paper investigates the impact of globalisation on the transformations in the ideological orientation of the Turkish religious right. Studies on such changes often trace the causes of party change to three different variables, these being: leadership change, dominant party coalition change, and change in the party environment. As an example of change in party environment is arguably globalisation – which could be identified in short as economic and political liberalisation, democratisation, multilateralism, and intensification of individualism – bringing pressure to bear for party change.
    [Show full text]