Civil Rights Drive Alters Mississippi
By JOHN HERBERS Special to The New York Times JACKSON, Miss., Aug. 19- The summer civil rights project in Mississippi, which ends this week, brought few tangible changes in the social order. But many Mississippians feel that the state has passed through a crisis and will never again be the same. The presence of hundreds of college students in Negro com munities, the massive investi gation of the murder of three civil rights workers and the in flux of P.B.I, agents, ministers, lawyers and reporters brought to its citizens a realization that Mississippi is no longer insu lated from the Negro revolution. Even those most opposed to change now say that" the state will not be left alone for a long
Continued on Page 13, Column 1 '—f
THE NEW YORK JlMEj.jmgSDAY, AUGUST 20, 1964. \ to integrate the public library Mississippi Changed by Drive in the afternoons. The city closed the library. "These kids are really going Of Student Civil Rights Aides to make it hard for white Mis sissippi in years to come," one Continued From Page 1, Col. 2 Investigation organized a of the leaders said. time to come. As a result, they search that produced nothing have become more cautious in until Aug. 3, when the bodies their opposition to segregation, were found in an earthen dam some observers feel. on a farm near Philadelphia. Stickers appeared on automo All three had been shot. An unofficial autopsy showed that biles last week saying: "You Mr. Chaney had been severiy Are in Occupied Mississippi— beaten. The official autopsy has Proceed With Caution." not been released. Sponsors of the civil rights The Philadelphia incident project contend that despite put a hard, bright spotlight on three deaths and other violence the state and on the civil rights the movement succeeded in its project. The F.B.I, opened a primary purpose—to, establish!district office in Jackson and racial integration, if, only on a assigned 136 agents to the state, limited basis. primarily to investigate civil The "freedom schools," com rights violations. munity centers, voter - regis While violence continued, it tration drives and other phases was believed that the presence of the project will continue on of F.B.I agents held white ter a limited basis through the fall rorists in check, even though and winter. the agents offered civil rights Bob Moses, project director, workers little protection outside said a number of the volunteers the investigation field. wanted to stay, and appli- When the project was an- cations had been received frominounced last winter, a pros- others in the North and Westjpectus said the presence of so who wished to do civil rights!many integrationists in the work in Mississippi later in the (state could cause a violent re- year. Some students plan tojaction from whites and bring stay out of school for a semester [about Federal intervention Plans for Next Summer which civil rights leaders con tended was needed. This was Mr. Moses said the project interpreted by some to mean was expected to be renewed next that violence was an objective, summer, possibly on an even a charge that was denied. larger scale. Eastland Critical "I think in general," Mr. Moses said, "we succeeded in White opposition in Missis points that had been antici sippi went beyond the race is pated—bringing resources into sue. There were objections to the Negro communities and what was characterized as a establishing the right for inte strong left-wing influence in the grated groups to work there." movement. There were few tangible re Senator James O. Eastland sults, observers felt, toward giv of Mississippi, in a Senate ing Negroes more political pow speech, said Communists had er and in breaking down resis infiltrated the project. He named several in the state tance of whites. Only in one whom he considered part of the county, Panola, was there a Communist apparatus. significant number of Negroes added to the voter registration It was learned that some of rolls. There, 350 were registered the organizations involved under a Federal court order. wanted to screen out persons who might be classified as sub Barriers to Registration versives, but they were over Elsewhere, applicants inspired ruled by the Student Nonvio and instructed by civil rights lent Coordinating Committee. workers often ran into the tra Its position was stated in a ditional barriers—the most diffi platform adopted in a conven cult registration requirements in tion of freedom-school students 'the nation and the hostility of a few days ago: whites. "The freedom movement But observers saw some prog should accept people regardless ress in enlisting Negroes in the of religion, race, political views civil rights movement, particu or national origin if they com larly among the young and in ply with the rules of the move rural areas that previously had ment." not been exposed to outside in- The freedom schools turned f lUGUCGS. out to be more successful than However, the project reached the project leaders had expect only a small fraction of the ed. While they offered some re 900,000 Negroes in the state. medial work in subjects like Segregationists contended that reading and mathematics, they most Negroes would have stressed Negro history and the nothing to do with the move civil rights movement. ment. Straugiiton Lvnd director of "The Nigras of Mississippi the schools, is a 34-year-bld his are to be congratulated for tory specialist who will teach at ••'"•ning fi<» bnck of their hand Yale in the fall. He said 47 to these first-generaton aliens," uov. Paul B. Johnson Jr.TfiVT. <•' V'•" '»'LI MIL IUIIIII i I Nonetheless, even some seg- tracted 2,500 youngsters, regationists expressed belief In Hattiesburg, some that the state would never be young pupils attend* quite the same again. school in the morj The acute apprehension that preceded the project waned dur ing the summer when Mississip- pians learned that volunteers were not in the state to start riots. The awareness that Missis sippi had become a focus of na tional attention and would be for some time brought some re straint. But a summary of the sum mer's violence is an indication of the resistance to change in the status quo. According to in formation compiled by the Council of Federated Organiza tions, the project's sponsor, at least four persons were shot and wounded, 52 were beaten or otherwise injured and about 250 were arrested in connec tion with the project in addi tion to the three slain. 18 Churches Burned Thirteen Negro churches were destroyed by fire, 17 other churches and buildings were damaged by fire or bombs, 10 automobiles were damaged or destroyed, and there were seven bombings in which there was no damage. The chief member of the spon soring group was the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Com mittee, an Atlanta-based civil rights group. The Congress of Racial Equality, the National Association for. the Advance ment of Colored People and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference also participated. Mr. Moses, a soft-spoken, 29- year-old Negro who has been field worker in Mississippi for the student committee since 1961, was its chief architect. Last winter he began raising funds and recruiting student volunteers in colleges. While the project was shap ing up, newspapers here carried articles and editorials that the state was to be "invaded" by alien forces whose main purpose was to cause strife and discord. The state took on the air of a fortress. There was a resur- ence of the Ku Klux Klan, which had been dormant since Reconstruction. Similar groups were organized. About 750 students, teachers, lawyers and ministers under the National Council of Churches were recruited for the project. They arrived in two groups, the first on June 21 after a training session in Oxford, Ohio. On that day three of the workers assigned to the proj ect's Meridian office went to Neshoba County to investigate the burning of the Mt. Zion Baptist Church, east of Phila delphia. The church was to have been used as a freedom school. James E. Chaney, 21 years old, a Meridian Negro, and Michael H. Schwerner, 24, of New York, were professional civil rights workers. The third man, Andrew Goodman, 21, of New York, was a summer vol unteer. Mr. Chaney was jailed on a speeding charge in the late afternoon. The others were held for investigation. Deputy Sher iff Cecil Price, who had ar rested them, said they were re leased after 10 P.M. Three Bodies Found The three had been missing two days when their burned sta tion wagon was found in a swamp. The Federal Bureau of THE NEW YORK TIMES, THURSDAY, 1 \r to integrate the public library Mississippi Changed by Drive in the afternoon*. The city closed the library. "These kids are reaiiy going Oi Student Civil Rights Aides to make it hard for white" Mis sissippi in years to come," one Continued From Page L, Col. 2 (Investigation organized ft of the leaders said. jseareh that1 produced nothing! have become more cautious in(until AuS- >• when the bodies, their opposition to segregation, were found in an earthen dam| some observers feel. on ft farm near Philadelphia, i Stickers appeared on automo All three had been shot. An biles last week saying: "You unofficial autopsy showed that!) [jo r^u^ust /f ^i J Mr. Chaney had been severiy! Are in Occupied Mississippi— beaten. The official autopsy nasi Proceed With Caution." not been released. Sponsors of the civii rights The Philadelphia, incident j 'Ml Rights Drive project contend that despite!put a hard, bright spotlight on three deaths and other violence:the state and on the civil rights1 Alters Mississippi the movement succeeded !n itsiproject. The F.B.I. opened a primary purpose—to. establish j district office in Jackson and racial integration, 14, only on a;assigned 136 agents to the state, By JOHN HERBF.RS limited basis. primarily to investigate civil Special 'o The New York Times The "freedom schools," eom-jrights violations, JACKSON, Miss., Aug. 19— munity centers, voter - regie- While violence continued, itj The summer civil rights project {.ration drives and other phases was believed that the presence! of the project will continue onjof F.B.I agents held white ter-i in Mississippi, which ends this a limited basis through the fallirorists in check, even though week, brought few tangible and winter. jthe agents offered civil rights changes in the social order. But Bob Moses, project director,jvvorkers little protection outside! many Mississippians feel that said a number of the volunteers the investigation field. i the state has passed through a wanted to stay, and appli-j When the project was an-; crisis and will never again be cations had been received frominounced last winter, a pros-! the same. others in the North and West pectus said the presence of so who wished to do civil rights!many Integra tionists in the j The presence of hundreds of work in Mississippi later in the!state could cause a violent re- college students in Negro com year. Some students plan telection from whites and bring! munities, the massive investi stay out of school tot a semester]about Federal intervention — gation of the murder of three Plans for Next Summer |which civil rights leaders con-1 __ .. ;tended was needed. This was: civil rights workers and the in Mr. Moses said the project interpreted by some to mesn! flux of F.B.I, agents, ministers, was expected to be renewed next]that violence'was an objective.' lawyers and reporters brought summer, possibly on an even^ charge thf,t was denied, to its citizens a realization that larger scale. _ „ „ __, , Crit, l Mississippi is no longer insu "I Uunk in general," Mr. •«**»* « lated from the Negro revolution. Moses said, "we succeeded in! White opposition in Missis-, points that had been antici-isippi went beyond the race is-; Even those most opposed to pa ted- bringing resources into sue. There were objections toi change now say thaf the state the Negro communities and what was characterized as ft! will not be left alone for a long establishing the right for inte strong left-wing influence in the ] movement. grated groups to work there." Continued on Page IS, Column J There were few tangible re Senator James O. Eastland! sults, observers felt, toward giv of Mississippi, in a Senate! ing Negroes more political pow speech, said Communists hadj er and in breaking down resis Infiltrated the project. He tance of whites. Only in one named several in the state; county, Panola, was there a whom he considered part of the! significant number of Negroes Communist apparatus. added to the voter registration! It was learned that some of rolls. There, 350 were registered jthe organizations involved! under a Federal court order, wanted to screen out persons who might be classified as sub- Barriers to Registration versives, but they were over- Elsewhare, applicants inspired:ruie(j DV t!ie student. Nonvlo- and instructed by civil rights lent. Coordinating Committee. workers often ran into the tra- its position was stated in a ditlonal barriers the most diffi- platform adopted In a conven- cult registration requirements in tion 0f freedom-school students the nation and the hostility of * few days ago: whites. "The freedom movement j But observers saw some prog-shou]d accept people regardless: ress in enlisting Negroes In the|of rellgrlon, race, political views! civil rights movement, partial- or natj0nal origin if they com- larly among the young and m,piy wlth the rules of the move-! rural areas that previously had ment." not been exposed to outside in- Tnp freedom schools turned fluences. J out to be more successful than However, the project reached the j(,ct !(1,,vlprK had PXpK.t. small fraction of tlww Wh-,e th€y 0f^red '.soi>io re- 800,000 Negroes in ta* »»te- medial work in subjects like Segregation!' - ~ , , . ,. .iiuraiiti wwi*. in mtujyeis line sts contended ^"reading and mathematics, they egr nothing to •oedo s witwoulh thde niovh'i'i!stressee d Negro history and the meni. icivii rigl'ta movemenL Strautrhton Lvnd director of
Nonetheless, oven some seg- "^^Ue^r^ome 0, regationists expressed belief ^^^M^SS freedom! that the sUtewouM never ^S S mS g a^ u^'.i quite tae same again. ; " __ The acute apprehension thatf preceded the project waned dur ing the summer when Mississip- pians teamed that volunteers were not in the state to start riots. The awareness that Missis sippi had become a focus of na tional attention and would be for some time brought some re straint. But a summary of the sum mer's violence is an indication of the resistance to change in, the status quo. According to in-; formation compiled by the Council of Federated Organiza-i tions, the project's sponsor, at least four persons were shot! and wounded. 52 were beatgnL or otherwise inju?eaanc^EoouTj| 2#| \ve;;e ^t+fested in conneem' not been exposed to ouimee in- ^ freedoM M,,,1((,, ,urnf„ fluences. ,„,,„Jo« to be more successful than However, the pro ect reached, tt lea rate » small fraction of 1UwU while they offered some re- mjm Negroes In «» fl; >..Hli»i *o.k ... .-..h],,-..-. like Segregationist contended thatL,^ fl maU-ielnatj,,Si tnev most Negroes would l»v* stressed Negro history and the nothing to do with the *«*«-Uivfl r^fctt »ovemeat m"The Nieras Of Mississippi Stmusrhton Lvnd director of are to bt wngratulatea &*••>««* » » 3*-year-blBacd hhis at-. | '••"-tung **>«• *** of their hand ™*7 In in :aid 47: Govto'thes. Paue lfirst-gencrato B. Johnson Jrn . aliens,"said.. ';f"™ school* «s $%& the slate had at- u Nonetheless, even some scg-1 In regationists expressed belief Hattiesburg, some of the, that the state would never beiymm8 1*1** attended freedo quite the same again. Isctl001 in ^ morning and tried I The acute apprehension thatr" preceded the project waned dur ing the summer when Mississip- pians learned that volunteers were not in the state to start riots. The awareness that Missis sippi had become a focus of na tional attention and would be for soma time brought some re straint. But a summary of the sum mer's violence is an indication of the resistance to change in the status quo. According to in- j formation " compiled by the j Council of Federated Organisa tions, the project's sponsor, at least four person? were shot, _rnd_.wounded, 52 were beaten! ™or A DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE FROM THE MISSISSIPPI WAY OF LIFE Freedom Schools open a door to the world Freedom School theme by a 10-year-old in Hattiesburg, Mississippi: old) and "Freedom is like when you bombed out Freedom House. When Joyce's "Well, it was this bus driver, I was on the first straight seat on the bus, and make $40 a week and a white man with poem was read to a secret meeting of a he told me to move back. I said, 'I will not. I paid a dime and two pennies for a the same job makes $100, you should make dozen Negro businessmen, they were transfer and I'm not moving.' He said, 'You know white people must get on this $100" (a 10-year-old in Jackson). moved to tears and a home was found bus.' I said, 'You know colored people must get on this bus, too.'" They were students who, like those In for the school and its 100 students. the rural community of Carthage, where trine: "As a permanent member of the PROBLEMS WERE SIMILAR elsewhere. By Joanne Grant there is no Negro public school, were ex When the Freedom School staff arrived Guardian staff correspondent Negro race I'm sick and tired of any posed in Freedom School to E. E. Cum- JACKSON, MISS. thing that smacks of paternalism." in Carthage, the entire Negro commun mings and James Joyce's Portrait of the ity was assembled at the church to greet CROSS THE STATE youngsters ex Other resolutions sought solutions for Artist as a Young Man. When this re them. Two days later the staff was evict A pressed similar attitudes in the Miss every discriminatory practice in the life porter visited the Meridian school, the ed from the school; the community again issippi Summer Project's Freedom School of the Mississippi Negro. One on hous French class was discussing existential appeared with pick-up trucks to help classes, in poetry, in school newspapers. ing, for example, called for a building ism and reading aloud Jean Paul Sartre's move the library to a new school. Then The impact of the program on the state's code with these minimum requirements: The Respectful Prostitute. They were the Carthage community began build educationally-deprived Negro youngsters "A complete bathroom unit, a kitchen students who, like Joyce Brown, wrote ing its own community center to house was readily apparent at a convention held sink, a central heating system, insulated poetry. Joyce, who began voter regis a library, a winter Freedom School and at the end of the second session Aug: 8 walls and ceilings, laundry room, pan tration canvassing at 12, is now a 16- adult classes. in Meridian, Miss. At the convention, try space, an adequate wiring system pro year-old Freedom School student in Mc- organized and run by the students, were viding for at least three electrical out Comb and chairman of the Freedom Among the results of the summer's about 75 delegates from 41 Freedom lets in the living room and kitchen and School convention. She wrote in "House Freedom School program has been the Schools with a registered attendance of unifying of Negro communities in many 2,135. They adopted a platform—with a areas. In addition, the program has pro program for "our state, our nation and vided a glimpse of a far broader world our world" with resolutions on subjects for its 2,000 Negro students. It has been ranging from medical care to foreign af a small bridge with white Mississippians fairs. They also resolved that "copies of (white children attended Freedom Schools this platform be sent to the President, for short periods in Vicksburg and Holly every Congressman, the Library of Con Springs). It has helped develop local gress, the Governor and every member of young Negro leadership. It has taught the Mississippi legislature." young Americans from other- parts of Resolutions had been drawn up by the the country that, as the Freedom School students in each school before the con convention theme put it: Freedom is a vention, then were consolidated into a struggle. platform by delegates at workshops on AS THE SECOND of the summer's ses voter registration, medical care, housing, sions ended, plans were being developed education, jobs, federal aid and foreign for the schools to continue through the affairs. There was vigorous discussion, winter in each of the state's 25 summer both in workshops and in plenary ses project areas. Half of the budget of sions, which expressed the essence of the $100,000 will provide scholarships for Freedom school aim of freeing the chil volunteers who give up a year of college dren from the strictures of the Missis to teach in Mississippi and for local sippi system of education. The system is students. (Contributions to the budget described in a Freedom School report: may be made out to Freedom Schools "The Mississippi educational system is and mailed to the Council of Federated geared to teach the Mississippi Educa Organizations, 1017 Lynch St., Jackson, tional Way of Life: Dissent is heresy. Photo by Mark Levy Miss. Information on tax exemption is Ignorance is safer than inquiry. Fear per I'LL DO MY WORK IF I HAVE TO DO IT ON THE GROUND . . . available from the Freedom School Co vades the academic atmosphere." Joyce Brown's poem was heard in the school in Meridian too ordinator at that address.) BUT THE DISCUSSION at the work at least two such outlets in the bedroom of Liberty":, "I asked for your churches, The Mississippi legislature had adopt shop on education illustrated particu and bath, at least a quarter of an acre and you turned me down,/ But I'll do my ed a package of anti-Summer Project larly the students' revolt against almost of land per building lot and a basement work if I have to do it on the ground;/ bills. One was designed to outlaw the all aspects of the state's education sys and attic." You will not speak for fear of being Freedom Schools, but it is doubtful if tem. Points covered: lack of vocational the state's power structure has recog SUCH RESOLUTIONS CAME from chil heard,/ So you crawl in your shell and courses, foreign language instruction say, 'Do not disturb.'/ You think be nized the long-lasting significance of the and kindergarten; inadequate labora dren like the Hattiesburg Freedom School schools. The law has not been enforced, student, Robert MacAf ee, who wrote in cause you've turned me away,/ You've tories, libraries and classrooms. When protected yourself for another day." the schools have flourished and the stu some students proposed a resolution on a paper entitled Segregated Schools (Sep- dents, from 6 to over 70, will not easily academic freedom for teachers, lively erate but Equal?): "Most of the white Joyce was writing of one of the most be re-molded into the Mississippi educa debate developed over whether this meant kids live in these big large fine houses urgent problems which faced many of tional system. Palmer's Crossing Free a teacher might be free to force his ideas you know. If they need anything, their the Freedom Schools—finding a build dom School students adopted a Declara on the students. Others argued freedom parents simply go and buy it for them. ing to house the classes. Two churches tion of Independence listing their griev for teachers to teach Negro history and But me, you see, I live in this little three- had been burned in nearby Natchez just ances and ending: voter registration. Still others argued for room shack and my mother only makes before the McComb school was to open, "We, therefore, the Negroes of Miss unqualified academic freedom so teach $15 a week and with four children how so the church which was to house it issippi assembled, appeal to the govern ers could teach "different forms of gov can a person live with rent being $24 a backed down at the last moment. Then ment of the state, that no man is free ernment." One said: "I hear all this about month and still be able to feed us . . . the Freedom House—civil rights workers' until all men are free. We do hereby de communism. I want to learn about it in And if I walk to school and want to take headquarters—was bombed. Since no clare independence from the unjust laws school." Focus of the discussion on edu a few shortcuts, I have to go by the white church could be found for the school, its of Mississippi which conflict with the cation was the age and timidity of elementary school where there is a white first session was held on the lawn of the United States Constitution." teachers: "How can we listen to a teach cop standing on the corner where he tells er talk about citizenship and democracy me, 'Hey Nigger, you not suppose to come and voter registration when he is afraid this way, if I.catch you here again I'll put to go down and register?" you in jail.' So I have to walk two blocks Have you made your reservation for the Guardian's Westchester out of my way to go to school." The foreign affairs workshop resolu tion began: "We support strict enforce At orientation sessions before the Free ment of the Monroe Doctrine." It called dom Schools opened, volunteer teachers for non-intervention by European coun —many in the state for the first time— Picnic with Pete! tries in the Western Hemisphere and for had to learn how to leave something of U.S. "nonmilitary" pressure to force Latin value with children who were products of PETE SEECER, THAT IS! Sept. 19 noon to 6 p.m. the Mississippi system. Staughton Lynd, American governments to refrain from Advance reservations required. Please use this form. Full information and accepting "military aid from the Com Freedom School director, expressed it munist bloc." At the plenary the resolu thus to teachers for the Jackson schools: directions will be mailed with your admission ticket. tion was deleted from the platform after "You must stress to the students: it is a participant said of the Monroe Doc- their school; they can study what they PICNIC WITH PETE 'NATIONAL GUARDIAN »197 E. 4 St. N.Y. 10009 want, think what they want, say any thing they choose." Please make .:.... adult reservations @ $2 each; Nixon at election forum In schools across the state teachers in New York Sept. 4 fought rigidity. Day after day they would Please make student (nursery through college) reservations @ $1 each. "WHICH ROAD to Social Progress in remind students, "I am not Miss Jones. Please reserve bus space for passengers @ ?2 each round trip. the '64 Eelections?" will be the subject I am Kathy.". . . "Not 'Yes sir.' The name is Bob." The young northern college stu of a symposium in New York Friday eve I enclose ning, Sept. 4. Russ Nixon, general man dents or professional teachers who staff ager of the NATIONAL GUARDIAN, ed the schools found they were dealing will participate in this panel with David with students who were wise beyond their Name McReynolds, field secretary of the War years. Theirs was a wisdom born of daily Resisters League; Harry Purvis, former fear, brutality, deprivation. Address Independent peace candidate; and Ed THEY WERE WISE, but unlearned. They ward Shaw, Vice Presidential candidate were 10-year-olds, fifth graders, who City State Code of the Socialist Workers Party. The meet could not read; 14-year-olds who could ing will be at 8 p.m., at 116 University not spell. But they were children who Telephone PI., under the auspices of the Militant could define freedom thus: "Freedom is Labor Forum. to be able to go in" (a Meridian 12-year- 6 NATIONAL GUARDIAN August- 29, 1964 of the MFY ideology on a nation-wide Mobilization basis, as seemed possible earlier. Addi tionally, public confidence in the organi (Continued from Page 1) zation has been compromised. MFY was "a suspected Red honeycomb The most devastating effect, however, for leftists who have used its facilities— will be on MFY itself. The agency most and juveniles—to forment rent strikes certainly will have to curtail its more and racial disorders . . . Left wingers by controversial (and meaningful) activities. the score have infiltrated Mobilization Staff workers have already been in and diverted its funds and even its mim structed to discontinue organization of eograph machines to disruptive agitation public demonstrations. It is also ap . . . One high law enforcement official, parent that "heads will roll" among the who confirmed the News findings, cap MFY staff. suled the situation as the 'classic ex ample of a takeover procedure by the CARLTON, WHO FIRST appeared will Communist movement' ... A spot check ing to defend MFY employees on the ba by the News of Mobilization personnel sis of civil liberties, announced Aug. 23 disclosed that scores of them have signed that the "subversives" on the FBI list petitions for Communist candidates for "should not be on our staff." office, demonstrated against nuclear The greatest assault on staff morale testing and participated in numerous Guardian photo bv Robert Jo5'ce took place Aug. 24 when Philip Haber- LOWER EAST SIDE RESIDENTS AWAITING ASSISTANCE IN MFY OFFICE man Jr., a special counsel hired by MFY other Red or Red-front activities." The Unique program is jeopardized by New York's latest witch-hunt newspaper also charged that MFY's to investigate the charges, announced mimeograph machines and paper have workers were affiliated with two Marx facilities of the agency to print inflam that the agency must purge itself of "been isolated as the chief suspected ist organizations (Socialist Workers matory pamphlets used to whip up racial workers who were guilty of the "promo source of the 'police brutality' handbills Party and Progressive Labor Movement) disturbances." tion of civil disorder or illegal activity," which flooded Harlem and Bedford - and 32 workers "have been linked in the a phrase that can be extended to impli past to the Communist Party or front Responding to the initial News alle cate many field workers. Haberman, who Stuyvesant before, during and after the gations, MFY chairman Winslow Carl racial disorders. " groups." An FBI report one year ago, is described as "a former investigator of requested by a government agency after ton declared: "Efforts to promote gen Communism in the New York public THE NEWS CHARGED Aug. 19 that MFY organized 500 Lower Eastside uine improvements in the lives of pov schools," declared that MFY's leadership "probers obtained from reluctant MFY residents to join the March on Washing erty-stricken people inevitably cause con is "beyond suspicion," a statement that executives a list of its 300 employes—• ton, said that 14 staff workers "were troversy. Programs of social reform in fulfilled the prophecy of several staff, and hit pay dirt. The News learned from members of the Communist Party or of such areas as employment, education, workers that the directors and executives City Hall sources that 45 of the first 150 Communist-front organizations in the housing and civil rights are being chal would attempt to reestablish MFY's good MFY workers checked out either had 1930's and 1940's." Since then, five of the lenged across the country. If meaningful reputation by sacrificing some lower past Communist or left wing links or 14 have left MFY's employ. The new re attempts are to be irresponsibly attacked, echelon workers. still were affiliated with Communist port did not stipulate what it meant by however, there is no hope that the Pres After it has purged itself, Mobilization front organizations." "front groups" or the nature of the ident's or the Mayor's poverty programs can succeed." George Brager, MFY pro will probably continue to receive the Since then, the newspaper has repeat "link" connecting the 32 workers to them. same financial backing as before and ed substantially the same charges, even gram director, said the attacks were promoted by a desire to destroy Mobili may even appear to resemble its former after most of them were proven false. THE QUOTATION from a "high law en lf—but it will have changed. The ex The 45 of 150 MFY workers with "left forcement official" in the newspaper's zation's "fight against poverty and dis se crimination." periment in attempting to find real solu wing links" amount to this: The News first article was discredited by Deputy tions to the ugly problem of slums—an obtained, probably from the Police De Police Commissioner Walter Arm, who declared Aug. 17: "No high ranking po experiment that has hardly begun and is partment's subversive squad, the names REGARDLESS of the transparency of barely adequate—apparently was too of 45 workers who signed nuclear' test lice official made such a statement on or the reactionary attack, and its effective ban petitions or appeared at peace and off the record." The News has not men refutation, it appears that the News has successful. civil rights demonstrations over the tioned this. succeeded to a large degree. The mere years. It was never explained why the The allegation that an MFY mimeo threat of "subversives" in MFY has, in Guardian N.Y. events News was unable to "check" on the re graph turned out copies of a leaflet cir the words of the New York Times Aug. mainder of MFY's staff. It is likely that culated during the Harlem riots was also 21, engendered "a mild panic in both Saturday, Sept. 19— it may have occurred belatedly to the proven false Aug. 17 when the Police the Johnson Administration and In City Westchester Picnic official who divulged the first half of the Department acknowledged that the leaf Hall." It has also supplied the Republi Wednesday, Oct. 14 list that such action was illegal. let was produced by a photo offset ma cans with an opportunity to further their Oh, What a Lovely War The official FBI report, requested by chine, which MFY does not possess. The battle against the anti-poverty program. the city soon after the News began its News not only failed to publish this fact The federal government is now expected (Theatre Party) campaign, alleged that in addition to but announced Aug. 18 that it "has pin to be extremely cautious about imple Tuesday, Nov. 24— pointed that left wingers commandeered menting the more progressive elements two present CP members, three staff Sixteenth Anniversary Dinner NEW YORK NEW YORK RESORTS ON THE FIRST ANNIVERSARY OF THE HISTORIC WHY PAY MORE when you can The MARCH ON WASHINGTON get top quality clothes at 50% DISCOUNTS—and more at HARRY'S Thomas Brandon proudly presents MAPLES THE TRUTH BEHIND TODAY'S "RACE HATE" HEADLINES • A TREMENDOUS SELECTION of suits, topcoats, Informal, adult resort — SPE FILMED IN SHOCK AND ANGER! overcoats, for the fall and winter. CIAL LABOR -DAY WEEKEND. 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Jacob's Pil low. Special midweek rates. Limited SHOP Open till 7 P.M. CR 5-9183 accommodations. Reasonable. Re serve now. THE ROSENBERGS. '»••••••••••••< LENOX, Mass. Tel: 637-9737 LOS ANCELES I. J. Morris, Inc. JACK R. BRODSKY HIDEAWAY for delightful, tal I.W.O. FUNERAL DIRECTOR ENROLL YOUR CHILD IN A ented creative guests. Folk Dancing Any Kind Of Insurance and Singing. Off B'Way Enter., Day 9701 Church Ave., Bklyn, N.Y. Auto, fire, burglary, life, annuities, Camp, Art Classes, Crafts, Infant accident, hospitalization, compensa Facilities. Two pools, tennis courts, Dl 2-1273 tion, etc. Phone: GR 5-3836 Secular Jewish Kindershule fishing, golf nearby. 300 acres in Chapels in all boroughs Sr Nassau "»» Broadway, N.I.C. 3 (11th St.) sceric Shawagunks. New air condit. buildings. Housekeeping Cottages. CHAITS IN MEMORIAM Yiddish Language, Literature, Accord 1, N.Y. Tel: Kerhonkson 1373 We Mourn the Loss of Our Courageous Leader History* Holidays, Songs BENJAMIN J. DAVIS MITTELSHULE available for teenagers. The kind of news Died August 22, 1964 you get in Guardian We shall fight for victory in his unfinished -Schools in many sections of Los Angeles area and suburbs.- is priceless. battle against the McCarran Act Call WEbsrer 3-0526 or WEbster 6-8800 CUS HALL-BENJAMIN j. DAVIS DEFENSE COMMITTEE Help pur sub drive! Council of Federated Organizations 1§17 Lynch Street Jackson,. Mississippi Press Phone: 385-3276 FREEDOM SCHOOL DATA: . '„ - at) Background on Freedom Schools: The Freedom Schools were proposed late in 1963 by Charles Cobb, a Howard University student until he joined the SNCC staff and wa gifted creative writer," according to Freedom School Director Professor Staughton Lynd? That "help from outside Mississippi is needed if the Negro youngster were to have any chance of access to a larger world," was an obvious fact, accor ding to Lynd, after preliminary studies of the Mississippi educational system. In Mississippi: The Closed Society, James Silver noted that the per capita expenditure ,of the Mississippi local school boards for the white child, is almost four times the figure for the Negro child. More than the- statistics, the limited subject matter available for study to Mississippi Negro students, the fear of dis missal that restrains their teachers from exploring controversial topics demonstrated that if Mississippi's Negroes were to take part in an academic process it would have- to be in a context supplemental to the schooling available through the state. . D) Freedom Schools in Operation: As of July 26, there were 41 func tioning Freedom Schools in twenty communities across the state with an enrollment of 2,135 students—twice the figure projected in plan ning for the summer. There are approximately 175 teaching full-time in the Freedom Schools, with recruitment of 5§ to 100 more in process. The-.atypical Freedom School has an enrollment of 25 to 100 and a staff of five to six teachers, and is held in a church basement or sometimes the church itself, often using the outdoor area as well Typically, the morning will be taken up with a "core curriculum" built around Negro History and citizenship. The late morning or afternoon is taken up with special classes (such as French or typing— both very popular) or projects (such as drama or the school newspaper.) In the evening classes are held for adults or teenagers who work during the day. The idea of the school is centered on discussion of the group. One suggested guide distributed by COFO to Freedom School teachers noted, "In the matter of classroom procedure, questioning is the vital tool. It is meaningless to flood the student with information he cannot understand; questioning is the path to enlightenment. It requires a great deal of skill and tact to pose the question that will stimulate but not offend, lead to unself-consciousness and the desire to expressfehought....The valu e of the Freedom Schools will derive mainly from what the teachers are able to elicit from the students in terms of comprehension and expression of their experiences." At a time when the nation's educators have become concerned— and stymied—by bringing to children of the non-verbal "culturally deprived" community the ability to formulate questions and articulate perceptions, the daily pedagogical revolutions that are the basis of any success in a Freedom School classroom become overwhelming upon considering that the students are Mississippi Negroes—possibly the single most deprived group in the nation—and the teachers are the culturally alien products of the much-maligned liberal arts undergrad uate education. An indication of what is happening among the students and their young teachers in the Freedom Schools is given by a single 2-2-2-2 Freedom Schools line of COFO advice given to the teachers: "The formal classroom approach is to be avoided; the teacher is encouraged to use all 'the resources of his imagination." According to Director Lynd, the Freedom Schools may be dealt with in the context of three general situations: a) rural areas; b) urban areas where the civil rights movement has been strong; c) urban areas where the mofement has been weak. "In the first and third sita&tions,» analyzes Lynd, "the Freedom Schools have been most successful, not just in numbers, but "in what is going on there." In the rural areas where there is little recreation or diver sion available to the Negro community, the Freedom School becomes the-center of teen-age social activities, according to LyJnd. Lynd draws upon the Holmes County and Carthage Freedom Schools as exam ples of this rural success. When the Freedom School staff arrived in Carthage, the entire Negro community was assembled at the church to greet them; when,,two days later, the staff was evicted from its school, the community again appeared with pick-up trucks to help move the library to a new school site. As this is being written, the Carthage community, with the help of summer volunteers and a National Council of Churches minister, is building its own community center which will be stqffed by civil rights workers and local volun teers. An example of the second situation, the urban success, is the Hattiesburg Freedom School system, which Lynd refers to as the "Mecca of the Freedom School world." In Hattiesburg there are more than 600 students in five schools. Each teacher has been told to find a person from the community to be trained to take over his teaching job at the end of the summer. Much of the second session in Hattiesburg will be devoted to the training of local Freedom School teachers. "Here, as in Canton," states Lynd, "there can be no doubt that the success of the schools stemmed from the intensive civil rights campaign in the community during the months of fete winter and spring." In Gulfport and Greenville, urban environments with alternative attractions, the movement has n6t been strong enough in the past to counteract traditional time-passing activities. Lynd notes, however, that the generalization has exceptions. Holly Springs, an urban area in which the movement has not been strong in the past, has a highly successful Freedom School. It should also be noted that in Holly Springs, Carthage, and Shaw, the Freedom Schools are competing against the regular public schools which are currently in session as public schools close in early spring to allow students to chop cotton. In Mississippi's stronghold of organized terror, the Southwest, the McComb Freedom School has proven the political value of the schools as an instrument for building confidence in the Negro commu nity when canvassing is impractical. Lynd cites the instance of Miss Joyce Brown's poem concerning the Freedom School held at a bombed home which moved the community to provide a meeting place for the school. "Thus," notes Lynd, "the presence of a Freedom School helped to loosen the hard knot of fear and to organize the Negro community.*^ There are 108 students at the McComb Freedom School. 3-3-3-3-3 Freedom Schools c) The Future of the Freedom Schools: The Freedom Schools will continue beyond the end of the Summer Project in_ August. Freedom Schools in several areas*are already running jointly with the regular public schoolssession. The Freedom Schools offer subjects —such as foreign languages—not offered in the regular schools, and students are attracted to the informal questioning spirit of the Freedom Schools and academics based around their experinnces as Mississippi Negroes. In situations like McComb, the Freedom School has proven its value to the overall COFO political program as an organizing instrument. Also, among the various COFO programs, the Freedom School project is the one which holds out a particular hope of communication with the white community. In at least two situations, Vicksburg and Holly Springs, white children -have atten ded for short periods. Another factofj in the decision to continue the Freedom Schools is the possibility turned probability that the' Mississippi legislature will offer private school legislation designed to sidestep*public school integration (already ordered for the fall of 196^ in Jackson, Biloxi, and Leake County). One is faced by situations such as that in Issaquena County where there are no Negro public schools, and children must be transported into other counties. The backwardness of Mississippi's educational system in the context of racial discrimination is demonstrated by the fact that in many areas the impact of the 195^ Supreme Court decision that separate cannot be equal was to have separate schools erected for the first time; the step previous to school segregation is conclu ding that Negro children should be educated. The rural hardcore area of Issaquena County is an example of a prolonged holdout. A Final but not secondary factor is the "widespread apprehension among Mississippi Negroes as to what will happen to them when the Summer Project volunteers leave." Staughton Lynd adds, "We want to be able to tell them that tjae program will 'not end, that momentum cumulated during the summer months will not be permitted to slack off." The long-range Freedom School program will probably be carried on through evening classes in local community centers. "Already in many communities Freedom School and Community Center programs are combined and often in the same building," according to Lynd. One source of teachers for the continuing Freedom School program will be volunteers who decide to stay beyond the summer; if only one in five stayed, fifty teachers would remain in the state. Another source would be Southern Negro students coming in under the work-study program which provides them with a one-year scholarship to Tougaloo College after one year's full-time work for SNCC. Other teachers would come through the local communities, under programs of training such as that which has already begun in Hattiesburg. Teachers could also be provided from thetfanks o f full-time SNCC staff members; in areas such as McComb where the movement can't register American citizens as voters, civil rights workers can teach in Freedom Schools. There.is. no doubt but that, in Professor Lynd*s words, "It is a political decision for any parent to let his child come to a Freedom School." Freedo • Schools The Freedom School program can develop as an aid in enabling Mississippi Negro students to make the transition from a Mississippi Negro high school to higher education. Standardized tests mil be administered to the most promising Freedom School students under the direction of the College Entrance Examination Board (CEEB) in mid-August. Evaluation of these scores and. other data by the Natinnal Scholarship Service Fund, for Negro Students will lead some of the Freedom School students to a program involving a) a transitional educational experience during the summer after high school, b) a reduced load, during the freshman year at college, and c) financial aid. Others can be helped by the already-existing work-study program. d) FV*e Southern Theater; As the second Freedom School session (August 3-21) begins^ a tour of the Freedom Schools throughout the state is scheduled for tfce Free Southern theater production of In White America. The Free Southern Theater was organized, early this year by SNCC with the assistance of COFO and Tougaloo College as an attempt to "stimulate thought and a new awareness among Negroes in the deep South," and "will work toward the establishment of permanent stock and repertory companiesj with mobile touring units, in major population centers throughout the South, staging plays that reflect the struggles of the American Negro...before Negro and, in time, integrated audiences," according to a Free Southern Theater prospectus. An apprenticeship program is planned which will send a number of promising participants to New York for more intensive study. The company will include both professional and amateur participants. The development of the Free Southern Theater was sparked by the "cultural desert" resulting from the closed society's restriction of the patterns of reflective and creative thought. Each performance of In White America will be accompanied by theater workshops in the Freedom Schools designed to introduce students to the experience of theater through participation. As the classroom methods of the Freedom School are revolu tionary in the context of traditional American patterns of education, so the Free Southern theater brings a new concept of drama to these Mississippi students. Dr. Lynd comments that the aim of the Theater "is the creation of a fresh theatri cal style which will combine the highest standards of craftsmanship with a more, intimate audience rapport than modern theater usually achieves." Segregated schools, controlled text books, lack of discussion of controversial topics, the nature of the mass media in Mississippi demand the development of a cultural program, to be viewed in the cciroext of education, among an entire people. Among the objectives listed for the Free Southern Theater by its originators are "to acquaint Southern peoples with a breadth of experience with the theater and related, art forms,- to liberate and explore the creative talent and potential that is here as well as to promote the product:'on of art? to bring in artists from outside the state as well as to provide the opportunity for local people with creative ability to have experience with the theater? to e®pha In this course of human events, it has become necessary for the Negro people to break away from the customs which have made it very difficult for fhe Negro to get his G&d-given rights. We, as citizens of Mississippi, do hereby state that all people should have the right to petition, to assemble, and to use public places. We also have the right to life, liberty, and to seek happiness. The government has no right to make or to change laws without the consent of the people. No government has the right to take the law into its own hands. All people as citizens have the right to impeach the government when their rights are being taken away. All voters elect persons to the government. Everyone must vote to elect the person of his choice? so we hereby state that all persons of twenty-one years of age, whether black, white, or yellow, have the right to elect the persons of their choice? and if these persons do not carry out the will of the people, they have the right to alter or abolish the government. The Negro does not have the right to petition the government for a redress of these grievances: For equal opportunity. For better schools and equipment. For better recreation facilities. For more public libraries. For schools for the mentally ill. For more and better senior colleges. For better roads in Negro communities. For training schools in the State of Mississippi. For more Negro policemen. For more guarantee of a fair circuit clerk. For integration in colleges and schools. The government has made it possible for the white man to have a mock trial in •i^ the case of a Negro's death. The government has refused to make laws for the public good. The government has used police brutality. The government has imposed taxes upon us without representation. The government has refused to give Negroes the right to go into public places. The government has marked our registration forms unfairly. We, therefore, the Negroes of Mississippi assembled, appeal to the government of the state, that no man is free until all men are free. We do hereby declare independence from the unjust laws of Mississippi which conflict with the United States Constitution, FREEDOM SCHOOLS - Final Report, 1964 The best "report" the Freedom Schools can make is the program of the Freedom School Convention (attached). Note particularly the proposal for a state-wide school boycott. School boycotts are already in progress in Shaw and Harmony. A boycott is about to begin in Indianola. There will be many such boycotts during the winter. Therefore, although the basic program of the winter Freedom Schools will be evening classes in addition to regular public school, there will be many instances where the program will have to expand (at least temporarily) into an all-day program for students boycotting the regular schools. Numerically, the summer Freedom Schools were about twice as successful as anticipated. The number of Freedom School teachers (approximately 225) was about the expected figure. But the schools drew 2000-2500 students instead of the expected 1000, and the number of schools was approximately 50 instead of the expected 25» In two communities Freedom Schools will continue after Aug. 21. These are Jackson, where the schools will run till Sept. 1, and Neshoba County, where the school, having begun only in mid-August, will go right on into the winter. The following are recommendations for the Freedom Schools in winter 1964-1965: 1. An attempt should be made to continue a Freedom School program in every project area. 2. At the local level, community center and Freedom School personnel should work as one staff. Since in most places classes will occur only in the evening, obviously the teachers will be free at other timeB in the day for community center work. It is suggested that there be one person responsible for both Freedom School ad community center activities (which will usually take place in tie same building) in each community, 5. As to the state-wide administration of the schools, the recommendation is that Tom Wabman be in charge if he stays, and if he does not that Liz Fusco (coordinator of the Ruleville and Indianola schools this summer) be in charge. It is suggested also that Ralph Featherstone be kept in mind as a possible state-wide administrator, when and if the Neshoba County schools are running smoothly. 4. The most critical problem is staff for the community center-Freedom School program. 100 workers would be desirable throughout the state. 75 seems an absolute minimum to keep the programs going in each project area. Presently available aret (a) About 55 people staying on from the summer? (b) About 25 people recruited by Luis Perez who will be in Mississippi by October 1. This is not enough. Dick Jewitt reports that CORE has approximately J0-40 volunteers ready to come, in addition to the local Mississippians which it is prepared to support. My urgent recommendation is that ail these 30-40 CORE volunteers be accepted for Mississippi, and assigned to community center- Freedom School work in the 1st and 4th Congressional Districts. This would bring manpower in the cc-FS program up to about the desired 100. 5» In view of the inevitable delay in recruiting and orienting new personnel, October 1 is suggested as target date for opening the full-scale winter program. Skeleton staffs should attempt to keep some program in being in each project area between August 21 and October 1, COFO Box 771 September 25,64 Lear Staughton, How are you and the family? That day that you said good bye at the COFO office, I had no idea that you were leav ing for parts North. I was so schocked when someone said that you had gone for good. Really hate that I didn't get a chance to talk to you about the summer- and what effect it has had on your life. I guess it will have to wait until I get up that way. I along with five kids from the project here drove out to California. Three of them were Californians and had in vited me out to spent a couple of weeks at the beach. The other two were native Mississippians who were going out upon invitation by one of the workers to go to school and then on to college. As you know that was my first trip West and I was thrilled every step of the way. I am so glad that we drove and that I was able to take the beauty of the country in. It was something to see the way we all reacted to civilization. Of course everything is relative and I don't know if any of this country is civilized. I know that none of the country is free of the thing for which we fought in Mississippi. There was one Negro fellow on the project from California and I stayed with his family a couple of days in Los Angeles. I was biten by flees and my nostrilsWd to get acquainted with what I call Northern Poverty. The rest of my two week visit was spent in the homes of the white vol - unteers where I lived in luxury that I really didn't believe existed. And you know what is really funny? I had to make them (the volunteers and their parents) feel comfortable for different reasons; let rae explain. The parent's in most cases were uneasy because of my being a Negro and that to me was not at all suprising but the kids were uneasy because they were ashamed at the extravagant way in which they had lived all their lives. I understood this but of course the Parent's didn't. In some cases the kids had changed to the point that their parents didn't understand and they natural ly feared my influence, since I represented the summer and the experiences that occurred in Mississippi. My intent for writing was not to talk about the summer but to tell you what we are going to try to do in Laurel this v/inter and ask for your suggestions, We are going to conduct a sem- inar with 11th, 12th and some exceptionally bright sophomores that we met in the Freedom SChool this past summer. The pur pose of the seminar is to try to bridge the gap between Oak Park School here in Laurel and say Swarthmore or Yale.(pretty big order) n order to set the now seniors into some ogoo- d school we're really going to have to have some intense se ssions. I don't know of but about three seniors that I think could make it but with the juniors and sophomores we do have lots of time. The curriculum that COFO is prepar ing is not going to be what I need. Naturally I'll try to influence the kids in the importance of the movement and that they should comeback after they finish school but as you know that won't help the kid when he's sitting before the CEEB or some instructor at Yale. The only trouble is that I don't know how to really set the pro gram up and neither does anybody who is here. I've en closed in this letter a letter that I wrote to about TO colleges asking for bulletins etc. Of course the te^t that we can get through COFO like the PSAT and others will be most valuable. I'll also need a reading test so that we can find out the reading level of the students. I know that there has to be extensive work done in English Comp and science and math. Due to the fact that school is in session and the kids can't do to much outside work, we'll have to keep homework to a minimum and the classes to about three times weekly. What I would like from you is an outline of how you think I should go abouts'setting up the seminar and, I don't know really but any suggestions and a list of books that are good for this sort of thing. Any and every thing will be greatly appreciated. Was in Atlanta the other day and paid a visit to Spelman. Place seems to be the same unfortunately. Thought I'd enclose a picture of the Cofo castle here in Laurel. When ever it's completed it will really be a great place. I m also enclosing a letter that we sent to all the kids who worked in Laurel to give you an idea of what's goin g on here in Laurel. Made some speeches while I was out in California and sent up a friend of SNCC group in Pasadena. Brought back over $700. to the Laurel Project plus a promise from a group up in San Francisco of a $100. a month for the Laurel Pro ject. Will you give Alice, Barbara and Lee my love. Thank you in advance for all the wonderful suggestions. Bye Now. Yours in Freedom, t/l&K, ..uVILj^./fL • SL. 3W»m PRQJSCT, 19*4 By Kirsty Powell Ortentation,...Oxford,..Jfc^r^an., June 21 The so&in effect of Oxford (< Sale citit . . . . 41 tae way was eeaew&at u utive but it's e bit difficult to think 1 . -' - "activity aetnoda " would aa altk aauj.u - eight .orth trying. Discussion lapren . . bet, I t lab t. •.right have been improved if a &re&tiy re4uoo4, at previ; planned*queetioaa for dj .,t. Health 1 don't kaow to*- tie for tola. 11 by one teacher, m la) it aa bett out a bit more. X the course been 1 lag aooae ba. plaatj piotarae aad d staatie. baa tttohlai o£ i There was carl no doubt about t • subject.There were on foo, | ..arinfc aaoaloa wklak pro t successful and end ended in ' auction of a oolleotiaa of ?re< recipes,One topic t- been, waa buy in, - sort of thlag you get in • -eject t for t- riritin 1th ^itisenahl leelth ail the adults regained in one for writing. Usually, this •« > 15 bat auab< six end 30.. The aethod ua< to have three to six te on hand circulate ritin. was beiat done, to help an r ^aaatl a correct. axkidcapcaaaally -..xaak im form usually arc ery little truoture it, I la simply to sneoui to pat thoughts on p 1 freel; . I thlak this aaatructui tod and 1 tiag 1- ;. so e veiy I ,ii. , ( it wierdly puctuated aad spelled) genuine- -writing, aowt revealii^ , feelii -se. . u: ter in th< , a all uia atteapt to teach certain structureo: t .-.e tb it the period aad the capital letter; -.1 letter; baala ,< tter; r I t re wise to leave this tiii t e ead a£ the summer. Thou bo 1 ,1 thlak that to bare begun t been r ace,, oi ati >ut handwriting practice, , j free provide continuea to . [ think we should for them, ' . team te.c/ln... rly individual te;. person. 2e- • (sometin ^ry") u.. a ft era, 0 .11 i tudenti I.ii. i. ov> nitioa, °n the basis of into 3 i" 1, 41 Solor" la. I dor.' ' final judj, . is that 11 ful in pro . .ar, & >aly in itioa. ** tty hi L 1 ident, . tlaa th it tei . aid I reading, so that it t Linda*a owi both of th a. and of this paxtic ice, 0* ** 2. 23 aa (not Junior tic, bu »y rea<. . ly troul Lve#. . ye were in ay ,- If act the i up* 1 purpose, becc I re too . *- - , we fou fritten in imps t . I rah Patton Boy. , ... e<.: , m« tie local "Freeuotu Fighter',' the mimeod aawapeaor proaucea by the Center. In the last three weeks, we read materials written by ail the teaahera, following the last CltiseB eyllabaa (ooe p&^e 2). Thii group aaa really delight to t ilaara predaoed, If not diacuaaioa, at least very pertinent and oftea aovia* cor: to the situation in . to-day* On two occasions *e read pc . set Burroughs "tfhat dhali I tell Ky 0;-. who are Bi excel: rticipstion, ve sen. . * "'^-morrow* s Footsteps v . ..erved to aaa up and reinforce &ka " stive Bab-, Lrst an eat of tla , Law! mothers to brin their children, aad proalaed to have, aaraary cure for t cvitatioa, but. Ink it was ve. that re able to provide this service ten were, la up to 15 ranging between 15 months aad 5 year? tre for.1 I wh# , bo bare orry i unity center workers, thou, , chool te< ohera did h*. the time also,. a ,ith which we begaa, I think th&t whnt nade the taak hard t t all of us, those involve* , not Involved, t to uaderrate 1 ,rt,nee. It was lapoi • it aa mother poaatble, but for ita o-*n sake, aa ma it pave. eat kin. . .. . 'curi'iculuE'* incl , •ierlea, sony.se tc - but th il waoaatratloa« This were mu nt «• bleo ^, tlaker tar. , >n, toy phone - . • idarla &fe,e range, tnis Idasi of equipment ,. aattreaa also - Jtttial, as the • iin. , or sin,,, or sleeping on it, I think i art oi the pro i aaxt rear, it should be spc tat at Orientation, a.. iaaartaat, anu, 1 I are laterested, they ahauld be encourayo! to it. 5 Afternoon Program: Kids The Ruleville Central High School was in session 7.30 to 1.30 ^o Freedom -School met from 2.0p.m. to 5.0.p.m. There were 6 teachers, so we divided into six different classes according to age groups;. 10 to 12 year olds; 13 and 14 year olds; 15 and 16 yr. old boys; 15 and 16 year old girls; 17 year olds; 18 yeera aas over. -'e have M aooarata rec rd of numbers aad attendant, but I think the total number was probably about 120, and our daily attendance between 50 and 30, At the end of the 3rd week, we lost 3 teachers, ineluain.. Lie Fusco, Co-ordinator, as they went to Indianola to set up a Freedom School there. The three different schedules which we worked to during the summer reflect t £cjjeduile_i_ j^ Howe : m Age Groups for Gitisenship, Reading, Hrltia . 2nd Hour: IHeotivea - moat met 2 days a week, aaaa I day only. Typing Reading Art French African Culture Biolo.y alo Health The electives we ,ht, not only by fiaodua School teachers but by Community Centre people also. 3rd Hour: Principally. Recreation 09 some electives Also canvassir. -- aa needed. One feature of t I aedule was that we never met tie eohool together in a general session. 3 think, this *as a weakness, fa 4id have one gener aioa La the last week, aaaa we aaaa freedoa songs aad beard a talk about ... ..,., ana i broke into age groupa to discuss it. The kids liked this, ana we had dicide \ it once a week when we had to abandon Bo.hc.ule I and devise a plan that would work with .. teachers only. schedule I worked weal, on the whole* Good ralatioaahipa were built up b.t teacher and kids in classes that ranged in else from & to 20. One problem proved to be the number* of s on rind drop*euts who wanted to hang aroun. the center but were unwilling to join a class. There was some debate as to whether they should be told to go or allowed to hang around. I think in the end the former opinion won out, thou it was never very rigialy enforced. "y own approach is abet they shoula have bean allowed to come and sit around, provided they were not a nuisance. 1 think that some arts of perau asion should have been ^jbdko eaveigle then Into classes, but 1 feel that there's always the chance that someon. ae*M»a will come further in if he*s givaa a welcome, allowed to hang around, aad not badgered. 1 think a community center should be as free and permissive a place as poesible.. On the whole the youn er ki. to classes aere faita- fully than the older ones, though soma teachers managed to build up a very good relationship with their older ki . Schedule 2 a conditions of the fourth week when there were only 3 Freedom School teachers (though 3 moreexpected the next week) and when we wantea to use community cente: anal as much as possible.. Ve decided also to draw on voter registration and raaaaroh volunteers.. 1st Hours baas meeting or General Session, to begin with Freedom °ongs general announcements, contributions from the kids etc, followed by a talk by a special speaker, as followa:- The Freedom Rides - Rabbi Levinc I 2. Sunflower County - in context of Federal, State, County, aad Town systems of Government given by Jerry Techlin, Research. 3. The Party system - Beorge Hlator <& a Len Sdwards. 4. sducatton in the U.S. - Jerry feeklin 5. 4 Journey to India - Gandhi aad Non-violence - Kiraty 6. Book Review Session - in wklek s number of teachers and common- ty center people took part. Books of various kinds were introduced - beginning reaai. ta etc), Fairy 'Ties, Alloo in V. , Biography, travel and Adventure, Kovel(Huck Finn). After the eeaaion the library was open for cheekiiv; oat books./»" most successful kina of session, I think. 2nd Hour: .repression Groups. - Art, Role Playing, Writing. She whala school broke up into 3 groups, initially on the basis of preference, but we tried to iaalat that each child hare one day in each group, and he was then fret tajgo where he liked. The reealtlag groups had a wide age range, but on the whole thia dldaot prove, as difficult bt have been expected - it • even, in some ways, rather inter . roupa were large and in all ofthem we UB ed teaa teachin;. The aim was to find ways of expre igb writiag, art, or role playing aoaethiag of what bad been ape speech. However, it so happened that the week we began working;, to Sohdule 2 was also the 'week when tae kids began workiag on a propo. kat of t Central .High sdi ool for the parpose of ury.in, teaebarak to vote. The reeult M the role dayiag became geared almost entirely -feo} roleplayiaj the picket, ana s me of the art work beoaae directed to siga aakl . Jtarle playiag -plhis proved far and away the most popular, and there were sbaetio 30 or 40 in the group. In Role-piayin,, the piol , great eathaal a developed, not only for the picket, but for roleplayin^, such. As aVresult, in Schedule 3 a good drama group emerged, ana ro playiny was aa 1 la t , i part of ordiaary class .work i-xt - JBiis group b th posters. It began to be exciting, however, .hen they were encouraged to, free, abstract works with paint, ana then with charcoal , and tnen^fiat, not the tip of the pencil. Sometimes tnese were intended as emotional expressions. Writing - ihe writiag group •§£, generally, take the topic of ! as its i) aon, and it often proved necessary to explore the ideas pre tC it pretty thoroughly in discussion before writing waa dome, aad t i :ortunity for a useful review - but cut down on writin. time. I think probably the freeer approach that we usee with the adulte would h r< produce's more creative results. 3rd Hour: Electives (same) and Recreation, ana Ctnvassing This Schedule 2 had a great deal to frtmnfrt it. When the speaker waAiramatie and vital like kabbi Levine the aeetlag ox the who] -i, and the expression groups were really quite exciting and creative. I thlak they gave kids a sense of freedom which xnsxaxixta engendered a good deal of aathu It was good, too, to be able to involve the community center and voter regiatr&tiea people in both the talka and the teaem tescuing - la faot tea/ware essential. An ^fhO e*W it seemed such a gooa scheme that there waa mmt discussion about whether we should continue with it after the aaa teaohera arrived, Hoever la the end we dOcided ti at s of intimate association Ath an age group were of eve-,, ao e thaa th< p sat of the expression groups, so oaaedule 3 en '"±ng of a compromise between the two previous sc Schedule 3. 1st hour - General Session with fr a-. »| on history - »r last 3 . ;gLt prograa. a freedoa eohool te took turns in . 2ad sour - »upa, ,. t refer • bi that it aplit into 2 i d-ie ly - 1' net aad . , rest of t th 2 (sometimes 3) teas. .iii 3rd Hour - Electives, recre- ti . ing lue of th« ry early in the place it the 10 to 12 ^ro aid meetin their own class, because it, aa Le tetaik to t to the 18 year elda at 1 > time.However, even for the el anta it seemed t aethod, t. too iittl< ad audi . , in t . h5iV< , to have the firattwo hours in ago grc . Ma ^re^t responsibility on the individual .her - but if he accept* that, it ,. treOjTtive learning .j.tuati. , _Groups. The switch in teachers mid-etreaa meant that the IC - 12 *s ana the .id 14's were the only one who cont.: A I & separata clas^ gz-ouos with the one one te 11 tie way. This I think, inxmaayxwsy it is the main re y ve didn't do as te older stadaati »ve. I don't have reports on all tie claaa< , but it might be uaeful to report on t that I have reports on: Lucia Guct'.. and my own Xo - 12* is class shewed great enthusiasm. By the beginning of Schedule 5 it kg . so iv.uch th. t we split it. It met on t. i of the Sanctified Church, and the'^tercners who livea in the houses opposite haa a grandstand view of what *ent on.Luei, I never taught before, but she strikes me a s a very gooa example of a naturall eood t= eher - creative, inventive, full of enthusiasm, i quote- from a letter in whieh she . ssount of what she did ith her sj •'Looking b a trying.., to say *hat 1 si. 1th my class, 1 realise hew much t.. I misused or . If I had it to do over again, I think I would shoot for more concrete efforts, perhaps more v;riting, more ,-rt work. far as what I did do: I guess a great concentration on world geography. 1.1 . what ere the continents, where are they, what are som e ox toe key countries in esch continent, aad how do people live there? did tae world maps and t tralla (big maps v.aich e ind labelled.) I spent time on Australia - ., it cities,states etc. 414 aapa of Africa, and all the readings on Africa which we prepared. I also spent borne time on Kgypt, using Rational Qaagraphloa. As far ro History - this is here I fell down, I'm afraid. Ve went from Africa to U.J. alare tr.de, to Slavery in U.S.% ana aklpped to Civil War, and didn't ; further. for the Hovaaet at throu ... Kin^ comic book, and le.-med about •lei Q4 what ad politics(Amerissn):I att< to teac • idea of the relation- , county, state, 1 taace -• ..Hot i re it fits into t. aaa of thin,. . As far as hoe 1 taught this: I.I learned the great value of the blackboard, ana oi pietur.. . 2. Sole playing - towaxda t t, 1 attempted to translate everyway I could i role-playing - even , ihy. ' 13 - ±r • . I took Negro History aa a core, folio lag roughly arse (p.2), but leevine out ociological tepica (lik »gra in "the .-,orth etc.) Ky aethod waa to introduce a topic , like Harriet Tubman, for instance, by telli. story, talking about it, lookia icturea, reading clout it. Thi. 3 took one day. Then for the next two or three d | ., up on thi; topic in tneir own way. I brought all the 'books, ted aaterlal, pictures, etc. I : to class, at kids to choose what th <-ou.o, aad aaa the reooura< La to help them. SOLA, did aistori.. , ... , poems, or copieu historical documents like runaway sla*e notices, etc. It unit, j ' .-;ork on . or, we diaplaj work on all the unite, Mrs Roemary Wilson for a nee experimental readiag program beinfo conducted by the Board of "Ion in Philadelphia. The set of readers remain*in Ruleville and 1 t the're excellent (but readiag is a field full of partiaansnipl). I think this be+efiTctt ( 12 to 20) but the 'alphabet book". Teacnin reading must have provision for ;. loag term project to be useful. 2. jrd Grade &i. . -re. 3. 5ta Gr.de and up This group r- j readei - too difficult for some, too easy for otheroVfrile t/er/rs. u>*te KOI i/csy /*e./wv* *y„ Once or twice I triea individual beading - ad I k ink thi.. would \< teen 1 if I had succeeded in get tin,, it o . lid would then spend moat o readi oak at level silently, coming to the teacher for 5 or 10 minutes of individual oral n , questioning about comprehension, >rd Study. The other classes. IS' up (continued from p. ) The senior olaaaes reat discontinuity of teachers. They conceatr&ted exclusively on Citi -lory, usinsi mainly disc ta aaaa (1 t too little la most oases) read I think senior students a from more active XXSKSXBX- methods. Highlifehto of tne School Pro, jam !• Caravan of Music out 6 visits froa folk siagers sad these were : deli . ont tho. remembered will be tne drummer whoaLet ^:*J . i§y« a go at by one . J .. . Bar r .... , taught us "It isn't nice". It • . eg son . __ 2. lhe Visit of tat tional »oj ' > .stations __ gave us all a boost. great crowd turned u at on quite . in on "baby aim on a reading lesson. >n, ana Mrs Tu< the deville, aft« i discussion. Then they met v ,, erry T ! vention tuleville, r for ..,. , XHK ot le ovf moon ordain* of strenuous discussion, >r, and -^uther King Superintendent of Education. Ruleville mac g Ion to iveation, story oi t p and tee motion of Bobbie Cannon ii for the state vide boycott. Or, and Johnson both ,tic report., back to the Freedoa School, impres, jrk it . le said in his report, "It wasn't funj" Actually I think that n< ,t include a bit aor fun - a dance early in the program, other recreation to help kins meet each other, or perhaps more highly o ftoarouaal aeala to provide opportunity for ki^s to meet people from other , tody circles devoi. not just to draftinjjaotioas, but to the task of studying and 4iaoaaalag somet ing wrlttaa spe. for the purpose. 4» In White America . . s. It wi back porch, ana the 10 I 200 or so people sat on benches in the sunjor stood . Respite Gil He aaa1 alagivia about an aft out-of doors daylight parforaaaaa, I thought 5 - . The audience . . U boys 3liabed on te the pore1, to g* to tne bathroom in t e middle of a scene, aad hen r educati . % In -lion, 1 t j atut J* Bob. • tola teachers their >eople into it. , aad the i preserv tony silence. .... cone, from eriatendent a n't "w that trash 1|e retu Werfnetajiy* t. in prot * >enaioa. f that th< h> . or tri . . to a for hia • * ... thou 11 the aa ri^it aaaaat for a demonstration by the whole school when toey did not sta a Kfaolesale walkoa t . . erry ws lied. The kidi aaettt^w •_lseuaaer*' the letter aad its daaaada tha/f- week; Mrs Earner had a meeting with the faculty; and the lawyer, David Godetlok t thlak, LI rds met with the Pri ncipal. as tiie end of tie 3rd phase. The kids ba tory to tie i.erioiai Hi ool Convention, . are .as were made for a statewide boycott. The Library at 30 volunteers spaat tne first 4 days of t project iois but sort the 70GG books piled in t,. e Ceatar, ooulliag about 4C00, and. ahelvin, th; . ly. us ia to i Lihr&rj OJ books, aad ordering t . , OV ro of , for the aaaa olas other au thia each class to ay boo] . se, B 'kes pretty . if of "BOokf . About Begin es" out oth ere no ; displays - t lea. Tii a work on a catalogue but we grew faint hearted, it was better to ooacea' . ook r eview sessions both fo for adults, aad tiese were moat au provoked a lo o. borrowing of books.iifter tne wor3< lay, - rere made for the library, we started to k slot for reading Before the aaxaxi regular school do aad for , ito the habit of u ibrary to do homework, and to write lett Dui ., . could run it theaae • J0^, ° , incluc Ing from Saaay Dr lhaaavs t Library, but I to th: it that another Richard Writ 1 come out of Ruleville. 4a y, School has no library to of, the Center Library . sol Library, pretty weak on 1 think we were extraordinarily lucky in toe hi ILy of teachers, ana t oneness. »'e be l.e, with L: J , got 3 a le. Out of ail nine oi' t uetes, and 2 proi fh .. think it a. Ly obvi ther bei , lioaal teacher had much to do with bei., Fre shool teacher. we lost our co-ordinator, i hOUlO te .ink thi ...ay to do it, and it , out happily, tool st tions, ou. on I tMnk we workee wel] team, and this is or. joyful i us, ai. , >rtant relafcu iOol l a., it b . so-ordiiiutor In ..,. ya it is a pi a>t Ion,. J - daator to t. . iut in sny case, I thlak that tiie more the Co-oral a.itor . as "mere co-oroinator" * .1 think the spirit of staff meetings sno taorouthly . should I re that he oi- die has equal resn. - . .. portaat ouid b _ u quite frequent - at least onee a weeks!- th±nk~lir*t?- important that schedule and curriculum be planned co-operatively by tne whole staff, thou&h I^also thlak it's imp ortant that each indivual teaciier have freedom to deveioo his own curriculum for his class.i don't think these two things are necessarily contradictory. another problem *hich 1 think we shared ..ith many schools was some difficulty in working out relationship with the community center staff. I think in toe end we succeeded, partly because at a personal level we got alon0 well a. yea each other - «..ich was just|.ueky - partly because the Freed . . s communi Center in order to function. Difficulties were, however, iahej i i a situation in dreedom School and Saaaunity Center functions overl in which Community Center function riy dej ifficuity, for t • Freedom School Community J - , Inator ahoul 1 eetin s. xn t.a end, -aed that where tee aault morning classes or t afternoon el it shouiv be r: ted freedom Jehool busine^.,, J . unity Center business laid -• rl out C. . Ho it oi the time tie two st. t a _;, used all the community center teachers. ather ta. t in asioa bet re Istr-.tie . volunteers. On t >n't know whys of t e dr. ieo • ilitant as any. arreata wale made in Crt .ere iavolved. I do remember 01 t \-ihen clans for I develoain, in voter registration s ail th< >uld no., be Lcket, and I protested that if J retain their i to be center.-: of re. sda. :.,ctUcl fact, • i'*t thi) . . .;, only teat, tb arin> lOrt ,1 , , talks la f.. freeuc. out file c ... , and everys the community ' y, or in id eiotdin, distributia . Co-aiiunity Center Lookin,-. on, it s. , a hard tie not dear t tde out . . They took on ..-ity for d dor * year olds on . r ..on to survey. Th Work D. volunteer.. afcsxxd and be. . All of these things were important bat I think that sometimes Com.unity Center e doing the jc •main jobs".Kot only that, I tiink some community center talent was not oerhaos usedto its fullest extent, simply because at the beginning i r eno a.0. Handing Over n Linda Davis came back fro. on with t to stay at the center through the winter, Lth the few re,. volunt. Ian for having .. rd of t - unity Center electee by . .is feeling often express i that i tne to become tae community« . .. bit , tone. In the last month I r projest proper was over " that the community . Lly olaiciag its awn center. 4 team of kids helped man the radio. Anither team of kids became librarians, s. hosen or so 4 uxid 5 year olds t» began to come regularly to the kindergarten inda organised. . adult, i 2 nights a week to readiag classes. *ad the young people, started to'organise their owa program with recreation and study and discussion concentrated in an organised way, mainly on Sunday afternoon.. Pet are iaportaat, people , your , an to drop in to the community center for various reasons: to borrow a book, to read or write in tie library, to play Ches Monopoly, to talk, or dance, or If. ten to the radio, to meet before going to the courthouse to attempt to register, or before coifty wide meetiag on t Sua teraooa in Indianola, to talk o or to report some news, oa to lay be, L or football or croquet. Jf any confirmation were needed 01 toe need for co. centers, this was it surely. In ,y this tuleville Community Center had become a real center of com,,unit M. ,;ro community. Ko on looked forward to Inter. But, to .. - , . regular atteader at ; all know where we'll be . if there's tro . . t^^cflu I ^ajJUi* ST UDENT HON*VTOLENT CO*ORDINATING COMMITTEE P.O. Box7771 Laurel.Mississippi September 25, 1964 Dear Sir, Let me Introduce myself. I am G-wen Robinson and I served as Project Director here in Laurel this summer under the ausptk a of COFO in the Mississippi Summer project. We had a Free<$o» School here in Laurel where we taught English, history, French, math,government and Negro History. There were many! bright students in our Freedom School and many expressed a desire that we continue the school over into the falland winter and that we get them information on how to get into colleges outside the state. As a result of this a part of our program for the winter is a seminar for high school Juniors and seniors and exceptionally bright sophomores. The purpose of this seminar is to prepare these students fofl college work outside of the state..As you probably know, mokV. high school graduates In Mississippi are not prepared for college work outside the state. Usually they are especially deficient in English Composition, reading, math, and science and have had little experience with testing. We hope through our seminar to correct some of these deficiencies. We will begin by giving these selected students a series of test : . ranging from the Iowa Psychological test to the CEEB. Those of us who will be conducting these seminars are pretty mmch inexperienced and we need your help. First of all, if you are interested, we would like for you to send us catalogues, bulletins, application blanks, sug gestions for our curriculum, information on scholarships and loans available for entering Freshmen. Also if your school has a special program for students who are econom ically and/or culturally deprived or in students from min* ority groups, please let us know about them. Suggestions, materials, and encouragement will be greatly appreciated. Thank you for your consideration. Respectfully yours, > MISSISSIPPI ST^TE DEMOCRATIC PARTY in Convention Assembled July 28-, l?6h The convention was called to order by Mr. Bidwell Adam, Chairman of the State Democratic Executive Committee, Dr. W.M. Cascade offered the invocation, reaffirming that " the segregated way is the Christian way" and. thanking God for "the extremists who made our nation" and "our Confederate forefathers who never considered the idea of surrender." State Representative Russel Fox, of Claiborne County, read the call to the National Democratic Convention issued, by the National Democratic Executive Committee. The call requested the State Conventions to under take to insure that electors be pledged formally or in good conscience to the candidates to be selected by the National Democratic Convention in Atlantic City, so that troters should, have the opportunity to cast their ballots for these nominees. Mr. Fox concluded with the statement, "That is the call of the National Democratic Party, with whom, in the past, the Mississippi Democratic Party has had an affiliation." The secretary of the State Democratic Executive Committ e e read the call to the state Democratic Convention. Judge Tom Brady was elected Temporary Chairman and Betty long Temporary Secretary, both by acclamation. Mr. Ed White of Holmes County read the rules for the proceedings at the convention, the same rules which had been adopted over the last hO years. According to these rules, the order of business was the following: appointment of committees, keynote speech, report of the g^edentials committee, election of Permanent Chairman and Permanent §ecretary; rsport of the Nominating committee, to be followed by the election of delegates at large, delegates from the districts, alternates, the State Democratic Executive Committee, the presidential electors, and the National Committeeman and Committeewoman. The last item on the agenda was the report of the Resolutions committee. When Mr. White finished reading the Rules resolution, he was reminded that the rules had been amended by the Executive Committee: the amended list of offices to be filled upon recommendation of the nominating committee did. not mention the election of presidential electors. The amended version also stated, that the rules would have to be suspended, by a 2/3 vote, in order for nominations to be received from the floor. The amended rules resolution was adopted by acclamation. The members of the Credentials, Resolution, and Nominating Committee were announced, three from each district. The chairman of the Credentials Committee was Mr. Dave Bennett, 2nd District; the chairman of the Resolutions Committee was Mr. Ed White, 2nd District; the chairman of the Nominating Committee was Mr. Wilburn Hooker, 2nd District. The members of the State Executive Committee were then read aloud. -> RESOLUTE ON BE IT RESOLVED BY THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF THE STATE OF MISSISSIPPI IN CONVENTION ASSEMBLED AT JACKSON, MISSISSIPPI ON THIS THE 28th DAY OF JULY, 196h, THAT: We believe in the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution of the United States, as written, the Constitution of the State of Mississ ippi, and in the Lord Whose Name is invoked in each. We are opposed to strong centralized government, national or state. We believe in States1 Rights, local self-government, individual freedom, free enterprise and private initiative, and in honest, sound economic, and efficient government. * We believe in the three separate and distinct departments of govern ment as set forth In the federal and state constitutions, namely, legisla tive, judicial, and executive, and oppose the encroachment upon or usurpa tion of the functions of one by either of the others. We believe that the Southern white man is the truest friend that the American Negro has ever had, or ever will have. We believe that there is a great reservoir of friendship between the races in Mississippi, and we urge the continuance of the Christian kindness that has existed between us. We believe that the great majority of the people of the United States are heart sick and weary of the damage which has been done by those who, for votes, have traded away many of our precious rights and freedoms. We believe in separation of the races in all phases cf our society. It is our belief that the separation of the races is necessary for the peace and tranquility of all the people of Mississippi and. the continuing good relationship which has existed over the years. We are opposed to mob rule, frequently disguised as Civil Disobedi ence, and all forms of violence. We stand for the rights of the states to control their schools. We oppose continuing as a member of the United Nations and favor "Getting the United States Out of the United Nations, and the United. Nations Out of the United States." We favor and urge immediate action by Congress to limit the juris diction of the Supreme Court of the United States so as to curb its unlaw ful usurpation of the legislative powers of Congress, the Powers of the Executive Department of the United. States, and the reserved sovereign powers of the States. And to that end. urge the removal from office of members of that Court whose behavior in office is no longer "good behavior" as contemplated in the constitution. -ll- We are unalterably opposed to deficit spending and urge Congress to return to the sound policy of keeping expenditures for current expense within the annual revenue oollected. We are opposed to the reckless, extravagant foreign aid expenditures now in practice by the Federal Government and urge the Congress to bring such policies to an end. We are opposed to the Communist Party and its activities within and without the United States, and urge the Congress to enact legislation and take such action necessary to outlaw and prohibit its activities and existence within the United States. We favor the payment of poll tax as one of the prerequisites to qualifiy one to vote in Federal Elections, and urge the repeal of the federal statutes providing that payment of such tax shall not be required in order to vote in such elections. We favor, and urge the Congress to enact, legislation providing that no act of Congress shall be deemed to pre-empt the subject matter contained therein to the exclusive jurisdiction of Congress as against the right of the states to enact legislation thereon unless expressly • provided, for and retained in the act of Congress. mntmmmt RESOLUTION BE IT RESOLVED by this Convention of the Democratic Party of the State of Mississippi that we affirm our solemn belief that the least governed people are the best governed people, and we oppose the gradual but continual encroachment of governmental regimentation, control and competition with private business, and the usurpation of the sovereign rights and powers reserved solely to the States of this Nation, or the people thereof, by the Federal Government. We condemn the seizure of the Legislative powers of Congress and of the States, on the part of the Judiciary branch of our Government as reflected in the liberal-pro-socialist decisions of the United States Supreme Court, and we pledge to do all in our power to rectify this dangerous usurpation by the Judiciary, which can, if unrestricted, destroy our system of government. RESOLUTION BE IT RESOLVED by the Democratic Party of the State of Mississippi in convention assembled at Jackson, Mississippi, on this, the 28th day of July, 1961;, that: We express our admiration, and appreciation of Governor Ross R. Barnett and Governor George G« Wallace, of Alabama,, for their able, coura geous, patriotic and effective work in awakening the American people to the utter necessity of the return of this country to true Constitutional Government and individual freedom. We are greatly indebted to Governor Wallace for his tremendous visit to Mississippi, and he and Gov. Barnett occupy a permanent place in the heart of every true Mississippian. The convention recessed while the committees met to prepare their reports. mHtwmmx The Credentials Committee reported that the credentials of all the delegations were in order. At 12:55 the National Anthem was finally played, and everyone stood silent. (Only "Dixie" had been played at the opening of the meeting.) There was no American flag in the convention hall. Lieutenant Governor Carroll Gartin was elected Permanent Chairman by acclamation. Gartin addressed the delegates • about the purposes of the convention: the delegates were gathered together to make a statement of principles for the Mississippi Democratic Party; to chart a course of action in selecting a president and vice-president this fall (he did not mention the election of presidential electors); to establish party machinery to handle party affairs during the next four years. Betty Long of Meridian was elected Permanent Secretary by acclamation. William. G. Simpson of Gulfport, a "colonel" on Governor Johnson's staff, introduced the keynote speaker, Governor Paul B. Johnson. Simpson referred to the Mississippi Democratic Party as "the sword and. the shield of this great state." He stated that the decision in November can affect the "destiny of mankind", and referred, to the danger that "freedom and libery may perish". He said that "this party has sustained and protected our state for 100 years". "We have vanquished our foes before, we will vanquish them again." Governor Johnson began by recognizing former Governor Ross Barnett and "Mr. Conservative himself", Congressman John Bell Williams. He prefaced his address with the following remarks: " In the light of things I may have to say . • • you have my assurance that my only interest is the protection and welfare of the people of Mississippi," He assured the delegates that " I am ready to call a special session of the State Legislature to do what needs to be done in this presidential election year to insure that everyone in this state has a choice and the right to choose," Before embarking on his prepared text, the Governor remarked, "I would, like to throw away what I have written and really speak, but I know that with conditions what they are at the state and national level, I had better hang close to my script..." After the report of the Resolutions Committee, It was resolved that the Convention of the Democratic Party of the State of Mississippi adjourn under Section 2, Chapter 32 of the Extraordinary Laws of 1963 until 10:00 AM, Wednesday, September 9th, at the Coliseum, or any other place to be decided by the State Executive Committee. At this point, Governor Paul B. Johnson rose again to deliver an impromtu little speech to the following effect: All of you delegates are a moving, influential force in your own communities. I call upon you to exert your influence to maintain law and order, peace and calm in your respective sections. The responsible Negro leadership of Mississippi have stood, with us in the face of outside invasion.., . they have stood against the invader. We shall not in Mississippi allow forces contrary to our way of life to drive a wedge of dissension and. division against our own people. I have just been asked, by the police if they should, permit a group of pickets to appear outside these doors. I have told, the police to let them parade. As you go forth from here, please pay no attention to those pickets, wherever they are from. I would like for the television camera men here to take pictures of the pickets, . , I would like for the rest of the world to see what a motley crew they are. (Those television cameramen who rushed out to the sidewalk discovered, that Governor Johnson had taken to hallucinating demonstrators• The patrolman had asked, the Governor whether he should, admit the two sole Negro spectators who"dared to come observe the meeting. The two young people were spotlessly and respectably dressed, the man in a suit and tie. They had. no intention of picketing and mentioned, no such thing to the policemen who stopped, them on their way in. The two were filmed by cameramen as they stood, on the sidewalk after the meeting waiting for a cab,) THE STUDENT VOICE VOL. 5 NO. 21 STUDENT VOICE. INC. 6 Raymond Street. N. W. Atlanta. Georgia 30314 AUGUST 19, 1964 DEMO CONVENTION FACES SHOWDOWN THE THREE MOTHERS OF THE THREESLAIN RIGHTS WORKERS leave service for Andrew Goodman. Mrs. Chaney, Mrs. Goodman and Mrs. Schwerner (1 ro r) leave the Ethical Society auditorium after services for the slain worker. MORE THAN 800 DELEGATES OF the Freedom Democratic Party NATION MOURNS from over 40 counties met in Jackson to choose 68 delegates and alternates to the National Democratic Convention. BOYCOTT THREATENED Patterson's suit charged that last week's state convention of SLAIN WORKERS ATLANTIC CITY, N. J. - "A the Freedom Democrats was de proven lawless element is at PHILADELPHIA, MISS.-Nes Pathologists in Jackson found signed to "intimidate and em tempting to blackmail the Presi hoba County Sheriff Lawrence five bullets, three in Chaney, one barrass the lawfully existing De dent into preventing the seating Rainey refused to speak to FBI each in Goodman and Schwerner. mocratic Party and to create con agents investigating the death of of the Mississippi Freedom De fusion in the minds of the elec three civil rights workers. mocratic Party (FDP) delega torate and bitterness, hatred and tion," an FDP spokesman said. discord among the citizens." Approached by two agents, OMNIBUS RIGHTS SUIT The spokesman was referring Rainey asked if they had a war Named as defendants were to a meeting of the governors of rant. When they replied "no," Aaron Henry, Rev. R.T. Smith, FILED AGAINST MISS. Mississippi, Alabama, Arkansas, Rainey told the agents, "Come Mrs. Victoria Gray, Mrs. Fan Louisiana and Florida in New and see me when you got one. and nie Lou Hamer, Lawrence Guyot, JACKSON, MISS. - A suit ask Orleans. They announced that if I'll be glad to talk to you." Leslie McLemore, Miss Peggy ing that 16 laws which hinder the Freedom delegation is seated Meanwhile, services were held Connor, Rev. Ed King an ! Dr. A. civil rights activities be struck their states would boycott the for the three slain workers. D. Biettel. down has been filed by Miss convention. Robertson's injunction barred Memorial services were held in issippi rights leaders. "It is horrible to think that the the Freedom Party from using the Meridian, Miss, for James Chan The suit, filed in U.S. Dis President would submit to politi name ''Democratic." ey and in New York City for An trict Court here, contends that cal blackmail, especially by men drew Goodman and Michael Sch the laws abridge freedom of who have defied the Federal gov TOP CONVENTION HELD speech, press, right to assemble werner. ernment and one who is under Over 800 delegates attended peacefully, petition for redress of Concurrent memorial services indictment for criminal con the state convention of the Free grievances and have deprived Ne have been held throughout the tempt," the spokesman con dom Democratic party in Jackson groes of "life, liberty, and pro country to commemorate the tinued. Aug, 6. The participants elected perty without due process of workers' deaths. 68 delegates and alternates to the law." STATE BANS FDP In Mississippi, the FBI was re national convention in Atlantic ported to be keeping several It was brought by SNCC Miss Meanwhile Mississippi State City. Aaron Henry heads the de persons under surveillance while issippi Project director Robert Chancery Judge Stokes Robert legation while Mrs. Fannie Lou it searched for a weapon to Moses, Aaron Henry, Dave Den son, Jr. issued an injunction Hamer is vice-chairman. Rev. match the bullets taken from nis and Hunter Morey. banning the operation of the Miss Ed King and Mrs. Victoria Gray the bodies. They contend that the people issippi Freedom Democratic were elected National Committ they represent "have been and Party. eeman and Committeewoman. Dr. David Spain, a New York will continue to be arrested, The suit, filed by State At Lawrence Guyot will head the physician, who examined the body incarcerated, tried and con torney General J. T. Patterson, state executive committee. of Chaney, reported that he found victed without due process of banned the FDP from acting as evidence of a severe beating, The first four mentioned have representatives of a "pretended been unsuccessful candidates in probably with a blunt instrument. CONTINUED ON PAGE 4 political party" in Mississippi. CONTTWTTtrn nxi i->.^.r- - PAGE 2 AUGUST 19,1964 STUDENT VOICE MISSISSIPPI HARASSMENT 111111111 j i i -^a—Miiii»iaiM> MOSS POINT, Aug. 5-Forty- MILESTON, Aug. 10-A bomb five local people and civil rights exploded about 40 feet from the workers were arrested at a voter Freedom Center. registration meeting on the front **** lawn of the SNCC office. ANGUILLA, SHARKEY COUN TY, Aug. 11 - Lou Grant and Bob INDIANOLA, Aug. 6, - Sum Wright, volunteers, were arrest mer volunteer Chris Hexter was ed while passing out voter regis arrested for obstructing traffic. tration leaflets. **** TOUGALOO, Aug. 6 - SNCC DREW, Aug. 12 - Joseph Smith worker Ivanhoe Donaldson was summer volunteer, was arrested arrested for having an improper on charges of "conduct tending to driver's license, even though the incite a breach of the peace." WE SHALL OVERCOME is sung by the audience and performer worker was not driving but stand **** at a benefit for the Mississippi Project in Yellow Springs, Ohio. ing on the sidewalk at the time. HOLLY SPRINGS, Aug. 14 - service. As she was leaving she McCOMB, Aug. 15 - A bomb **** Volunteers Frank Ciecierka and was arrested for vagrancy. blasted out all the windows, dam David Kindall were arrested aged the wall and roof of a Ne TALLAHATCHIE COUNTYf while escorting people to the gro supermarket. Later, two Aug. 7 - Local whites surrounded JASPER COUNTY, Aug. 14 - courthouse. workers were arrested at the site the homes of the five Negroes who Three civil rights workers were of the bombing. attempted to register to vote yes shot at as they drove along High terday. The whites were armed. HATTIESBURG, Aug. 14 - way 11. The windshield was **** **** Sandra Addicks, a Freedom cracked. NATCHEZ, Aug. 15 - A bomb GREENWOOD. A ug. 7 - Worker School teacher, was arrested for and fire have completely destroy John Handy was arrested and vagrancy. She had taken a group ed a tavern which is directly next charged with inciting to riot while of her pupils to the local library GREENWOOD, A ug. 15 - A shot door to a house where fourSNCC with his youth group at a local and was told it was closed. The glanced off the windshield of a workers live. grocery store. group then went to Kress.' She car parked in front of the SNCC and the girls sat down at the national office. lunch counter but were refused JACKSON, Aug. 15 - Summer volunteer Steve Smith and four local people weiie shot at as they drove through Jackson. Eight to 10 shots were fired at the work ers by two whites in a car. No Dne was hurt. GREENWOOD, Aug. 15-Work er Silas McGee was shot and wounded while sitting outside a local cafe. Two whites drive up to the parked car McGee was 3 sitting in and shot him in the : left cheek. JACKSON, Aug. 15-PhilHock- er, summer worker, was badly beaten on the head with a baseball bat. JACKSON, Aug. 15 - A cross was burned about three blocks from the COFO office here. NOTE TO OUR READERS If you are receiving more than one STUDENT VOICE, or if your address is incorrect, please let us know. THE STUDENT VOICE Published Once A Week On Monday s At Atlanta, Fulton County, Ga. THREE OF THE FIVE BREWER brothers leave the courthouse in Tallahatchie County, Miss, after By STUDENT VOICE. INC. being the first Negroes to attempt to register to vote in that area since Reconstruction. 6 Raymond Street, N. W. Atlanta. Georgia 30314 STUDENT VOICE AUGUST 19, 1964- PAGE 3 THE WEEK IN PICTURES RESTAURANT OWNER LESTER MADDOX refuses to allow Ne groes into his business. Maddox was under Federal court order to desegregate. A. PHILLIP RANDOLPH, head of the Negro American Labor Council, addresses a Meridian Freedom School convention. NOTED FOLKSINGER PETE SEEGER (right) joins in singing "We Shall Overcome" at a rally in Hattiesburg along with Roger Johnson (left). NOW AVAILABLE ATLANTA, GA. -A 15-minute booklet on "The General Con taped radio program concerning dition of the Mississippi Negro" Mississippi is available to sta is available from the Atlanta tions, free of charge. SNCC office. The program contains taped The booklet details facts about interviews, letters from volun Mississippi, and outlines the teers and reports from SNCC in economic and educational status Mississippi. of Negroes in the state. The program is being prepared Available from theMississippi by the Los Angeles Friends of Freedom Democratic Party, Box SNCC. Those interested should 3127, in Jackson, is a 26-page JOHN O'NEAL (kneeling foreground) and Gil Moses (standing) contact Joseph Maizlish, 760 booklet on the MFDP, its back enact scene fro^ In White America' , one of the plays in the re Holby Ave., Los. Angeles, Calif., ground and future, as well as a pertory of the Free Southern Theater, which is currently touring 90024. history of all-white Democratic the state of Mississippi. politics in the state. ATLANTA, GA. -An 18 page PAGE 4 AUGUST 19, 1964 STUDENT VOICE portion of the population, (2) The CONVENTION regular party has been disloyal CONTINUED FROM PAGE 1 to the national party, (3) the FDP NEWS ROUNDUP Mississippi elections. Henry is loyal to the principles and and King ran for Governor and platform of the national party and will support the candidate of GREENWOOD, MISS. -A rights Hancock's Grocery in the Negro Lt. Governor last November. the national party. worker was shot and seriously community. It was reported that Mrs. Hamer ran for Congress in wounded while sitting in a car Hancock has been standing in the Second Congressional Dis Monday will mark the official outside a cafe. front of the store with a shot trict and Mrs. Gray for Senate opening of the convention. FDP Silas McGee, Greenwood, was gun threatening anyone who pick last June. leaders expect the Credentials Committee to make their report shot in the cheekbone by two eted in front of the door. Joseph Rauh, WashingtonD.C. on Tuesday. whites. The whites came up to Ricks had been beaten at Han attorney for the United Auto the car in which McGee was sit cock's Grocery a week before his Workers, a delegate and member ting stopped and shot. current arrest. of the credentials committee and RIGHTS SUIT McGee was carrying on a "one attorney for the FDP, said that CONTINUED FROM PAGE 1 man " effort to integrate the local ALBANY, GA. - A mass meet all means would be used to take movie theaters. Four weeks be ing turned into a riot here. The the fight to the floor of the con law and subject to cruel and in fore McGee was injured by flying meeting concerned the shooting vention if the Credentials Com human treatment." Named as defendants were glass after a white threw a bottle in the back of a local Negro. mittee does not recognize them. Gov. Paul Johnson, Lt.Gov. Car through the back window of a car The Negro, Wilbert Jones, was He explained that just 11 mem roll Gartin, Atty. Gen. Joe Pat McGee was in. At the time he shot-gunned in the back by a lo bers of the 108 member Cre terson, Public Safety Commis was leaving a formerly segre cal policeman. It was reported dentials Committee and then just sioner T.B. Birdsong and other gated theater. that Jones was stopped at a local eight of the 50 states could force unnamed officials. dump by police who had been a roll call vote on which dele The suit attacked laws which: called by the superintendent, be gation should be seated. AMERICUS, GA. -SNCC work cause someone had been shooting Restrict movement of citizens er Willie Ricks was arrested or. at bottles. and establish curfews. charges of violating the local It was reported that when one 10 DELEGATIONS BACK fDP Limit lashes applied to a con picketing ordinance. of the policemen grabbed his The FDP has the support of vict. Fifty to 60 people picketed at shoulder, Jones panicked and ran. nine state delegations plus the Permit counties and cities to different sites throughout the A policeman went to the squad District of Columbia. Six of the send overflow prisoners to the community. car, got his rifle, and shot Jones delegations — Colorado, Mas-' state penitentiary. Picketing has centered around in the back. sachusetts, Michigan,Minnesota, Regulate picketing. Oregon and Wisconsin — have Outline acts that constitute mandates from state conventions breach of the peace. to support the Freedom group. Require that jurors be voters. Three others — California, New Permit some charges that in York and Washington, plus the volve juveniles to be handled ii District of Columbia — have regular courts. their mandate from their state Close courthouses onSaturdays. executive committees. The Credentials Committee will Increase penalties that cities hold their first meeting Satur can impose from $100 and 30 day. At this time the Freedom days to $300 and 90 days. Delegation and the regular party Allow cities to create mutual will both be given one hour to pre aid pacts in emergencies. sent their case. Allow poll tax receipts without The Freedom Democratic Par tax payments for persons who ty is basing its brief on three wish to vote under the new anti- major points: (1) the regular par poll tax amendment. ty has consistently and systema Allow publication of the names tically disenfranchised and de of juvenile offenders in second Ella Baker keynoting the FDP convention. nied the right to vote to a large offense and permit colleges to consider juvenile court records in considering applications. Elim inate a provision that state -.« college accreditation be based on accreditation of the Southern Association of Colleges and Sec ondary Schools. Most of these laws were passed in the last session of the legis lature for the expressed purpose of hampering the Summer Pro ject. In the Aug. 5 STUDENT VOICE article, "FreedomSchoolsMiss- issippi," it was erroneously stated that Mrs. Carolyn Reese was administrator of theHatties- burg Freedom Schoos. The Freedom Schools in Hattiesburg are jointly administered and co ordinated by Mr. and Mrs. Arthur D|6J033 'yl 04UD|4V Reese. MN '433J4S puouiXoji 9 [jcunuajy H&^J CONTRIBUTORS Volume 5 Number \ Daniel Browei ir. Assistant Professor of His- HE ACTIVIST tory at Oberiin College. His special interest is in the French left. Contents William Cation is Visiting Associate Professor of Sociology, Oberiin College. Editorials Lepers, Liberals and later: The British Elections Thomas DernBurs is Economic Affairs Editor By Robert Kuttner of The Activist, Professor of Economics at Oberiin College, he is currently doing re Uncle Sam's Stepchildren search on unemployment at the University of By John Schaar and W. Carey McWilliams Michigan. SNCC: The Beginning of ideology Rays Disnayevskaya is the author of Marxism By Slaughter)' Lynd 11 and Freedom, frsm 177Q Until T»day, and other books. Author of numerous articles, lec The Stakes of Power turer on political affairs, she is a frequent By Therese Gastaut 13 contributor to The Activist. The Student. Riots at Berkeley—Dissent in the IVhsitiversity By Joseph Paff, Bill Cavala, Jerry Barman 15 Jonathan Eisen graduated Isst June from Oberiin College where he majored in Govern The Split-level Economy ment. Former editor of The Activist, he is cur rently engaged keeping himself and the mag By Hirschel Kasper 21 azine alive. Economic Policy Under President Johnson: Needs and Prospects By Thomas Dernburg 26 TherMi QMtaut teaches French at Oberiin College. An observer of the French political REVIEWS scene, Mile Gastaut has graduated from the Institute of political Science (Paris) and holds Interna! Contradictions the degree of Bachelor of Law. Her articles By Arthur Wright 28 hsve appeared frequently In leading French periodicals. Sociological Machinations By William Cation 30 Mirschal Kasper's teaches economics at Reason and Revolution vs Conformation and Technology Oberiin College (Economics Department). A frequent contributor to these pages, he has By Raya Dunayevskaya 32 written for numerous other journals in eco nomic affairs. Reunion and Reaction By Jonathan Eisen 34 Robert Kuttner is a senior government major Worid Communism in Transition at Oberiin College. For the past year he has By Daniel Brower .' 35 studied political science at the London School of Economics. Up From Ethnicity By Milt.cn Yinger 37 Staughton Lynd Is Associate Professor of His tory at Vale University and is a contributor to RECORDS Commentary. Transient Response By Robert Piron 39 Steven V. Roberta eraduated last June from Harvard University where he wrote on politics and other subjects tor the Haivard Crimson. Dennis Hale, Editor ADVISORY BOARD He now works at the Washington, D.C. Bureau of the Mew York Times. EDITORIAL BOARD John Harden Rennard Davis Thomas Dernbiirg (Economic Affairs Editor) Thomas Hayden jofon H. Scharr is Associate Professor of Po Jonathan Eisen litical Science at the University of California The Rev. Edward Jone (Berkeley) and is the author of Loyalty in Lawrence Felt David McReynolds America and Escape from Authority. Wilson Robert Frankel C. McWilliams is Instructor in Government, Carey McWilliams Ethan Get® Oberiin College. An Editor of The Activist, Jack Sessions he is the author of numerous articles and Hirschel Kasper Ronnie Somerlott reviews in national periodicals. Their analysis Wilson C. McWilliams of the 3360 election, "Uncle Sam Vanishes" Harold Taylor Robert Ober appeared in New University Thought, Vol. ). Norman Thomas No. 4, 1961. Joseph Papaleo (Literary Editor) Bruce Payne Arthur Wright is Instructor in Economics at Robert Piron (Music Editor) Oberiin College. His special field is the eco nomics of the Soviet Union Tom Wolanin Jonathan Wise Poller (International Affairs Editor) Steven V. Roberts Milton Yinger is one of America's most re spected sociologists. Among his forthcoming THE ACTIVIST is a bi-monthly periodical of political research and commen books are Toward a Filer! Theory of Behavior and An American Minority Group, both to be tary, published by The Activist Publishing Company, an educational, non-profit published by McGraw Hill; a third edition of corporation. Unsolicited manuscripts are welcome; kindly include a stamped, Racial and Cultural Minorities (with George E. self-addressed envelope with submitted material. (i Simpson) will be published by Harper and Copyright 1964 The Activist Publishing Company, 27% West College .Street, Row. Oberiin, Ohio, 4 1074. U.S.A. T H E A C T I V I S T referenda which impede rariitl integration. Candidates Northern cities might he lost. That little of this hap oppose civil rights at their peril. Racism is not -dead, pened- -that Goldwater, for example, received a minor but the signs are simple. Negroes, when racial issues ity of votes in the South as a region—suggests that are raised, vote with an impressive unanimity and most voters, negroes aside, do not regard ethnic issue* sophistication; racists do not—indeed, the "backlash" as fundamental. The voters, as so often in America, failed utterly to appear. have given the clue to the politicians: the new age is Yet liberals feared the backlash as much as con upon them, the new issues dominate the lives of men. servatives hoped for it. Typical of the dead imagina Politicians have certainly learned that it is folly to tion of American politics, they assumed race and play with the fire of race; it is doubtful that they ethnicity would pay their traditional roles in Ameri have learned the more positive lesson that 10G4 might can politics. The South might revolt en masse, the have served to teach them and the country they lead. w mmnmm By STAUGHTON LYND Five years ago this fall C. Vann Woodward pub intellectual who fully engages himself must emerge' lished an essay entitled "The Populist Heritage and with critical as well as positive responses, and hta" the Intellectual," directed against "the disenchant responsibility ends only when he has attempted to ment of the intellectual with the masses" so charac communicate these. teristic of the Eisenhower years. Woodward called on It is just here that inhibitions crowd in. For, to intellectuals to maintain the tradition • of Henry begin with, surely "the movement" is already mag George, Henry Demarest Lloyd and Upton Sinclair. nificently articulate? Its leaders are themselves writers and thinkers who had thrown themselves into scholars-in-action. James Forman left graduate work the popular movements of their day. He said: in African studies to go to Fayette County, Tennessee. One must expect and even hope that there will be Robert Moses, before he went to Mississippi, had future upheavals to shock the seats of power and majored in philosophy and mathematics at Haverford privilege and'furnish the periodic therapy that and. Harvard. The young man at the Jackson COFO seems necessary to the health of our democracy. office who, late on June 21, received the telephone re But one cannot expect them to be any more de port that Michael Schwerner, James Cheney arid corous or seemly or rational than their predeces sors. Andrew Goodman were missing, is a specialist in "The intellectual." Woodward concluded, "must not Japanese culture. The young woman who took my be alienated from the sources of revolt." place at the end of the summer as director of the Mississippi Freedom Schools had been an English in Woodward's article was itself part of a tradition: structor at the University of Washington. Now SNCC the prophetic tradition of American intellectuals who have called on their fellow-craftsmen to join them in even has its own research department, headed by Jack radical action. Emerson had issued such a call in his Minnis, a candidate for the doctorate in Political "American Scholar." He said, in 1887: "Action is Science at Tulane. SNCC offices are uniformly strewn with the scholar subordinate, but it is essential. With with magazines and paperback books. Nor is SNCC out it he is not yet man. Without it thought can never anti-intellectual in the manner of the Russian Narod- ripen into truth." Emerson went on: "Only so much niks, who were ready to exchange Shakespeare for a do I know, as 1 have lived. Instantly we know whose pair of boots. At the Oxford orientation session which words are loaded with life, and whose not." preceded the Mississippi Summer Project, Bob Moses I grasp the hands of those next me, and take my twice drew on Camus in public speeches: once, com place in the ring to suffer and to work, taught by paring race prejudice to the plague which infects an instinct, that so shall the dumb abyss be vocal every one; again, after the three were reported miss with speech. ing, to say that there was no escape from guilt, that The speech of which Emerson wrote, issuing from so long as the problem existed we would all be both shared suffering and action, and articulating what is victim and executioner. latent there, is not easy. It is all too easy to write Such a movement would seem to leave little more about one's summer in Mississipi: so many have. But to be said. But there are other inhibitions. Sometimes these reports rarely reach the level of intellectual one hesitates to speak because one has been asked not encounter. Too often their tone is merely adulatory, to. Thus I attended a SNCC staff meeting just before and consciously or unconsciously the fund-raising the Summer Project began, about which I feel free purpose hovers over the words. I believe that the to say only that it once more affirmed the position T HE ACTIVIST 11 '•;W1W!<&&m*#fflk® that SNCC staff members should not carry weapons. This dialogue is going on among full-time workers Sometimes one hesitates to speak because the thing ordinarily too overwhelmed by tomorrow's meeting to experienced appears to lie too deep for words. I at give their minds to the issues. Moreover, there is in tended a SNCC staff meeting at Oxford after the SNCC—along with the paperbacks, and the bull ses disappearance of the three which began with the sions, and the hostile-yet-nostalgic ambivalnce toward song "Come by here, Lord," verse after verse with higher education—a mystique of action which forever one person after another in the room taking the lead. interrupts the process of thinking ahead. What is in And that, is all I know to say about it. the making in the movement is simply a long-run plan, Yet there are times when one hesitates to speak a strategy, but talk of this sort tends to get labelled because one fears rejection, or because one feels that, "ideology." So the ideology which is beginning wears as a temporary participant, one has no right to speak, the end of ideology as a mask; and the movement or because (in the case of the civil rights movement, ' backs into the future with its eyes closed. and if one is white) the privilege of speaking seems What tends to be forgotten, it seems to me, is that appropriately to fail to those who have suffered in an ideology is an articulated hope. Movements need silence so long. At these moments, I feel, one is hope. Newcomers to Mississippi this summer were actually failing in commitment: holding back a part astonished that Northern .whites were so readily ac of oneself. The point is precisely that dialogue should cepted as teachers in the Freedom Schools, and that begin among al! of us as we really are, with all our Negro youngsters in Mississippi showed so little bit secret shames and hidden glories. The intellectual has terness and hate. Howard Zinn, discussing the prob a responsibility to take his place in the ring but also, lem with me, conjectured that the reason is that as Professor Woodward said, to "shape" and "try to Southern Negro youngsters still have hope that the make sense" of the movement, in which he participates American dream will come true for them, whereas (these words have patronizing overtones in this con children growing up in the Northern ghettoes see text, yet is it not the intellectual's job to shape and nothing ahead. I am inclined to go one step further, make sense of experience?). If the scholar-in-action and to argue that violence and black nationalism repudiates the role of participant observer, he should whether they express themselves in Harlem or among at least be an observant participant. Thoreau quar SNCC staff—are symptoms of despair about the fu relled with the abolitionist movement until, as he put ture. Many, if not most, SNCC staff members whom it, the memory of his country spoiled his walk; but I know believe with a part of their minds that the when he did speak out, in "A Plea for Captain John American dream can be realized, and moreover recog Brown," he spoke the more forcefully because he spoke. nize the value of this belief from the standpoint of with the whole of himself. He who aspires to be a. public, relations. Yet with another part of themselves man for all seasons must be prepared to recognize, they despair, feeling that so deeply prejudiced a so as More was, the season for plain speaking. ciety as ours can never create a permeating atmos The foregoing makes a pretentious preface to some phere of equality. jottings from a scholar's summer notebook: and yet The penalty for non-ideological thinking is an un it is the one thing I want most to say. There is now dercurrent of despair; a tendency to restrict the feus going on within SNCC, and within the civil rights of vision to the next, and the next, and the next movement generally, a fascinating intellectual fer tactical action; and a failure to make contact with ment. The need for broader alliances, uniting white groups who might be partners in a more broadly-con and black, North and South, is conceded on all sides. ceived movement. From one standpoint this can be Some talk of a Populist alliance between Negroes and viewed as a commendable pragmatism, a creative re labor, while others suspect the Administration of fusal to be drawn into stale political bickerings. But using the AFL-CIO bureaucracy to domesticate SNCC. it. can also be viewed as a withdrawal from reality: a There are those who think the Freedom Democratic. refusal to face such questions as, How can you win Party can compel Democratic re-alignment and that power in Mississippi as Negroes move North? Can every effort should be bent toward acceptance by the you get freedom if you don't get jobs also? Perhaps 1968 Democratic Party Convention. There are those, the fact that the Freedom Democratic Party paid so on the other hand, who believe that the FDP must much attention to being seated and so little to pro grow into a third party. Many speak of appealing to . gram reflected not just strategy, but the difficulty the United Nations, even of moving to Africa. Others SNCC itself experiences in facing programmatic prob think the movement should keep clear of all suspect lems. At a memorial service for Schwerner, Cheney and subversive causes. Many confess that they arc and Goodman in Neshoba County, where they were not prepared to die for a hamburger and the. vote, killed, Bob Moses condemned America's action in and see no answer to the Negro's problem but social bombing North Vietnam: he said the lesson of the ism. Bob Moses, in contrast, insists that his concern deaths was that men must stop killing. Yet at Atlantic is "limited gains," and Jim Forman agrees with his City Moses' party pledged allegiance to the man who former teacher, St. Clair Drake, thai the movement ordered the bombing. The dilemma of victim and exe should seek first the political kingdom. cutioner is literal and cruel. But must it not be faced ? 12 FALL 1»64 \ ONLY COPY IN EXISTENCE STEMBRIDGE \ffi~NOT MOVE TEACHERS MANUAL 1964 MISSISSIPPI FREEDOM SCHOOLS COFO PUBLICATION NO, LABOR DONATED TEACHERS MANUAL FOR THE 1964 MISSISSIPPI FREEDOM SCHOOLS PROGRAM TABLE OF CONTENTS AFREEDO M SCHOOLS: TOPICS AND TEACHING METHODS FREEDOM SCHOOLS CURRICULUM FOR UNIT VIII: THE COURSE ITSELF "SIGNIFICANCE OF THE FREEDOM RIDES AND THE SIT INS" FREEDOM SCHOOLS CURRICULUM FOR UNIT VIII: h«MHH M "W.MBK UN»Y y,FREEDO M SCHOOLS CURRICULUM FOR UNIT VIII: SUPPLEMENTARY MATERIALS FREEDOM SCHOOLS: UNIT VIII "READING'SIN NONVIOLENCE" FREEDOM SCHOOLS: TEACHING METHODS This is the situation: you will be teaching young people who have lived in Mississippi all their lives. That means that they have been deprived of decent educations^ from first grade to high school. It means that they have been denied free expression and free thought. MOST OF ALL - it means that they have been denied the right to question. lksxsxKKH3tkxpncps£KXH£xikKxEKKBdBmxSKkBaxsxx^ hKgXHxtnrxstBssrkxaitx ThxxxmKKHKxtkatxxisuxTciktxhxvHxtHxlsxiHSxiiHxkkHxsHKfaKS tkSXjSKKhiBniSyxthHxfHSKXXXSHitxtkHxkBHBS The purpose of jghe^ Freedom Schools: is to ksaekxtk help them begin to question, f This is not an easy job. Neither is it impossible. Deep inside, these young people possess the great creativity ... the desire for knowledge... and the wild hopes of all young people. You have to reach ikxx deep and tap these resources. What will they be jJLke? They will all be different - but they will have in common the scars of the system. Some will be cynical. Some will be distrustful. All of them will have a serious lack of preparation both with regard to academic subjects and contemporary issues - but all of them will have a knowledge far beyond their years. This knowledge XXXKKK is the knowledge of how to survive in a society that is out to destroy you*..is the knowledge of the extent of evil in this world. Because these young people possess such knowledge, they will be ahead of you in many ways. But this knowledge is purely negative; it is only half of the picture and, as far as the Negro is concerned, it is the first half. It has, in a sense, already been lived through. The old institutions are crumbling and there is great reason to hope for the first time. You will help them see this hope and inspire them to go after it. demand What will they Bsk? of you? They will demand that you be honest. Honesty is an attitude toward life which is communicated in everything you do. EHXXX tKKorksxx Since you, too, will be in a learning situation - honesty means that you will ask questions mtdtxKksHXKkKxsJdraxfcxraxxxxxKB: as well as answer them. It means that, if you don't Jaiow something, you will say so. IT T^ePt^rvs TtAfcT -HO'W v^v-u v^ot "fACT""" ^wf&flpfe- Pi WET \N> vUs- ^TTxmr-r T<> OcmpETiSA-TO Remember this: vthese young people have been taught by the system noab to trust. You VvftM-b 4-Q \>t TRUST-Koftrtrl, rt'i> THftr SiOifW Secondly, there is very little f^1- if anything you can teach them about prejudice and segregation. They know. \V\DJV; What you can and must do is help them develop ideas and associations and tools tlVDMJU' with which they can do something about prejudice and segregation. i^x'vACs^ How? We can say that the key to your teaching will be honesty and creativity. Gd&'U"S We can mntxkxxK prepare materials for you and make suggestions as to teaching (Votxox,«sai' method. Beyond that, it is tmcxyra your classtroom. We will/assist whenever f 4-L^-w askedxxKEXKiltxHstxkaakxavsK^rxHUExskHukdHKXx be happy to . -W< How? You will discover the way - because that is why you have come. Some suggestions on teaching methods: Since the Freedom Schools constitute a very special teaching situation, we have spent a great deal of time determining the best teaching method and approach to the material. Several fawtors were considered: lack of preparation oji the part of the students, lack of extensive teaching experience/on tne^pafxof the'"teachers, and the relatively short span of teaching time available duringthe summer. We make the following suggestions, not as hard and fast rules, but as guidelines-for all of us engaged in helping these studentso Thexx sggestions below pertain specifically to ikorxsxikHXKKHaxndt the teaching of contemporary issues, but are relevant to other aspects of the curriculum. Teaching approach: problem—solving through case studies dealing with relevant political, economic and social issues. Example: rather than discussing The Concept of Automation, you discuss the story of Jamie Whitten and the Tractors 4'SKSxdRsnxijatiHHxaHXHsxt-BJias^:; rather that discuss the Concept of Economic Pressure as such, you talk about Capitol Street in Jackson and how xixxikH many of the stores have been closed down. The students will begin to understand these concepts, but as realities. Advantages of this approach: 1. The materials will be directly related to the students' experiences and life situation in Mississippi. As a result, they will more rapidly and thoroughly learn. 2. As the students begin to make associations and as they see the whole pattern of our society emerge, they will be highly stimulated to ask , and to act. It will begin to make "sense" for the first time>»^;'..T~ft"mJk- 3. This approach is based on sharing experiences which simply means that St*» students are directly involved in teaching-learning...as ops they are never in theusual teaching methods of textbooks and tests. 4. The case study approach compensates for the lack of experience of many of the teachers since it focuses on those being taught and the method of teaching rather than on the teacher himself. 5. The approach is open-ended, allowing for maximum use of good audio visual materialsxxsdMtx and owfel*highly creative learning tools. 6. The approach allows for real dialogue among students and between students and teachers which, more than anything else, constitutes a learning situation. tfbf F/2£206sr> ^SCHOOLS JB-4rTT~Tr9—lr&=&—^T3SOSP4W£ METHODS Topics: The following will be a description of the cases with some suggestions as to the directions of the topics. These directions are only initial sug gestions for it will be the task of the researcher to thoroughly work out all the implications of a given problem* 1* Issues Jamie Whitten and the Tractors Description: This involves a decision by Congressman Jamie Whit ten of Miss issippi, to introduce a tractor training program into an area of the state* The program would have relied upon Negro laborers but since the political stakes were very high, the situation has become extremely involved. Ramifications: Automation— Mrs. Hamer's campaign (She is a Negro citizen of Miss, who is running against Mr. Whitten in the forthcoming congressional elections in the state) — political power and interest groups — intrastate politics — federal programs, their use and misuse> Researcher: Robert -jtociro /=5£y?/yx. , 2» Issue: Mrs, Hamer*s Campaign Jjfemifications: National politics — Political parties and the National Conventions — The Miss. Delegations — Voter .registration and Freedom Registration — COFO: — its development and value j its relationship to power inpolitics — Mrs. Earner's platform. ^f^/^/V^rre foNG- Researchers: Work-study group, Dona Richards Moses, Mendy Samstein* Jesse Morris 3* School Boycotts in Mississippi ( Hattiesburg, Canton) Ramifications: School boycotts in Northern cities— Techniques of the movement in the north ie rent strike — Chicago's relationship to Miss. — Slum ghetto areas inthe north ie how do the ghettoes of Chicago compare with Miss* — evaluation of Hiss. Schools and other segregated schools Materials: Textbooks covering the same topic can be compared (northern- southern); tapes are avialable from from Haryou and Peggy and Noel Day in Boston. Researchert Roohelle Horowitz 1 / 4. Hattiesburg Deomonstrations with respect to Communications and Public Relations Ramifications: Press Releases :how to write them., where to send them - cpmparison of northern and southern account of the same incident; r freedom of the press north and south: what are its powers and how does it operate -• what ia the reed for rairis'ders and students from the north- - what are the effects of these northerners upon demonstrations and police action. Researcher: Sandy Leigh 5. How the Power Structure Works Ramifications: Interlocking power - how the establishment gets established - sovereignty commission - corporate structure northern businesses and corporation in the south - the effect of northern sympathy demonstrations ie Wall St. Piclret Researcher: Jack Mennis ( he has been doing research already in the area of corporate structure in the south, and should be able to choose an appropiate case study) 6. John Hardy's Case \ / Ramifications: Appeals and tvhey Court - legal precidents - Intervention and the power of the federal government { Researcher: Tim Jenkins ,I 7.Civil Rights Bill Ramifications: Where do they originate, how do they get passed Forces which produced the present bill - The effect of the bill for Mississippians if it is passed - comparison of speeches for the bill with speeches against the bill - What is the sig nificance of the filibuster, a lobby, and cloture - What are the implications of Sen. Russell's Relocation Speech -What are the nonracial implications of the bill. Researcher: ^^-^Hrggf^"^r5r? 10. Hazard, Kentucky Researcher: M1 r#i»>nt-. ffor^pgftjM'iT MtTdBa^Hfefcafccm T Haarfc* Sinclair 11. New coverage of a racial incident such as MadgacEvers death or the M nroe "kissing case" USUDV'S HUe*v< 1)£F>TI4 Ramifications: International implication of racial discrimina tion in this country by comparison of coverage of American a~i i * Researcher: Bubbi Y*wuij) - A L IDEAS PROFESSIONAL ASSISTANCE Via the Atlanta office of SNCC and via COFO, we are contacting various professional persons regarding their contribution to the Freedom Schools Program,, We have contacted Joan Baez, Bob Dylan, the New World Singers, and will be talking with Odetta and Pete Seeger. The Mississippi Free Theatre people, mainBy John O'Neal and Gil Moses, have agreements from drama editors, playwrights, directors, and actors - to come and spend time with the Theatre as it goes on the road through rural Mississippi. We will ask the folksingers to travel around to the Freedom Schools and perform, as well as just being there so the students can talk with them and share ideas. This should be great stimulation for the students0 At some break during the summer, probably between the first and «econd terms of the day freedom schools, we will have a folk festival,. Many talented people will be in and out of Mississippi during the course of the summer,, Teachers in Freedom Schools should give serious considera tion to how these people can best be used in the program, should especially consider that these people are dedicated to the movement and have a great deal to offer both in their special talents and as persons...attention should be given to this latter aspect and the artists will want to be able to participate in the general program and not only as singers,etc. It will be a considerable sacrifice that these people come to Mississippi - even briefly© We expect them to do that and they expect to be asked to come0.. but it is very important that they be allowed the chance to make their fullest contribution. This requires creative thought on the part of the Freedom Schools personnel. OVJO . MAY 16, 1965 Richard Pokier on Wharton and James 8The &irafta}> Nelson Algren on jack Kerouac David Lavender on A. B, Guthrie jr. WSBBWW VOL. 2, NO. 36 L*ubli ibed «r. New York HeraM Tribune Inc., ?30 West 41st St.. N« 10036. t'.OO r-er year, foreign countries $3,00, Se >>tage paid at New Vo; INTRUDERS IN THE DUST To plant the seeds of liberation in a violent land, they marched—and fell By Stiaughton Lynd IHRE* UVES FOR MISSISSIPPI. Sy Mttam Bradford Huie. at the Mt. Zion Church in Neshoba County; because Illustrated. WCC Books. JS4 pp. $4.95. on the night of June 16 a mob burned the church and MISSiSSSPPi: Th* Long Hot Summer. By William HoCard. Ner- beat several of its deacons; because on June 21, after ton. 222 pp. $4.50. 29 hours of driving from the Summer Project orien THE S4JMfv!Ef? THAT MSHT END, ey Lea Holt Morrow. 351 tation in Ohio, Schwerner learned for the first time pp. $5. of the beatings and impulsively hastened to the scene; INTEGRATION AT OLE MISS. By Ruasei! H, Barrett Isiustrated. Quadrangle Bocks. 270 pp. £4.95, because after Deputy Sheriff Cecil Price arrested the LETTERS FROM MISSISSIPPI. Edited by Elizabeth Sutherland. three boys at 4 p. m., the murderers were immediately McGraw-Hill. 280 pp. $4.95. informed; because the FBI and Justice Department, STEP Si STEP: Evolution and Opwtan 0< sfta C«nwi-J Students' despite repeated calls from civil rights offices, failed to Civil-Rights Project in T«w*ssat», Summer, 1364. By Fayetts contact Philadelphia, Mississippi, authorities before 10 County Preject Vsluntoaie. Edited by Douglas Dcwd & Mary p. m.; and perhaps because, after their release from jail, Nichols. Photographs ijy Hick Lawrence. Norton. 128 pp. $3.95; a police car signaled them to stop as they drove back paoerbound, $1.45. toward Meridian. Mickey Schwerner, as his wife told At Cornell he persuaded his fraternity to admit its Huie, "was incapable of believing that a police officer first Negro member. After a year at the Columbia ia the United States would arrest him on a highway School for Social Work he was hired as a youth for the purpose of murdering him, then and there, in worker by the Hamilton-Madison House in Xew the dark." York City's Lower East Side. He joined CORE, and They were killed, finally, because America is a more was arrested with his wife Rita for picketing a Man barbarous country than we are prepared to admit. hattan building project that excluded Negroes. When And the murderers, whose movements and even con the settlement house directors decided they had no versation were fully described to Huie by eyewitnesses, authority to spend funds on transportation to the have still not been brought to justice, March on Washington, he got money from his father anOue^wt) buses so that 90 youngsters froru the Huie, a native of northern Alabama who has re- neighborhood could go. After the Birmingham bomb- ported many Southern crimes of violence (the book opens with a staggering account of the castration oi irfTEGKATIQN AT OLE MISS. By Ru$s*;; H, BarraU. Illustrated. oi the beatings and impulsively hastened to the scene; Quadrangle Books. 270 pp. $4.95. because after Deputy Sheriff Cecil Price arrested the LETTERS FROM MISSISSIPPI. Edited by IfflmrtUllfl MfcMimt McSraw-Hsii, 280 pp. $4.93. three hoys at 4 p. m., the murderers were immediately STEP BY STE?: Evoiuttofl and Operation of fee Cornell Students' informed; because the FBI and Justice Department, Civil-Rights Project «n Tennestes, Sarnmw, 19S4, By Fayetts despite repeated calls from civil rights offices, failed to County Project Volunteers. Edited 6? Douglas Dowd & Mary contact Philadelphia, Mississippi, authorities before 10 Nichols. Photographs by -Ntek LMMNW. Norton. 128 pp. $3.95; p. m.; and perhaps because, after their release from jail, paperbound, $1.45. a police car signaled them to stop as they drove back At Cornell he persuaded his fraternity to admit its toward Meridian. Mickey Schwerner, as his wife told first Negro member. After a year at the Columbia Huie, "was incapable of believing that a police officer School for Social Work he was hired as a youth m the United States would arrest him on a highway worker by the Hamilton-Madison House in Xew for the purpose of murdering him, then and there, in York City's Lower East Side. He joined CORE, and the dark." was arrested with his wife Rita for picketing a Man They were killed, finally, because America is a more hattan building project that excluded Negroes. When barbarous country than we are prepared to admit. the settlement house directors decided they had no And the murderers, whose movements and even con authority to spend funds on transportation to the versation were fully described to Huie by eyewitnesses, March on Washington, "he got money from his father have still not been brought to justice. ^^^^ and hired two buses so that 90 youngsters from the Huie, a native of northern Alabama who has re neighborhood could go. After the Birmingham bomb ported many Southern crimes of violence (the book ings he decided to move South, The executive director opens with a staggering account of the castration of of the settlement says he ''seemed to need to prove his an Alabama Negro), writes with restrained indigna manhood to himself." A fellow-worker says he "was tion and a feel for Southern realities. Thus, he argues the gentlest man I have ever known." His name was that Schwerner was unmolested in Meridian because Michael Schwerner. He was murdered on June 21, local businessmen, wanting to safeguard the town's 1964-, in Mississippi. image, instructed the police to protect him. In certain I was the director of the Freedom School compo details—for example, in believing that Chaney was nent of the 1964 Mississippi Summer Project, and I not brutally beaten at the scene of the murder—Huie realize now that the school end of the project began differs from others who have described the triple kill when Mickey Schwerner arrived in Mississippi in ing. But given the impotency of the segregated South January. He and Rita were assigned to Meridian. ern jury system, Three Lives For Mississippi comes There they started a community center, borrowing as close to the truth of one part of last summer's story much from their training and experience in the North as we are ever likely to get. but insisting (in Rita Schwerner's words) that: "We can't help you. We can only help you to help your Who can tell the story of last summer in Missis selves. Unless you arc willing to work and to take sippi? Mississippi: The Long Hot Summer by William risks, the Movement can't succeed/' When I first vis McCord, visiting professor from Stanford, and The ited Mississippi in April, 1964, I was startled to see Summer That Didn't End by Len Holt, veteran civil on the sidewalk a Meridian teen-ager wearing a T-shirt rights lawyer, provide over-all narratives. The quiet that said: "FREEDOM NOW." Now I Team from success of University of Mississippi professor Russell William Bradford Huie's Three Lives for Mississippi Barrett in securing admission for Cleveland Donald, a that Mickey ordered those T-shirts for the pickets who Negro student, as narrated in Integration at Ole Miss, obtained the first Movement-created job for a Merid paralleled the summer's more spectacular campaigns ian Negro by boycotting a variety store. and foreshadowed the process of adjustment by which Mississippi has begun to accept the inevitable. But I Michael Schwerner, James Chaney and Andrew am sure these authors would agree that to live through Goodman were killed, says Huie, because in mid-May such a hunk of history as last summer in Mississippi organized terrorists decided the "Jew-boy" Schv/er- is to realize once and for all the inadequacy, the inevi ner should die; because a Freedom School was planned table misplaced concrete- (Continued on page 12) sro«»ii3i«i8i«»w»»a»»»'a^ Intruders in the dust V Intruders in the dust (Continued from page 12) volunteers came to under (Continued from page 1) minutes they were completely 70 per cent of the population stand this dream more deeply. ness, of all written "history." at ease." Students who them and more than 50 per cent of "For the first time in my life," The students come closest to selves felt shut out from their the registered voters, their can a Radcliffe student wrote, "I the whole truth. Their Letters society's decision-making were didate was defeated last Au am seeing what it is like to he From Mississippi, edited by overcome by the excitement of gust 6 by a vote of two to one. poor, oppressed, and hated. And Elizabeth Sutherland, SNCC's watching poor people begin to ft is important that we under what I see here does not apply New York office director, in the direct their own destinies. stand how this happened. Step only to Gulfport or to Missis- understated style which charac The final stage in FDP or by Step stresses that all of the dppi or even to the South. , . . terizes the organization, will be ganization was a statewide con 300 election officials were The people we're killing' in the future, historian's richest vention at Jackson in early whites; that between 500 and Vietnam are the same people single source for what happened August. The fear and terror 1,000 Negroes were prevented whom we've been killing for in the South last summer. The of the summer began to give from registering by illegal de years in Mississippi." SNCC's Mississippi volunteers were not way to a deep joy. "All of us lays; that Negro pollwatchers Bob Moses, speaking at a serv naive sacrificial Iambs: they here," a student participant were ejected at almost every ice for Schwerner, Chaney and recognized that one purpose of wrote, "are pretty emotional precinct in the county: that, at Goodman, observed that the their going was to "give the about the names of the coun many precincts, Negroes were bodies had been found on project more projection and ties of Mississippi. Amite and not allowed to witness the the day newspapers reported bring the justice Dept. into Sunflower and Tallahatchie counting of the ballots; that, American bombing of North Mississippi." They were not have always meant where this at some precincts, whites were Vietnam. He said that what we alienated beatniks; they felt one was shot, where this allowed in to vote ahead of must learn from all these deaths they were responding to a prob one was beaten. . . . Hut on long lines of Negroes; that of is to stop killing. J$ lem greater than Mississippi: Thursday Amite and Talla ficially designated polling places "the sore is not just segregation hatchie and Sunflower and Ne were altered without prior no but the general dehumanization shoba didn't mean another tice; that Negroes attempting of American life." Above all man's gone. They meant people to write in the name of a local they believed—and this is the are voting from there, it. meant Negro for district constable trademark of the new radicalism were not allowed to do so, even —that ideals must be translate*! though their procedure was into action, here and now. correct. The justice Depart ment replied to complaints on The volunteers sensed, first all these heads that it lacked in the SNCC staff at Oxford • i •• jurisdiction, which presumably and then in the Negroes of would not be the case under Mississippi, a wisdom born of the new legislation. endurance that had something to say to all Americans. One • ..,-> %' Ai-. > '•' .-J" In Len Holt's view, the Mis of them wrote of the students' people who work 14 hours a sissippi Project did not end: it encounter with Mississippi Ne day from sun-up to sun-down "became a living thing" and will groes: they "sit at their feet picking cotton and live in homes go on living. Yet most of the wondering at this sorrow- freed with no plumbing and no paint, projects which made up the and made beautiful, sensing were casting ballots to send a Project are now limping. Co dimly in themselves a similar delegation to Atlantic City." ordination from the Congress pain but knowing, dimly, that Professor McCord thinks that of Federated Organizations they have bound and frustrated the FDP should have accepted (COFO) office in Jackson is it by their fear of it." the token seating offered as a weak. SNCC's geographical fo cus has shifted from Missis The main task of the sum compromise by the Democratic sippi to Alabama. Of last sum mer was to "freedom register" convention. A volunteer wrote mer's programs, only the FDP's adult Negroes who were unable from Rttleville on August 30: "This morning I was just in challenge to the Democratic na to register at the courthouse, tional convention has grown, the middle of doing some wash in order to challenge the le expanding into the current chal ing when in marched Mrs. gitimacy of the regular Missis lenge of Mrs. Hamer and other [Fannie I.ou] Hamer [a driv sippi delegation to the national Freedom "Congresswomen" to Democratic convention. It was ing force in the FDP], sweat the Mississippi Congressmen hard : "Yesterday we canvassed. beading her face, dressed in "legally" elected. The question . . . One lady couldn't work be old flat shoes and a short cot is, what was accomplished? cause she had cm her leg badly ton dress . . . and launched with the hoe while chopping into [an] account of the Con For one thing, Mississippi is cotton, and her leg was full of vention. . . . She said how dis now a safer place. Letters From stitches. She lived in a two- illusioned she was to find hy Mississippi ends with a letter room unpainted shack (kindly pocrisy all over America. . . . from a civil rights worker liv provided by the management). She insisted that the FDP ing in Philadelphia, where pre You climbed on the porch by would have been prepared to viously rights workers never stepping on a bucket—there split the votes with the regular spent the night, in Amite Coun were huge holes in the porch Democrats, but that two votes ty, where Herbert. Lee and for the unwary. The woman at large was no deal." Lewis Allen were murdered, a was sitting dejectedly on the Mississippi Negroes will get Freedom School is beginning. bed as she couldn't walk very the vote, as the good song says, The state government, local well. She was surrounded by some day. The experience of a businessmen, and the new re shy children, some of them smaller summer project ju*>t gional office of the FBI appear naked. We tried to explain north of the state line in Ten to be working together to re what Freedom Registration nessee provides an unhappy strain violence. meant." glance at what may lie beyond What Holt calls "the experi The Freedom Democratic even a new voting law. Step by ence of being in the South and Party (FDP) became more real Step, a book illustrated and being creative" has left us with as people overcame their fear produced with a sensitivity that more courage to face inhuman to participate in precinct and speaks for its authors as clearly ity anywhere. In requesting county meetings. In Vicksburg as do their words, chronicles CORE to send herself and her "soon people were excited about an election campaign for sher husband South, Rita Schwerner the prospects of the party and iff in Fayette County. Tennes concluded: "My hope is to some neighbors were talking to see has no literacy or poll tax: day pass on to the children we neighbors about the 'New its laws provide what Dr. King- may have a world containing Thing.'" In Columbus the pre is asking for in Alabama- that more respect for the dignity cinct meeting "was the first a resident 21 years old may and worth of all men than that political experience for those vote. But in Fayette County, world which was willed to us." who attended," but "within ten where Negroes make up a!x>ut The (Continued on page 13) BOOK WEEK May 16, 1965 STUDENT NONVIOLENT COORDINATING COMMITTEE 6 E.xYMOuD bTREJI i\.\b. ^.TL.HTdi ' CHORO'Id* 30314 BRIEF ILdJlxOR.,IdDUi-l 01, i'_;D^IL.L CIVIL RIGHTS .HJTHuRITY I. L(d.l .H'THJRITY OF TIL. FEDERAL C-OVER. MEET ITT OR HITTERS. The principle areas in which the federal .307erument is au thorized to go into court to protect civil rights is that of the vote. The main law is section 1971 of Title 42 of the U.S. Code. This section was amended by the Civil Rights E'ct of 1957 and fur ther amended by the Civil Bights ,.ct of I9 60. £~s the section now stands the federal government can do the following: (1) -sk the federal court for injunctions to prevent intimidation of people attempting to register to vote or to do any other act in connection With the right to vote, (2) Request the appointment of voting referees to register persons denied the right to vote, and (3) ^sk for whatever orders are necessary to fully guarantee the right to vote. Suits under this section may also be brought by private per sons—however, there is some doubt as to the court's pov/er to ap point voting referees when the suit is so initiated; the better view of the law would appear to be that the court has such inher ent power in any case. The most dramatic use of section 1971 was in a recent suit in Halifax Co., Horth. Carolina, where the private parties request ed and received extremely far-reaching relief. The Federal Dis trict judge apparently ordered the registrar to (1) hire addi tional deputy registrars; (2) process the applications for regis tration at the rate of no less than one every five minutes; (3) directed the FBI to observe the registration process and report back to the court; (4) directed the federal mershalls to protect prospective registrants; and (5) ordered the federal district attorney and the Justice Department to come into the case. The relief granted in this suit by private parties apparently exceeds that achieved bjr the Justice Department in any of its numerous cases, (ilowever, the Justice Department's Civil Rights Division was successful in securing rather far-reaching relief in the Pano la County, Mississippi, case, U.S. v. Duke, a few days ago.) The referee procedure can be enormously effective if properly done. (See rer.iarks of the Honorable James Corman, page 1593, Congressional Record, Feb 1, 1964. another key provision of lav; protecting the right to vote is, of course, the 15th amendment to the constitution. This may be useful in some cases. In any case, voting or otherwise, in which a person inter feres with or otherwise obstructs the effectiveness of a Federal Court order he may be fined up to .,,,1,000 and imprisoned for no more than one year. This orovision was added by the Civil Bights let of 1960. (Section 1509, Title 10, U.S. Code.) 2- That same Act also made it a Federal crime to flee across state lines to avoid persecution for attempting to or damaging or destroying any building, dwelling, house, church, or edu cational institution or in connection with any such crime. More importantly, anyone having any connection whatsoever with the use of any explosive material in connection with damaging 6r destroying any such buildings commits a Federal crime. Also of great importance is the section which makes it a crime to threaten in any way whatsoever the damage or destruction in any manner of such buildings. (Sections S37 and 1074, Title IS U.S* Code.) section 19S7 of Title 42 of the U.S. Code requires all fed eral judicial officials such as U.S.. attorneys, Harshalls and Commissioners to arrest and prosecute all persons violating any of the older civil rights statutes. This section has been largely ignored by the Justice Department and other Federal officials. Under section 1992, the President has the power to order the judge, marshall, and U.S. District Attorney of any judicial district to go immediately to any place in their district and to arrest and try any person violating any of the older civil rights laws. (Tho older civil rights laws include sections 241 and 242 of Title IS, which are the statutes making it e crime to deprive any person of his Constitutional rights.) Section 241 of Title 18 of the U.,. Code makes it a crime for two or more persons to conspire to deprive or intimidate any person in the employment of his Constitutional rights or rights secured by the laws of the Unites States. Section 242 of Title 18 makes it a crime for any person, one or more, under color of law to deprive any other person of rights secured by the Consitution or laws of the United States. Section 243 makes it a crime for any person in any manner to be a party to discrimination on account of race in the selection of any jury, state or federal. Although 241 and 242 have been restrictively interpreted by the courts, they still have not begun to be used by the Justice Department to the extent that their validity merits in police brutality cases. The Justice Department's Civil Rights Division has repeat edly taken the position that since southern juries will not convict, almost no prosecutions 7ri.ll be brought under Section 242 of Title 18. It also should be noted that there aremany suits and types of action that cannot be brought by the U.S. Government, but can only be brought by private persons. Such actions, for example, are school integration suits. In these cases when a court order is obtained, it may then be necessary for the federal government to become a party to the suit in order to insure the enforcement of the court order. This was true in the Meredith case. II. ^UT^U-.IVY -OR IHE USJJ OF FORC^ EY TxE. F^D-E^L GOVERNMENT IN CIVIL RIGHTS 1E-.TTERS A. Authority for the use of marshals and the FBI. The Federal marshal and his deputies, in executing the laws of the United states within a sate has the same powers that a sheriff of that state has in enforcing the state laws. (Sec tion 549, Title 20, U.S. Code.) Both U.s. marshals and agents of the Fiji are authorized to (1) carry firearms; (2) serve war rants and subpoenas; (3) make arrests without warrants and on the snot for any offense against the United States committed in their presence; and (4) arrest for any felony under the laws of the United states if they have reasonable grounds to believe that tjtie person to be arrested has committed or i_s committing such fel ony, (sections 3052 and 3053, Title 18, U.s. Code.) This power has almost never been used in even the most blatant violations of the U.S. civil rights criminal statutes. B. d^uthority for the Use of Troops or whatever Force is Necessary. The Federal Government, through the person of the President, has more than ample authority to make sure that the Constitution and the laws of the United States relating to the civil rights of all its citizens are enforced and scrupulously adhered to. Section 332 of Title 10 of the U.S. Code provides is follows: 'Use of militia end armed forces to enforce Federal authority. whenever the xJresident considers that unlawful obstruc tions, combinations, or assemblages, or rebellion against the authority of the United states, make it impracticable to en force the laws of the United states in any state of Ter ritory by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, he may call into Federal service such of tne militia of any State, and use such of the armed forces, as he considers necessary to enforce those laws or to suppress the rebellion. (--xUg. 10, 1956, ch. 1041, 70.i Stat. 15. ) • It is to be noted that this section is one of enormous power, since the President may use troops to enforce the laws even though it is only ''impracticable to enforce the laws of the United States in any state or territory b_y_ the ordinary course of Judicial pro ceedings ." such conditions clearly exist today and have existed for many years in many Southern states such as Mississippi and Alabama. The statute plainly says that when effective enforce ment of the laws of the United states is not obtained through the courts, then troops may be used. Another", more specific, section is Section 333 of Title 10 of the U.s. Code: Interference with state and Federal Law. The President, by using the militia or the armed forces, or both, or by any other means, shall take such measures as he considers necessary to suppress, in a State, any insurrec tion, domestic violence, unlawful combination, or consniracy, if it-- 4- (1) so hinders the execution of the laws of that otate, and of the United otates within the otate, that any part or class of its people is deprived of a right, privilege, immunity, or protection named in the Constitution and secured by law, and the constituted authorities of that otate are unable, fail, or refuse to protect that right, privilege, or immunity, or to give that protection; or (2) opposes or obstructs the execution of the laws of the United states or impedes the course of justice under those laws. In any situation covered by clause (1), the state shall be considered to have denied the equal protection of the laws secur ed by the Constitution. (AUS« 10, 1956, ch. 1041, 70A otat. 15.)'''' section 333 is of considerable power and is normally invoked to gether with section 332 to send in troops in racial situations such as the Little Rock and Oxford crises. However, the important point is that both of these sections are far, far broader than those limited situations; and the sections fully authorize much more extensive use of troops to rectify the existing conditions in such states as Mississippi and Alabama. It is to be noted, however, that immediately prior to invoking either Section 332 or 333, the Presi.ent, pursuant to Section 354, must issue a proclamation ordering those persons blockin_; the execution of laws to cease such action. (Frequently, this require ment is complied with by simply signing the proclamation paper a few minutes prior to the 55 Prepared by Attorney illiam Higgs N0N*i4AT3RIAL TEACHI G SUGGESTIONS (but plenty of paper FOR FREEDOM SCHOOLS and pencils) Hy preference is for de-emphasizing the teaching of reading (spelling or grammar) as a separate skill unless £ks a student, of his own volition, specially requests it. In general, a high school student will probably learn more, frodi speaking, reading, and writing about his own thoughts or a particular subject he himself is interes ted in. Two students working to0ether can often teach and learn more gx^ixxxxx^x^y^Eix^xaixjixxxxxxxfx^x from each other than you can teach either of them separately. But you should always be available to an swer questions (if you can) or act as umpire if needed. Specifically, a student or students might be asked to do any of the following: 1. Write up reactions to, or a summary of, a class discussion. 2. Report to the class on something he, or the}*-, have studied on their own or worked on specially with you or a specialist (e.g. in i.iath, science, art, or politics). 3. Teach games or reading,or anything needed, to younger child ren in a Community Center and report this in detail for the class. 4. Report for, and edit, a newspaper to exchange with other Freedom Schools. 5. Report or exchange information in any form on on any subject that may occur to you or them (e.g. their work on Voter Reg.) You will want to fit the form of presentation to the particular stu dent -- a written report for him to read to the class, or which you or another student might read to the class, or an oral report to the class, with or without demonstration (of a scientific experiment, an artistic creation or anything else. I would suggest not correcting gramaar or spelling for the first few days unless a student asks you to (and means it). Students will probably criticize each other on these mechanics, and this is better. You will have to ^ud^e which students need to be protected, by you, from too much fellow-student criticism to soon. Some may not be able to bring themselves to read aloud or speak before the class. You should judge when, if ever, it is time to push them a little to make a try at it. Try never to embarrass a student before! his fellows. Some students will be unable to express their thoughts adequately in writing if you insist upon proper spelling. Others will be uncom fortable if you do not enable them to spell everything properly as they write it down. For these students, you should be ever-present to furnish them with the words they need. Such a student might have a notebook in which he could copy and keep track of any word you furnished for him. {fo\x could write it on a slip of paper as he xx asked for it.) Generall}?- speaking, I would not say ,fGo look it up in the dictionary5' if a student asks how to spell a word. (Try looking up a word like colosal? calosel? collasol? if you don't know its spelling, and you'll see what I mean.) -2- *7e are really more concerned with content and clarity of thought (in the student's own meaningful language) than With grammar and spelling. I think this point has a particular importance in areas where the public school teachers have been hesitant to deal in ideas — because then there is a tendency for the teachej? to fall back on stressing mechanics. (By the same token, if you are fresh from the halls of ivy, watch to keep j^ourself from falling back on jargon or vague: ,abstract terms when the ideas get hot or you're not sure exactly what you want to say .) If you feel that a particular student is free enough in expres sing his ideas that you can afford to push him in the areas of spel ling and grammar, the newspaper might be a good place for him to practice it. I think the newspaper would be one place where you could require precision in spelling and grammar, and perhaps (?) a more formal stj^le of writing. Students who were not up to this could write newspaper stories which could be edited by other students. I think the rule of thumb for this whole area of write en(and oral) expression might be: Help your student to use his language for clear com mnication, but hesitate to change matters of style — unless it's your star student who's working on style. READING MATERIALS AT VARIOUS LEVELS: If you do not have reading material which matches your (each) student — and content is at least as important as reading level — I would suggest your having the students write their own material. Your labor is likely to bear more fruit if they, rather than 3^ou, do the writing. If you want to study a difficult novel, read it aloud to them, or have a student who enjoys reading aloud and does it well do part of the reading. As 3^ou read, encourage interruptions for questions and discussion. Then you can have a, some, or all students write summaries or critiques or whatever you want. Read them aloud in class (each his own, perhaps) and discuss content. If "it turns out to be something great, you cantk have theia students edit the material and perhaps exchange a volume with another freedom school. (It doesn't have to be mimeographed, it could be a single handwritten and illustrated volume.) For non-literary subjects, it is usualTy much better if you study the material in advance and tell it rather:' than reading it to the students. Then go on with the writing and discussion, as above, if you want to. Your telling,with your own comments and asides, is a thousand times more captivating to a student than reading the material aloud. You can modify the above for math as well as history, science, etc. Students making up math problems for other students to solve will often make up more difficult ones than you or the book would have dared — and if the problem-maker ' has gotten too fancy, you can always pull the dirty trick of making him solve his own! (But do it friendly-like I) These things need not be done by the whole class, Two or three students might do them separately or together — and if it turned out we'll they might present the results to the class. -3- All of this working over and over on the same material (talk, write, read, discuss, etc.) may seem hard to you . at first, but I think you will not find it a waste of time. One of the very important parts of the process of learning is to approach-the same material from many angles and in many media. You may not (will not, I should say) get through the whole of the citizenship curriculum if you work this way, but you'll leave your students with something real to hang onto When you're gone. HOMEWORK: I'm against it — unless a student asks for it. These kids may be working at home or at a job or on 2 voter registration. What they can't do in school hours is probably better left undone. And your own time is better spent in preparing particular material for a particular student,or for all jnpur students, than in correcting old, dead homework. The beauty of in-school work is that you can work over it with a student as he goes along and guide him or support him so he won't make mistakes. TESTING: I'm against it — even if students ask for it!! Naturally, nothing can be a flat rule, out testing, generally, is at best, a waste of time. At worht it is likely to dis courage the very student who needs most to be encouraged. It is rarely a teaching device. In a class of 30 children, a teacher may be forced to resort to testing to ' find out how the students are , progressing. But why use a second-class cruthh When you have two good legs? with only 5 students, you will be able to work closely enough with each, that you will know where he stands and what the next step should be. and 3^ou will know it with much more accuracy and detail than an3^ written test can reveal. IN GENERAL: Try to give your students as much of a feeling of power as you can -- not the phony class-meeting type but power over materials, words, songs, thoughts. If you really let them choose what they want to learn, it will be a much more important lesson in freedom that discussing the Civil Rights Bill or the Mississippi Rower Structure. And your attitude of genuine respect for your students and their ideas will ^ive them much more courage to stand up to a policeman, than any words you can say. Cultivate this attitude of respect and real listening and honest answering right down to the bone. It's ver3>" hard to listen --practice it over the lunch table. But listen actively, not passively. If you ask a question, make it a real question, not an implied : pressure or rebuke. There is no need for fulsome praise if }rou can show real appreciation for each student at his levell Heavy praise may discourage someone else. -4- Don't do a lot of preparation on a subject until you find out what your students want to know. If you learn something special you'll be burning to teach it and the3'- may have to sit and politely listen the way they have to in regular school. If possible, spend your time making 3^our schoolrooai full of the physical conditions for learning — reference books and materials in inviting and handy places --, getting to know some of your students beforehand if possible so it won't be so hard to pet things going the first da3r, perhaps finding out what some of 3^our students have in mind to learn so you can begin thinking and preparing and scrounging materials and specialists, and don't forget the important constant dialogue with your fellow teachers and coordinator. Teaching can be an exhausting job if it's properly done, so try 3^ourself out on it before you volunteer for all sorts of other jobs in the evening. Many evenings you'll probabl3r need to be preparing material for the next da^r or helping one of jrour students with something. Of course if voter registration is a big interest of your students, you will automatically be there with them, I guess, getting your live material ready for the next da3r. 3e frank and honest at all times, but remember that 3^0 u are the adult and your students are your students. Don't impose 3^our problems on them. It's your job to support them, and your satisfactions, and their respect for you, will come from that. You must be patient and reasonable and strong and good natured and sensitive and mature. The students don't have to be. If they will show you what really bothers them, you've achieved something, but what 3^ou must give in return is what will help them, not yourself. ADDENDA: Another of the ways you can work over some of the material of the type on pp. 1-2, above, is to act out parts of the material informally before writing about it but probabl}r after some discussion. often As as possible, provide an active learning situations where the students can do something, and you will not have to do much much talking. Example: Instead of explaining Socratic method, let the class play the Socrates Game— One student leaves the room and the others decide upon Something they want to get him to say. When he returns to the room, they take turns asking him questions and see how long it takes to get hi... to express the statement or point of view they are trying to elicit. (He should be fairly cooperative.) SOME SLiPLE. SPELLING CLUES: The consonant sounds are the most controllable part of reading and spelling. Each has one sound, except for C G S I. C followed by E I Y has the soft sound: recipe, ceiling, cybernetics, cellar. _5- C followed by A 0 U or a consonant has the hard sound: cake, cookie, cup, crumb. G followed by E I Y is soft: toinger, Virginia, etc. (But many exceptions: give get girl, etc.) G followed by A 0 U or consonant is hard: goose, gun, gas, gray. S sometimes says S and sometimes says Z as in is. X has the sounds of ks (axe), ^s(exist), z_ (xylophone). There are also the combinations with special sounds: CH, PH, TH. The short vowel sounds are: apple, engine, Mississippi, popular, hush. The long vox/els say their own names and are most simply formed _ by adding a silent E to the end of a word. Note that tap - becomes tape, and similarly: pe't Pete pin pine pop Pope cut cute In adding suffixes to words: 1. Suffixes beginning with consonant, such as -ment, -ness, -ly, -ful, are simply added without the word's changing: government, coldness, lovely, vengeful, (but final y changes to i: prettiness, beautiful). 2. For suffixes beginning with a voxrel, such as: -ing, -ed, -ence, -able, a. If the word ends in silent e, drop it: care caring hope hoping desire desirable (but words ending in c_e and ge retain the e_ befoie a suffix beginning with a, o, u, so as to keep the soft sounds of C and G: peaceable, changeable, courageous). @. If the word ends in one consonant following one vowel, double the final consonant if the accent is on che last syllable: big bigger (bigness - rule 1) rob robbing robber begin' beginning forget' forgetting occur' occurrence refer' referred reference can'eel canceled o'pen opening -6- Because it is the miglish language, there are nearly always exceptions, but these rules are common enough that they are worth having in the back of your mind in case some student wants to know the why of some spelling. I would not have students Study or learn these rules (exception: if a student wants to have some rules to hang on to or wants to have the same information 3rou have for use in his teaching of younger children.) There are many other rules (such as ''IK before E except.., etc., which you probably remember), but I think the aaove will suit your basic needs. I hope you'll have a good dictionary in 3'our classroom — to settle arguments between your students and to refer to generally. If a student picks you up on an exception or a mistake — let him prove it to you with the dictionary — and be glad. That particular spelling (or fact or whatever), he will remember -- and in addition he will have begun to learn that the authorities (you, for the moment) are often wrong.' Despite all this stuff on spelling, let me remind us both that the more important things are the not-spelling ideas laid out on pp. 1-2. If some of all this has sounded like talking-down to 3rou, please forgive me for not taking my own advice, and let that be a lesson to you.' Go Well', Ruth ^.lerson "Rights Workers Embitter Delta" - The New York Times of Sunday, July 19, 19&J- carried an article of special interest to everyone here in Shaw, It consisted of a series of Irfcorviawi with white leaders in' Bolivar County, including Sheriff Capp^ and State Senator Alexander. We posted the article on the wall of our Freedom Center. It was read by a young negro Woman. She was Incensed, and probably for the first time In her life, she sat down and started composing a letter to an Editor, At her suggestion, the letter was read at a mass meet ing and others started writing, The outpouring of bitterness and despair was so expressive wo could not resist passing some of those letters on. The following letters aro printed with their permission. All names are withheld because of the fear of reprisal and intimi dation. To the editor of the New York Times, In response to your article that was dated July 15, 196ii, I want to say that as a negro of Mississippi, I am not happy. The only ones that aro happy or think they are happy are the ones that don*t know any better, and I don't think I am the only negro that will say this. Some are scared because of the economic situation, moaning that they might lose their jobs, which Is only half'enough to support their family. The question is, would Sheriff Capps, Governor Paul Johnson or Senator Eastland like to live in my house and send their children to our schools? If so I am sure you would hoar a different story. The negro woman has always been used by th© white man, does Mr. Langford have any right to fear the interracial mixing? The negroohildren only want the same education that the white children gets, so they can get the same kinds of jobs Instead of • three dollars for chopping cotton ten hours a day, in the hot sun, or other dirty jobs. Regardless of what Sheriff Gapps says, I mgself am glad that the volunteers have come to show us that the situation can be changed and ways to change it. To tho New York Times: Dear reader I am writing in reply to your statement that I has just road we negroes in the South aro not near satisfied but we're just afraid wo are afraid to speak for our rights we are afraid to register to vote afraid of beign jailed or beaten an as far as marriage tho negro are not wanting to marry your girls wc only want justic freedom of spooch equal rights decent jobs e**ual pay an all be punished alike give tho same trial same punishment that is what , wo want bocauso it aint but one god made us all an ho created—all. men cwual regardless of color. £o tho Bdltcr of tho ITow York Tinea: This is Annio Mao XXXXX, I'vo boon working in Mississippi thirty yca*c and I haven't boon able to support ny children and'I hope this year I'll bo able to support thorn like thoy supposed to* I boon working hard all my days, I havo eight head of caldron and nobody but no trying to support thon« I work from winter through the sumnor and yet still I don't oam enough money to tako care- oS then, I stayed or a whito man's plaoo tw mty-three yeora and yot still I ain't got ncwhore, Tho whole twenty«throe years that I stayed on that white man's placoj some years we come out at tho end and 3cmo yooTs wc didn't, and thon had to borrow more money for tho next year. The whole time that I been struggling with those children I had to tote wood off the bayou, to try to keep then warm. When 2 go to the field in tho fall of tho year to pick cotton, what I pick c©tton for has had to go to tho children, and clothes is so much expansive down hero'in Mississippi that s?2,50 a hundred cannot support eight chil dren. My daddy ho left my mothor when I was six years old and she did tho sano tiling with us I an doing with nine now* If there is anything possible that you can make Mississippi a bctte* ststo would you please do that for ne, I went to Ohio in 19f>6 and tftiings Is a lot cheaper in Ohio than they was in Mississippi and whore I could tako ten dollaru up there and send my children down hero Sunday clothes where I couldn't'tako ten dollars hero and givo ttiem a good meal of something to oat* Dear sir: I have read the article in the Now York Tines newspapor abput what Sheriff Charlie Capps of Cleveland Mississippi say about the negroes* Ho is a coward and afraid some day a ifegro night take his place* He s$y ninoty-fivc percent of tho Nogroos aro happy, but that a lie and deep down inside he know it a lie* I wonder how ho would fool If he had to take a llcgro place for a day or sook to got up six day a week and chop cotton ton hour a day for three dollars a day rnd pick for two and a half a'hundred. Give a Negro a chance'and ho will stand up with any person,' Think about that Shriff Capps, you aro really afraid of the Negro, Tho ifegro that say they are happy aro scared if don't know any better* It tine for a change and wc will change, I would be graceful if you print my lottor in you paper. G-ive us a chance, EXCERPTS PROM OTHER LETTERS: "I don't see why we're not respectable* Wo got in their houses, we cook their food, wc wash their clothes, we nurse their babies, now if wo was so much disrospectablo why is it they want us to do that," "What roanen have you to put such a lie in tho newspaper as this only whal; the Negro boys and girls think of is going to bed and shooting craps* You havo the races nixed up I am sure," "Tho negros havo always been slave in the stato of Mississippi* Wo work for the white people for little pay oooking their neals and raising their children and thon we are not counted as nothing.1 "We're with the Freedon Movement one hundred percent because they're hero to holp us. We're been oppressed long enough and we tro tired now." ADDRESS by GOVERNOR PAUL B, JOHNSON to STATE DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION July 28, 196h My Fellow Mississippians: ... There may have been times in the past when it did not make much difference what the delegates to a state political party convention said or did. But on this txrenty-eighth of July, 196h, the actions you take and the words you speak are weighted with a frightening importance. The circumstances under which we gather here today are vastly differ ent from the circumstances surrounding any Mississippi Democratic Party Convention in our lifetime. The environment — national, as well as local- in which our political action must be taken has changed radically. Writers often refer to politics as a "game." If the implication was ever accurate, it certainly is not accurate in the America of 196h» Mississippians, we are in a struggle for the very survival of those beliefs and institutions — states' rights and constitutional government - which protect individual liberty from the tyranny of centralized power in the national capital. No mere "game" ever has been played for such high stakes. The local and state discussion of politics in this election year does not center around patronage and post offices, or highways and dams. The local discussion and the great national debate are one and the same... And this debate is not focused on petty matters! its focus is upon the very foundation of freedom. The issues that concern Mississippians at this point in history are the same issues that concern all Americans. When this nation votes in November of this fateful year, it will not only elect a president of the United Statesj it will also give its mandate to policies and programs at the national level which will affect directly the daily lives of every citizen. The 1961). campaign will culminate in November in what might be — in what threatens to be — the last free election in this fair land. In this campaign Mississippi will have a role far greater than"her seven electoral votes.•• for in the great national debate, the mass media of information have made of Mississippi a symbol. And the actions of the Federal government have made of our state an ideological battleground, Mississippians have not sought this disproportionate role, yet we shall not shrink from the duty it imposes. Fortunately, for many months now, our people have been steeled for their part in the last chapter, the climax of this crucial national debate. Today, there is no apathy in Mississippi. There is no complacency. The people are informed. They know the score. -2- Any one of our deeply-concerned citizens could keynote this conven tion. Specking without preparation, just from his heart, he could arouse such a response that this great lassissippi Coliseum would tremble in the thunder of your cheers. But while the hackneyed keynote challenges of less crucial years will not suffice here, neither will the intemperate phrases of impassioned oratory best serve the interests of lassissippi end her people in this hour. We do not gather here to indulge in emotional excesses which can only damage our cause. Our business here is deadly serious. This is a time for calm, restrained deliberation. • . for carefully designed strategy. • • for judiciously chosen words. This is a time to use our heads instead of our vocal chords. Mississippi has been made a symbol in a national debate. Mississippi has been made a battleground of conflicting ideologies. As a result, Mississippi is news. Anything which happens in Mississippi, and which can be made to appear damaging to our point of view and our principles, will be printed and broadcast to the entire national audience.•• and beyond. I do not need to remind you that one release of pent-up feelings in this hall today can result in a big, black, damaging headline in the metropolitan newspapers across this nationj... or that one intem perate phrase uttered here can be heard this very eveicing on the national television networks, magnified and twisted by skillful propagandists unfriendly to Mississippi and everything she stands for. I know how you yearn to express the feelings which the long-suffering people of Mississippi have contained so well under sever and. continuing provocation. . . for I also feel this yearning. A very great resentment burns inside of me when I consider the dis torted picture of my beloved state which is presented to America by our enemies, and I know that you share this deeply-felt resentment. I am certain that you also share my bitterness toward the forces which are trying to divide our people. . . to set friend against friend. . , to incite violence and even to cause bloodshed, in order to gain political ends. The citizens of Mississippi whom you and I represent here all feel strongly about what is going on in America today. But these wonderful good people who have displayed such uncommon self-discipline and self- control expect you and me to exercise like control over our own strong feelings, and to be deliberately intelligent, in determining that course of political action which is best for the state of Mississippi. § -> Precipitous action certainly will not serve our state's best interests. Commiting this convention and this state party to a course of action before we have witnessed the performance of both major national political conventions x-rould place Ilississippi at a disadvantage which it is not necessary to bear. I recommend to this convention that we defer the nomination of presi dential electors, and refrain from taking any position regarding support of presidential and vice-presidential candidates, until the convention of the National Democratic Party has been held in late August, r—* Each of us thi.n^s^&,C|^T^e^a^fc ^rhat will happen at that convention, but none of us will know for "sure until the convention is history. All fifty states will be represented at the National Democratic Party convention in Atlantic City, New Jersey. There will be seats for a Miss issippi delegation. Somebody is going to sit in those seats and cast votes and otherwise participate as the representatives of the state of lassiss ippi. I believe the wisest course for this convention of the lassissippi Democratic Party will be to select today, and select carefully, a dependable, mature, level-headed group of good Mississippi Democrats who can provide our state with the most dignified and determined representation in the national forum of that political convention. This delegation of Mississippi Democrats probably will be challenged. Our adversaries already have revealed their strategy. Whether the National Democratic Party will recognize and seat our delegation, representing the great majority of voting citizens of the state of lassissippi, is a decision that the national party will have to make. I'm certain that all of us here, and every Hississippian we represent here, will observe with great interest that action of the national party. I say as King Solomon said, "Let us hear the whole matter," before we irrevocably commit the course of our state, and the fate of wives and children. A-fter selecting your delegates to the Democratic National Convention, I urge you to recess this lassissippi Democratic Party convention until ten o'clock on the morning of Wednesday, September 9th. a '-'lift-- £*" When we reconvene the state convention here in the Coliseum on September 9th, we will have all the facts before us which vie need in order to make the wisest and best and most vitally important decisions it is our duty to make. Mississippi has eeven electoral votes to cast in the November elec tion. These sacred votes belong to the qualified voters of this state. It has been demonstrated, and recently, that the lassissippi Democratic Party, as presently constituted, represents and enjoys the loyal support of an overwhelming majority of responsible, conservative lassissippi voters. Under no circumstances shall this great conservative block be split. Our state party is solely an instrument of the citizens of this state. As such, it now holds all but a handful of the elective and appointive officers, from constable to governor. -hr From the grasS"roots up ,""r~i'"from the community, to the county, to the state level • . . Mississippi government is orgmized, supported and controlled by good Mississippi Democrats. It is this degree of unity which has enabled Mississippi government and Mississippi citizens to erect and maintain such a solid front against the very great power of those organized national forces which seek our destruction. The Mississ ippi Democratic Party, for the past'89 years, is the framework, or the structure, through which Mississippians maintain political unity, and operate self-government. The maintenance and strengthening of this structure for political action is the most important single consideration which we must keep before us as we execute our responsibilities as a party convention, I cannot overemphasize this fact: if Mississippi is to survive the current assault upon her sovereignty and the constitutional rights of her citizens, a single, unified front must be maintained. The political structure dominated by the responsible, conservative majority, which now controls all our local and state governments, is the most potent weapon in our hands. This political structure must remain intact"and operationally effective, regardless of the name or label it bears. I * have perhaps more to lose than any other "living Mississippian, but I face the future unafraid. The people of this great state have shown their confidence in me, and I shall not fail to uphold this confidence - the great majority have trusted me in the past, I ask that they trust me now. #JHHf*SBHH8HHHf At the conclusion of Governor Johnson's speech, "Dixie" was played again, accompanied by much clapping and cheering. The chairman of the Nominating Committee reported that the committee had had a "harmonious meeting". The convention then proceded to elect the new executive committee for the next four years, the delegates and alternates to the National Democratic Convention, and the National Committeeman and Committee woman; National Committeeman: Senator E.K. Collins of Laurel, succeeding Supreme Court Justice Tom Brady. National Committeewoman: Mrs. Alton Phillips of Macon was re-elected. State Democratic Executive Committee: Francis Geoghegan Fayette Byrd Mauldin Pontotoc Ben Chase Callon Natchez Donald Franks Booneville Lester Williamson Meridian S.T. Pilkington Artesia Joe A. McFarland Bay Springs James Cahill, Sr, Senatobia Paul Measell Newton Hardy Lott Greenwood Bidwell Adam Gulfport Will Hickman Oxford Robert H. Newton Wiggins W.E. Gore, Jr. Jackson Jack H. Pittman Hattiesburg State At Large Delegates: Howard Johnson, Jr. Corinth Jimmy Morrow, Jr. Brandon Malcolm Vaughn Aberdeen Tom Riddell, Jr. Canton Tom Longnecker Amory Gillis Eavers Pearl Ray Cannada Edwards Clyde Hennington Pearl Herman Decess Yazoo City James Simpson Pass Christian Tom Brady Brookhaven Joe Petro Gulfport Frank Wall Liberty C.R. Holliday Picayune William Inzer Pontotoc Jack H. Pittman Hattiesburg James Cahill, Jr, Senatobia Mrs. Harvey West Hattiesburg Doug Wynn Greenville Charles Proffer Gulfport Frank OfBrien Holly Springs W.D. Guest Bruce J.H. Peebles Greenwood Joe Patterson Calhoun City Congressional District Delegates: I.Thompson Pound Pontotoc Ben Chase Callon Natchez J.R. Long Iuka Ed Laws oh Liberty Alton Phillips Macon R.L. Moss Lena T.D. Harden Amory Bennie Rogers Morton B.J. Brocato Clarksdale Earl Hosey Meridian Ralph Ferrell Rolling Fork Milton McMullen Newton W.E. Lamb Mineral Wells W.O. Thomas, Jr, Collins Dan Ferguson Batesville Harvey West Hattiesburg Arlie Warren Natchez E.K. Collins Laurel Otho Messer Crystal Springs O.B. Bowen Richton In addition, there were 22 alternates named. The chairman of the Resolutions Committee introduced the following resolu tions, all of which were adopted by acclamatinn: . RESOLUTION jj, i ^:-%^-^icr ^w^m^i w^^wmw rWw- ufViv^HM af* Whereas, from January I876 to this moment the Democratic Party of the State of lassissippi has conducted the government of this state with such skill, valor, and faithfulness that we have today become one of the greatest states of the Union, with a populace whose spirit, progress, and courage is unmatched, and Whereas, the campaign to rid this state of Republican Reconstruction was begun in the Democratic State Convention here in this same Jackson, lassissippi, on August 3, 187$, £nd Whereas, L.O.C. Lamar, Gen. J.Z. George, Gen. E.C. Walthall, Gov ernor B.G. Humphries, Governor Charles Clark, Robert Lowry, and other great Mississippi Democrats participated in that Convention and made the plans which broke the yoke of Reconstruction, and Whereas, each of the following distinguished governors of our State was a member of our State Democratic Party, namely, Jofcn F, Stone, Anse HcLaurin, A.K. Longino, James K. Vardaman, E.F, Noel, Earl Brewer, Theodore G. Bilbo, Lee Russell, Henry 1. ""bitfield, Dennis Furphree, Hike Conner, Hugh White, Paul B. J0hnson, Sr., Thomas L. Bailey, Fielding L. Wright, J.P. Coleman, Ross R. Barnett, and Paul B, Johnson, Jr. Whereas, the evil forces of Communism, despotism, atheism, immorality, integration, and lawlesslness are now at our very gates, and stand as a direct threat to our. women, children.., and aljL, tJaatwe ^kjp-/ t& be right, good, and true, and ... ,.- Whereas, it now behooves each of us to cast aside all matters of pride, ambition, and selfishness, if there be such among us, and seek only God's will as to how we, as members of our beloved state Democratic Party, can best and most successfully defend our people, and also those principles of freedom and decency which are dearer than life itself, now Therefore, Be It Resolved that vie, as members of the Democratic Party of the State of Mississippi, in this great hour of peril, when the invader is already within our borders, pledge one to the other in defense of our beloved State and her great principles, our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor, So Help Us God, -,.- . , ;. . -2- RESOLUTION BE IT RESOLVED by the Democratic Party of the State of Mississ ippi in Convention Assembled at Jackson, Mississippi, on this the 28th day of July, 1964: That we approve and ratify the courageous stand which Governor Paul B. Johnson has taken in contesting the constitutionality of the illegal Civil Rights Act of 1964. We approve the Resolutions of the House of Representatives and the Senate of the Mississippi Legislature in support of Governor Johnson's challenge of the constitutionality of said Civil Sights Act and we urge the Democratic Parties of the other Southern States who believe said act to be unconstitutional to join us in this resolution. RESOLUTION BE IT RESOLVED BY THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF THE STATE OF MISSISS IPPI IN CONVENTION ASSEMBLED AT JACKSON, MISSISSIPPI, ON THIS, THE 28th DAY OF JULY, 1964, THAT: In .keeping with the fair-play of Chapter 32 of the Laws of Mississippi of the First Extraordinary Session of 1963 providing for one slate of electors to support the candidates for President and Vice-President of the National Democratic Party, and a separate slate of electors who have announced their purpose not to support the said candidates of the National Democratic Party, that the voters of Mississippi will definitely have the opportunity in the November, 1964, General Election, to cast their election ballots for the Presidential and Vice-Presidential Nominees selected by the National Democratic Party at the Atlantic City Convention with electors pledged to support said Nominees. (This was the only resolution which received any "Nay" votes, in the entire convention.) RESOLUTION BE IT RESOLVED by the Democratic Party of the State of Mississ ippi in Convention at Jackson, Mississippi, that we oppose, condemn and deplore the Civil Rights Act of 1964 as a naked grasp for extreme and unconstitutional Federal Power over private business and private lives. It is a betrayal of the American people, is unworkable, and we urge the Congress to repeal it as soon as possible. THE DAY THEY LAID JAMES CHANEY TO REST .1 mem&ria I *> if # -i By Jeanne Grant. army, the person next to you is killed, I where freedom classes would be held G.*F4i4B staff *;orres,pGndpnt guess you pick up his rifle and start shoot would be built—if ihe church could MERIDIAN, MISS. ing at the people he was shooting at. In make the land available—on the site of 4*J|LL MISSISSIPPI Negroes should a non-violent army, the question is, what the Mt. Zion Church in Neshoba whose f% now stand up for their rights. do you do? I guess you pick up that per charred ruins the three civil rights work Since my son has been murdered, if we son's dream and you try to make that ers had visited the day they were killed, don't stand up for cur rights now, his dream come true. They were trying to IT WAS STATED still another way by clsath will have been in vain, and the buiid a Freedom School in Neshoba CORE field secretary David Dennis, as death of the other two boys." County. In one week's time there will be sistant program director of the Summer That was what Mrs. Fannie. L. Chaney, a freedom school in Neshoba. WJ will also Project. He told participants in a memo mother of murdered civil rights worker build a community center." rial service for Cnaney here Aug, 7 that •James Chaney, told the press the day Lynd said that the community center joining the civil rights fight, going down Chaney was buried; the day it became to the courthouse to register to vote, known for certain that Chaney had been was the only way to stop the terrorism, inhumanly beaten before he was shot. "I'm tired of going to funerals," he said. In the days since the discovery Aug. 4 m mis mm At the end of his address, he wept as he of the bodies of the three civil rights spoke of the "living dead" and said: "If workers—Chaney. a young Negro from SEN. WAYNE MORSE you leave here simply saying it was a Meridian, and Andrew Goodman and •nice' memorial service, if you don't go to Michael Schwerner, white summer vol A voice of peace... p, 3 register, God damn your souls." unteers from New York, who had been missing since June 21, their co-workers THI POLITICAL WAR Another leader, Ella J. Baker, adult have asked: Will the killers be found? And Tonkin Guif p 5 adviser of the Student Non-violent Coord What could they themselves do to ad inating Committee (SNCC). in the key vance the work of the three? HIROSHIMA DAY note address to the Mississippi Freedom To the first, there was no answer—only The \£>lce of protest ....p. 6 Democratic Convention in Jackson Aug. hops. To the second, there was Mrs. 8, said: "We are waging a war against Chaney's simple statement. It was ex NEW YORK MEMORIAL the closed society of Mississippi." She s&M pressed another way by Staughton Lynd, the murder of the three young men would director of the Mississippi. Summer Pro For 2 siain youths ...p. 6 "make the rest of the country turn ject Freedom Schools: "If, in a violent (Continued on Page 6) NATIONAL GUARDIAN August- 15, 1964 MICHAEL SCHWERNER JAMES CHANEY ANDREW GOODMAN THOUSANDS AT SERVICES FOR TWO NEW Y08KSRS Airtight case against killers sought HE FBI IS CONVINCED it knows the women who are carrying forward the tery in Brooklyn. Tidentity of the men who murdered struggle for which they gave their lives." CORE LEADER James Farmer spoke at three young civil rights workers in Mis Other speakers included two friends of services for Michael Schwerner later at sissippi. According to sources with inti Andrew's—Ralph Engelman and Barbara the Community Church. He declared that mate knowledge of the FBI investigation, Jones—Martin Popper, a lawyer and "evil societies always try to kill their the federal agency has hesitated to ap family friend, and Algernon Black of the consciences." Other speakers included prehend the suspects because it is seek Society. Present at the services, which William Kunstler, lawyer and family ing to build an irrefutable case against were attended by a capacity audience of friend; John Lewis, chairman of SNCC; them. Thus, while the suspected killers 1.200 persons and others in the basement two friends of Michael, and David Den are allowed freedom, the FBI is said to and on the sidewalk, were Chaney's moth nis, an assistant director of the Missis be gathering even the slightest shreds of er and Schwemcr's parents and widow. sippi Summer Project. More than 2,000 information to add to the massive evi Andrew was buried in Mt. Judah Ceme- people assembled for the memorial serv dence already available against them. ices which preceded cremation. President Johnson virtually promised that the killers would be arrested "in a An autopsy performed on Chaney by a There'a Max and Max New York pathologist determined that very short time." His comment came at There are two senses in which Fidel is a press conference Aug. 8. the 21-year-old Negro was brutally beat the revolution: first, that he stands for en before his death. A Mississippi pa SEVERAL THOUSAND sympathizers at the revolution in people's heads (they fol thologist, who conducted the initial in tended funeral services for two of the low and trust him) and second, that the vestigation, had denied Chancy was slain men -Andrew Goodman and Mich revolution is all contained in Fidel's head. beaten. There is no evidence that Chan ael Schwerner—in New York City Aug. 8. I suspect that if the revolution spreads ey's companions were also beaten. The third, James Chaney, was buried In to other Latin American nations this is The FBI discovered the three bodies Meridian, Miss., Aug. 7. the form it will take: highly nationalist under 20 feet of earth near Philadelphia, At the services for young Goodman at and highly personal. Miss., after a 44-day search. Information, the Ethical Culture Society meeting —Max Lerner, from Havana, according to the FBI, was provided by a house, Rabbi Arthur Lelyveld—who was New York Post, July 31 local resident whom they did not identify. beaten by a mob in Hattiesburg, Miss., on « The agency would not confirm that it July 10—declared that "the tragedy of Whatever happens to Cuba, it is un had paid $30,000 to the informer, as has Andy Goodman cannot be separated likely that the social revolutions still to been rumored. from the tragedy of mankind. Along with come in Latin America will follow the James Chaney and Michael Schwerner pattern of Fidel's. On Aug. 11, Sheriff Rainey refused to he has become the eternal evocation of —Max Lerner, from Havana answer any question put to him by the all the host of beautiful young men and New York Post, Aug. 2 FBI. He told them to "go get a warrant." ing this week as the "real" Mississippi. extensive experience of 25 years as a Others took refuge in the position of a pathologist and as a medical examiner, Joanne Grant Meridian Star editorial which said: "We 1 have never witnessed bones so severely (Continued from Page 1} know that no matter who the murderers shattered except in tremendously high its eyes to the fact that there are other are, the civil rights organizations shars speed accidents such as airplane crashes." bodies lying under the swamps of Miss the blame, inasmuch as they eared noth Spain said Chaney had been beaten with issippi. Until the killing of black mothers' ing for how much violence they pro "either a blunt instrument or chain." The sons is as Important as the killings of voked." report said: "The jaw was shattered, the white mothers' sons, we must keep on." The white citizens of Meridian were left shoulder and upper* arm were re -. The discovery of the bodies near the there as the Negroes and white civil rights duced to a pulp, the right forearm was Neshoba Comity town of Philadelphia workers marched silently, two by two, to broken completely across at several sent a new wave of shock through the the church for the memorial service. And points, and the skull bones were broken Negro community of nearby Meridian, they shouted to the whites among the and pushed in toward the brain." the Council of Federated Organizations' silent marchers in mourning: "You gonna Chaney had three bullets in his chest; (COFO) Summer Project headquarters marry one of 'em." Some local citizens Schwerner and Goodman each had one. for the area. It sent a new wave of shock made crank calls to the Meridian COFO also through the ranks of the summer office to ask: "What are you going to do So Neshoba, known throughout Miss volunteers of the COFO staff. In the next with Chaney's body?" And the whites in issippi for its annual fair, became known days there were rumblings of a march on Philadelphia were reported as being as the county which had struck the most the Court House and talk in the Negro "tougher" on the local Negroes who they violent blow at the participants in the community of going up to Neshoba and thought might have information on the Mississippi Summer Project. Yet, to un "shooting the place up." The people were murders. derstand the struggle of the Mississippi angry. Dennis told this reporter: "The Would these people hear the nsxt day— Negro and the young people who have people don't believe anyone will be ar as the Negroes and their white friends joined him one must realize, as James retted for the murders; they remember did—the report of Dr. David Spain, New Forman, executive secretary of SNCC, all the others." York pathologist, who had performed the put it: Some of the white citizens of the area autopsy on Chaney's body? If they heard, "If it hadn't happened in Neshoba, It talked of the Neshoba County Fair open would they care? The report said: "In my would have happened somewhere else." June 7, 196U Dear Staughton: 1. Ho way bo soften the blow sb here it is: Mt. Beulah as is OUT. I hope that Mendy already told you. As of now we not only have no plans for a residence school but in&state orientation is up in the air. 2. "Leadership structure" is thexwxs term Mendy is using to describe what will be set up at orientation: all assignments, project leaders, etc. 3. Mendy is writing an analysis of each of the areas where th«T« will be a project, giving pertinent background data, present situation re orgarriz|tion, expectations for summer, etc. I'm enclosing what I have on Freedom Schools and/ uommunity Centers. h» Please send copies of curriculum to us. I haven't read it; others are gobbling it up. I shall soon. I got a glimpse of what looked good. Pre you planning to punch holes (.ridiculous detail—they can punch their own holqs, I'm sure). i 5. ©id Casey send you her copy of the Rec manual? It's vwry nice in many ways, but they didn't saanrtxsHyfcki: use anything we sent them, ~ome of our stuff, namely the drama paper was better in my opinion then their drama section. Anyway, I'd like the stuff we sent them back for the community centers' use, if not the Freedom Schools, The manual is so pretty, though, that you just can1 tj>resist it. Beauteous cover. They sent us two copies; John O'Neal came in (first J'd seen him in a week) and walked off with one oi them. I don't know where the other is—Casey had it. I hope she sent it to you; otherwise we're out of lack. (Cqptain Ray inspected it—I guess that makes it all right). ,* f ';-' 6. Two good locations in Meridian and ^icksburg. •' J* t* .' 1 ft \i j 7. W Question has come up about the ^egro history section. „ "During the four centuries of the slave trade psxfepss perhaps 100,000,000 Africans were brought to the AVwWorld.w Is that one hundred million? > 8. Where will you be based? Have you and ^ndy figured that out? 9. Will you have extra copies of the curriculum for the -community centers people? Most of the sections will have relevance for adult'education classes, and the rec manual is good for any age. 10. Enclosed is a paper which the orientation people.suggested. They wanted something for reference describing the freedom Schools part of the program-for all the other participants. There will be similar papers on the other programs. Add anything which you think ought to be said (.keeping it short, naturally), and suggest changes if you ' cbn't i like parts of all of it. Conmunity centers paper is for comparison, mostly, ' but if you have comments about it, that's fine, too." ' • . '. That's all the news I can think of. I hope you've been in contact with Meri<|y,. because >; he is much better informed about fell this, and I ne*»er can get'a minute to telk to him. I hope the letfeer is not so disjointed that £ it's confusing.. Regards to all.*fl meant ' to send this along with ^orma ^ecker and Sandra Adickes, but I let;,them get- away before I was finished. They can tell you a lot of developments. ,;k Rundown on freedom School Facilities — June 7, 19 6h Vicksburg; Old Bffcist Academy. Aiready has library. Two stories. First: large room (library), 2 smaller rooms and a kitchen. Blackboards and auffi. tori urn-type seats. Second story: x 3 smaller rooms. Grassy hill surrounding. Greit facility. Columbus and West Point: Nothing definite for facilities. Previous house fell through because of no money. Ruleville: Holly Springs: Nothing definite yet. Negotiations pending for for Old Baptist Seminary building ji (32 rooms). Godfd for both F.S. end community center if we get it. Hattiesburg* Series of schools, meeting in church basements. Probably 3* Nothing concrete on church facilities. Canton and rural Madison County: Series of Freedom Schools in churches around county. No definite number that I could &et out of them. Greenwood: two or three small churches for sura. Working on large, comfortable church which would hold upwards of fifty students, have tables, chairs, etc. Not definite yet. %ridiant Old Baptist Seminary. Two-story building with plumbing, telephone, piaying field, blackboards, etc. Leake County: Complex of four old school buildings. School ^oard removed all plumbing fixtures, furniture, etc. Only buildings are left. In period of 3 or h years since they have been used, most of the doors and windows have been knocked out. Some benches, chairs left in one of the smaller buildings, blackboards left. Floors generally sound, but not all places. Ceilings unknown. School isa great focal point for pride and resentment (of sheriff and school board) of Negro community in the area. People in community claim ownership of land. Large playing field (Indians in the area have ateam which plays the Negro team.) Beautiful country setting. Library already there. Laurel: Church basement. Large, several Sunday Dchool rooms. Moss Point: 2 churches I t"Vy\ iAJkAjJjJ) "W. H*u VynMnj-h. Ikui S\JJWAMI^ — MXvtuL. WMAM. NEW YORK UNIVERSITY ALTSCHUL HOUSE UNIVERSITY HEIGHTS, NEW YORK 53, N.Y. OFFICE OF THE INTERFAITH COUNCIL TELEPHONE : LUDLOW 4-0700 September 1$, I96I4. Dear Staughton, Just a short note of gratitude for the summer's friend ship and toil. Not withstanding the predestination talk, I went to Mississippi to learn. And with you I did. Among the many "lessons" learned, one has really become embodied in my soul. I refer, of course, to your capacity to generate freedom in people. With the respect you hold for individuals, a respect which usually comes across instantaneously, one is freed from the immediate "hang-ups" and given responsibility, the ability-to-respond if you will, to the immediate situation's real demands. (From time to time, I questioned whether or not this manner was a method or an authentic expression of your personality. If you don't mind, I favor the latter but cannot fully rule out the former). In any event, I learned that people giving honestly of themselves certainly can contribute a helluva lot more than people who are restricted by demands, guid-lines, orders, etc. from others. The summer made a deep impression on me, Staughton, a major part of that impression occasioned by our working togethere I hope that the summer will not mark the end of mutual association. If you so choose, please drop me a line when you come to New York. Sue and I would love to have you and your wife to dinner. I'm sure you have a number of friends you would like to spend time with in New York. But perhaps, sometime during the next few months you might find a way to join us if just for a couple of hours. Best wishes for the year ahead. Regards, P- (S +r w *- / — '^C^£' < •ZC-J K^r^^ /te*?ts /c^c*?-' * -^^2 '* d 3 //' & y* jT~ yS ** #??JZ- SC^J (^t^^ty^^t^^s^Ly^ ^yve <£^^ /ft Sts **y> ( & o sicAts /fatokisA**' ^Lie^tSt**^ September 24, 1964 Dear Laurelites, Linnell, daricn and I got back into town yeaterday and things were pretty slow. We all could'have cried when we saw the house because it didn't look much better than it did when we all left. There are still no doors, no windows, and there were the same big holes in the back of the house, even though the holes in the front of the house were gone. Most of the floor had been done but there- was;still that big hole in the kitchen floor and a smaller hole in the front room on the lrft. The house has been completely rewired out t ere is still no plumbing, and ycu know that no plumbing means that we are still without headquarters for COFO here in Laurel. The plumbing is still estimated at $1100.00--—WE DO NOT HAVE THE tiONEZh We are still pooching on Mrs. Clayton, (without her know ledge.8) Let me explain. trs. Clayton is visiting her sister in St Louis and she left the key at Mrs. Spiaike so that we could get a in to pick up our Laggags, well, you can fill in the rest - it is going to take us a long time to pick up our luggage it seems. The towns people did not seem the least overjoyed at our return; even lars. Spinks seems to have lost most of her enthusiasm for COFO We were down at Thomas' drugs today - The Notary Republic who did all our notorizing for us this summer.- said that we were afraid to go to McComb where we are needed. I replied that we are needed here in Laurel. He said that I couldn:'t tell him what was needed in Laurel. I was of course quite shocked to hear him say this, since I considered him an important part of the pro-COFO group. I don't know if this is indicative of the general professional .feeling towards us or not, but I hatoe a strong feeling that it is. It seems that Mayor Scott was on television last week saying, "COFO is gone, and don't invite it back." Another sad thing is that the Collins are leaving town for good. It has been practically impossible for the Collins to eke out a living te re in Laurel; the Power Structure completely squeezed him out. He hates to give in but says that financially he is unable to last another winter here in Laurel. They are leaving today - COFO moans the loss of two good people. There was a meeting last nite of the ministers and laymen of Laurel to decide what they were going to do to promote the Voter Registra tion Campaign here in Laurel, fe were still involved in the inev- itablepower struggle. These ministers and laymen do not plan to do anything in this town unless they can get glory and honor for it. They really don t want their names linked xvith COFO in any way. Dr Murph was at the meeting in his usual role of Uncle Tom. He tried his best to get to get the ministers to shut COFO out of the plans for the massive Voter Registration Campaign by saying repeatedly that this should be planned and headed by the ministers so that there will be no Ms take as to who : . running this program. He said that if all the church members in Laurel were registered that we nedd not worry about the non church members. He addso kept pbjecting to my use of the term"political organization". He said t at there was no mention on the agenda about political organizing and that this was a .. eeting on Voter Registration and not political organizing. The meeting turned visibly into a power struggle between >. urph and myself; COFO was walking a very thin line because there were none of our supporters (If there be any) present. They were all at a going away party given py Pleasant Valley Church for C.C. Collins. T Br,4*fl nf nr -: r.yi aidthe tSu**y seeking ministers we were-, abletib get a committee apfinirxti^a to lay out the plans for the Voter Ro^At^tiou Campaign. The Committee is-heavily stacked with the opposition but I was able to get four-people appointed who were not pre&aent at the meeting. Bob Stenson, ar. Gore,' ars, Spinks an of course myself.' In stae devious way or anothers I will turn this into aFre ad cm Democratic Party organising Committee. The ministers aqd a:-,dah are dead set against being associated with'FDP. but-whether they like it or not, they are going to be associated aa. th FDPo Ad far aa cur plans for the winter and yean iv\(^'\h.mri%C this la It WP "r_±':._ hofinitely hayp a lending library gtaingi 3.1s-o Freedom aahoa.L will be in the far.:, of a fesminar for Juniors, Seniors and was eray bright Boph-mpre.e", We wiildo remedial work mostly and college praparocuar work. We era sending letters to over seventv-fflre colleges in the Worth: East, and West tellin them our plans for" the year andif they are interested to send us b1* aides catalogues,, and general in foams, tj on on their entrance requirements, info .on available scholarship and surgestions for our- curriculum. We also plan to have community center, working mostly with adults. ... 'We hope to >have classes in Eif.L Control, Diet, Budgets, Sewing and other things tha help poor people to live better healthier lives.' (whe'w)'- ^.aybe a little l&ter on in the year we can do mora, ha:^ cm; things - toward shipping away at the Power Structure like'a boycott of entire downtown Laurel. - ' •. Now that the info part of the letter has been" di spen seel; wi th, on cornea the pitch. We need thai rigs-all kinds of things- Yearly subs' to magazines like: Saturday Review, the New Yorker, Atlantic .. pnthjj Dissent j New York' Times, ... edical Journals, Nation, Tiaies, the Lib erator., Nogrc Digest, and other good magazines that are not listed. i'G-e.lf and) ana, everybody alee we need sup ill os far the office and. house*, Steve, Refi-ldgorator, gas heaters, desk, chairs, file cabinets , etc, Oi- course, f.f there is difficulty In sending these, money wall be ylaaly accepted instead. We are planning to send, pictures to you from time -ta 'oiae sa that you can show these when you put the touch on people,. '. •'•••• A thing moc :t urgen&lj wanted, from-you is publicity so that the "Navth* won't fay yt that we. are elovan he^a and in .jhst as much danger aa ever, ne Labia- even morn... We also w'culd love to hear from' you Tne three of* us are terribly lonely already,. Letters of course ar.s not as good as your presence, but they are the next best • thing, •; . '''. • . •..' Oops, almost ;. orgot, _oan and yiy.sea»e are enrolled in nite school in Los Angeles, they haven ft found jobs yet hud Jimmy Garrett, Head of LA SNCC is working on it* Jimmy has really organized LA SNCC. We made several Speeches while cut there and helped li'mmy set up a Pasadena SNCC- and triad to convert a Parents group into a Friends of SNCC group with not too much success. We all saw Dave Queasy Bill Haydon and a let of odd Summer Volunteers who were on other pra.jecfc iv.arion and G-wen spent a couple of days in San Francisco visiting-., * Larry Spears. Linnell spent the whole time at the office acting a fool and working. This letter is auchtoo long put I could do at least two more pages but I won't. Answer soon and try to get those things. ,yf^^,a^^L. "Str *r ts> yours in Freedom Sept. 22, 1964 Staughton, It has been quite some time since I last spoke with you. Now I feel there are some thoughts I would like to share. It seems years ago but it was only last spring that I began to nurture the idea of going to Mississippi* The final decision was more an outgrowth of my increasing sensitivity to the negro in the aouth than it was a spontaneous trauma of my emotions. I believe it was the idea of the freedom school that eventually turned the tide of my indecision. In the rough draft at least, the freedom schools appeared to be a positive and constructive means throughwhich I could express myself in service to the movement. Now I can reflect over years of experience which took place in two months, and begin to more adequately articulate what I somehow felt last spring. The significance of the Mississippi project can not be measured in turns of success or failure, but rather what we as people were to become as a result of the confrontation. It was going to be our involvement in a process wherein lif e»«i*s% {/Jem. to be exposed to the opportunity for fulfillment. what life is, is what people are becoming; and this summer I felt that the potential for the movement to become, for people£youJ)'">*v#2r ^/AA^v^j^to become, were at the greatest peak. For me personally, Q I discovered a new dimension to life- people and love. Maybe essentially the two are one in the same, but nevertheless the two are becoming a part of me that Is beginning to emerge. Life is mundane and hollow; it is hateful and brutal; but there seems to be a potential within man to overcome the distortion and begin to live life manifested in love, \fytiat happened in Mississippi seems to be, in its own crude yet beautiful way, a proof of this to me. Briefly, what did the freedom schools mean to me? They meant the glow of pride in the eyes of a 63-year-old negro woman learning to spell her name; it meant the gaiety and laughter under the spread of a wrinkled old oak; it meant the sorrow and tears^filistening to confessions of the past; it meant first suspicion then trust, brief friendship then" brotherhood, -freedom schools were ugly, suddenly you become aware that the minds of too many of your students been seriously blunted by a system of segregation, that their perceptions of life \d*A enveloped in a mist of myths and misconceptions. You realize that for the vast majority their horizens in life are narrow, that opportunities for education are vaulted behind sealed doors. You dare to dream that for the few you may be able to cover lost ground in time that they might go to college, but tpbddkte you deal with too small a percentage. But freedom schools are beautiful-because they are the beginning of an answer that must be found for the other percentage. They are beautiful because in a microcosm we begin to live a brother hood the we dream someday will expand into society. The schools are beautiful because in them we begin to unlock doors of distrust, we begin to have meaningful and revealing dialogue, we begin to formulate, together, hew dimensions of ourselves and- of society. 'We begin to breathe the breath of freedom. I sincerely wishe&that you could have come to our project in the rural Madison County area. Tn SCUMS wayn T feel onr prfrfirrt was nnJTuift,, nlnng lrlth *Kio "nrrory p^jflffr-* The educational level of our students was, I think, lower than that of other freedom schools in general throughout the state. A four or five month school year for our rural students definitely has harmed them. Nevertheless, they were most enthusiastic and perceptive. Greup dtscusion aad droie playlag ff trf "f r* TUT 1 y h£ 1 rf ^ 1 1H -bringing- to - the surf ace. the—hi-d-den at-tittrdhs of ytwtfe- and- •adult- alike.- -I waa-fortuna-t-e-. enough,,, ts bs able te teaoh -w-egr© hi story-at ^-lejbaant- tureen--Ghuj?oh -and- iin--nrjr~-cl>«fl-s !-• would -teacft'""^••£»«*&*>*£--<^*-**^ -and---the -stud-eats -would -teach -several.. They would interview 'their grandparents to gain material for discussion on slavery. The adult women would compile their autobiographical data and present them to the group for reaction and discussion. All I ai* was aefr as. a catalyst and-the really -relevant...mate-rial- or gina t ed- - from t he group itself. D3aasffllfl~~ss^owr eetooi^^jMUP«w- however, I could never rid myself of the ccncern for the young male farm hands and workers. They didn't feel right about coming to the schools, nnrtfr- though wrmdir --fl^^frh^wriTnifr the time. The schools -formal- never seeifl.ed,--.ta..-X.elata..,t-o the needs of---this element of the-Negro •population. i»iaybe it was'becahs'e of our staff, maybe it resulted -from the composition of most of"the"classes. Too many girls, too. many-.young students, • I donLt-know--for-sure. - But Phil Sharp, the community center director, Richard Beymer, two registration workers and myself attempted to do something about this. Toward the close of the summer, we attempted informal discussions ul in the evening at the freedom house, at the corner stores, in the homes wherever^was appropriate id. ""Tp establish some significant dialogue with the oiaer guys in the community. Tl? QUI fffrTtfn+T 1T*IH tihnt some of the .mo.st....,mieani-sgf ul - confrontations with -the indigeneou.s. Negro population- came f rata those meetings -between 8:00 I'M to S:00-*LLI... One particular evening, Richard, Phil and myself ventured seven miles from home base at ten in the evening to have a few beers in a tar-paper Pabst beer shack. I wish the whole country could have been there when a torn and twisted old farmer engaged us in three-hour philosophic discussion concerning the identity of Negroes in iimerica. ?ery,.jjyabelie-| v-ery-beautifulv- Nothing like it have I ever heard. Buried deep in the eyes of a black face were the dreams and aspirations of a people and we heard a man unfold to us the horror of an existence alien to us. He revealed a system of myths that torment his people but concluded that the black man is,in time.able transcend.the horror in the mind butfe-'W th e physical horror of social estrange ment. Time, he explained is people becoming the fulfillment of a destiny. Time,is on the side of the Negro people and there is nothing the .Trite man can do to change that fact, whites can brutalize and disenfranchize, abuse and murder; but the black people are going to emerge of their own free will and transcend the horror. The white man is sowing the seed of his own inner and social destruction. Here ytWa roan with a life that would c-estroy most men, but he saw through the momentary and prophesized the enrrgence of his people in freedom. There was ^ore. There was a discussion of the social stucture and the role of the i»gero man in changing the structure. First the myths must be destroyed by the Negro becoming renewed and defiant. Then and only then will the thinking patterns of the whites alter. ..hen this happens he concluded that the structure would change. But he also felt that the government of the US should inforce structural change so Negroes can be politically emancipated, This he felt would stimualtei the Negro people to rise to their responsibility^ On and on he talked until almost two in the morning. -*rll-I - eeuld do. was to spend, the. next days .in thought. and evaluation. .1- still am attempting to fathom -some is -symbolism. There...was- much .more and I plan to write an-essay on it* Freedom school in a beer shack, but this time we were the students. The decision to come home after weeks in Mississippi was difficult. I know only too well that teachers and workers are needed very desperately. Nevertheless, I feel that finishing my education will be more important to me and to the work I plan to go into in the future. Presently 1 am enrolled at ..'ayne otate university. In six quarters I can pick up a double major: history and psychology. This quarter I am taking American Foreign Diplomacy under Nelly; Intro. Psychology (honors) and oocial Anthropology. I have a job four hours a day as a welder to help with finances at home. There is an active workcamp in .Detroit's "Corktown" that I am working in too. One traumatic event in the family involves dad's job at the church. The head minister is working to get dad out of the church through most slanderous and devious means. The church congregation is in the process of splitting over the issue and many of the members are attempting to get the head minister removed. Dad decided to resign from the psychology program connected with the church to avoid the split. This is his life's work and is demanding that our family make important sacrifices because of i/MS i action. I don't know what we are going to do. It is very painful to see dad dishonored by jealous factions and to have has work undermined. I am trying to find the strength to remain positive and maintain a loving attitude. The play for power in the church and the business-like pyramind buildiae* at the expense of someone elses dignity is destroying myfwealcgned faith in the church as an institution. It is tragic to see the christian spirit of love deliberately and knowingly distorted for the glorification of selfish motives. Please give my very best to Alice and the children. My thoughts are with you. Write soon. LW-— s May 12, 1961; Dear Lois, I feel that I've really let you down on this whole freedom school business. My only excuse is that there has been so damn much to do over here that I just haven't been able to put in the tiae on it that it requires. I'm enclosing what I know is inadequate stuff, but which is just the best I can produce under the circumstand.es. I'm also enclosing a description of the involvement of Harvard University in the politics and economics of Mississippi* This was drawn up by Mi±e Sayer for use of some Harvard students and will eventaally be worked into a more complete study of the power strucutre in Mississippi. I think you might find it useful for the power structure study. I've had the feeling since I started working on this thing, Lois, that what's required is an entire course, structured around a textbook that l8d love to writeo At every point I've felt terribly inadequte for handling the thing within the bounds I know are set. If this stuff is gust unusable, I'll try again. I'll be over there the coming weekend and we can go ever it0 Regards ^ack Unit IV, page 2—Power Structure Question: %o makes money when Negroes are paid less 1han white people? Sample: In 1961 Senator James 0. Eastland and his family produced 5,39U bales of cotton on their plantation in Sunflower county. ^hey sold this cotton for about $890,000. It cost them about $566,000 to rpoduce the cotton, ^o they made a profit of about $32ij.,000, on the cotton produced on their land in 1961. A part of the cost of producing the cotton on which the Eastlands made this profit was what the Eastlands had to pay the people who actually did the work in the fields—the plowing, planting, chopping and picking. We don't know exactly how much the Eastlands paid their workers, but we do know that hired labor in the cotton fields in the area was being paid .25 to .30 per hour. Let's say the ^astlands were paying top dollar for field work—$3o00 per day for ten hours work. For a six day week, the worker would be paid $18.00• The cotton season runs from sometime in March to sometime in December. Thus the cotton field worker would get, at the most, 9 monthsJ or about 36 weeks', work. On this basis his earnings from the year's work would come to around $6ij8,00o Who makes money when Negroes are paid less than white people ? In the cotton-producing sections of the Delta, cotton field work is traditionally done by Negroes. Whites, except the rapidly disappearing share croppers and tenant farmers, and small producers, do not engage in this type work. They consider it beneath them, in both dignity and money, ^hus in the cotton-producing areas, the money that Negroes should be making from work in the cotton fields is not going to white workers ao much as it is to the land owners, the planters. In other words, whites are not in competition for work in the cotton fields. This, in terms both of dignity and of income, is the price the KEE wealthy planters have paid to the poor whites for their alliance against their natural allies, Negroes. The myths of which we've been speaking have thus brainwashed the whites into working directly against their own interest. ^his alliance between wealthy whites and not-so-wealthy whites can be measured in terms of education, income, and job opportunities. The i960 census reports that 72»%% of the Negro people in Sunflower County over 25 had less than 6 years of school, while only 16.7$ of the white people over 25 had less than 6 years. Thus white wealth has been willing to pay the taxes necessary to provide school facilities for whites, but not for Negroes* The i960 census reports that 90,8$ of the Negro families in Sunflower County had annual incomes less than #3«000, while only 21.5$ of the white families in the county had incomes under that figurec This disparity of family incomes is directly traceable to the disparity in job opportunities. In I960, according to the census reports, 60.2$ of employed as Negroes in Sunflower County had jobs either ±K private household SS—JSB servants or as farm laborers. These job categories were filled by only 9.7$ of the employed whites. And on the other side of the coin, 53.2$ of the whites employed had jobs in technical, sales, professional and operative positions, while only 16$ of the employed Negroes had such jobs* The jobs in which the whites preponderate are better not only from the less burdensome, physically, point of view of money earned, but, they are Kiwaaar, they involve fewer hours work, and they permit the preservation of a kind of personal dignity which can hardly survive the implied deprecations of personal service and farm labor. Of course, Shis is not to say that employed whites have actually bettered themselves at the expense of Negroes. The fact is that they have been the victims of a brainwashing every bit as vicious as that practiced on Negroes. Whites in Sunflower County, indeed, throughout Mississippi, have been led to believe that they c an best measure their status in life by comparing it with those beneath them in the economic and social scales, rather than with those afeove them. It seems doubtful that the $50-a-week clerk in a dry-goods store in Indianala would think himself so well-off if he compared his position with that of the $200,000-a-year planter, rather than with the$l8- awweek faam laborer. But in fact he does not. The white worker sees the plight of the Negro worker and, just as his master has taught him, he subscribes to the myth of the inferiority of the Negro, ^hat he doesn't realize is that at the same time he is subscribing to another myth—the one which says that everyone in our society has an equal opportunity to attain wealth and comfort and that those who have reached the $200,000-a-year bracket have done so on the basis of superior ability and hard work. If that white worker were not so completely brainwashed he would look at Senator Eastland's riches and would realize that Senator Eastland never did anything to earn them except be born to a man who owned much land. And if he looked a bit further he would see that Senator Eastland's father obtained that land in the same way Senator Eastland obtained it. If it was ever earned by superior ability and harder work, that was many generations ago. If the white worker threw off the effects of his brainwashing, and saw reality for what it is, he would tnrn to his black brother and say, come, we shall, together, build a political machine which will ensure that some will not live in the lap of luxury while others must sit in an unheated shack and listen to their babies tftoying for the milk they cannot provide. It is the fear that the white worker will eventaally see this reality which haufcts the nights of the planters and industrialists who are presently amassing great fortunes from the work of Mississippi people, black and white. Not long ago a ISi—PSSlS—SSI • group of workers at the plant of xfeasx Durant Sportswear, Inc. decided they were not being paid enough by the owners of the factory, so they arranged to have an election of all the workers in the plant to see if a majority of the workers wanted a labor union to come in and force the owners to pay higher wages0 What did the owners of the plant do ? They began immediately to convince the white workers that the labor union wouad be integrated and that Negroes would begin getting their jobs* A majority of the brainwashed white workers believed management and voted against the union. Now they have the same wages as they had before, but, fools that they are, they take comfort in the whiteness of the plant force. Were it not for the brainwashing of years, they would have realized that their jobs are not safe so long as one man, black or white, has no job, because MS—SBBBSSfcdi— the owners themselves now that the workers have rejected organization, will threaten the white workers with Negroes whenever the white workers try to get higher wages. This is a pattern which has been going on ever since the first factory was built in Mississippi* And while the owners of industry are brainwashing the white workers, they are picking their pockets at the same time. Take, for example, the Baldwin jcum Piano Company in Greenwood. Baldwin wanted to start making piano cases and organ cases in Greenwood, because the labor was cheaper there and because Greenwood was closer to the supply of raw materials necessary to make the cases. Baldwin went to the city of Greenwood and to Leflore county and told them that if the city and county would build them a $3,000,000 plant and put the kind of machinery in they wanted, that Baldwin would move its pxax operation there. The city and the comity officials went to the bankers and the utilities executives and the land owners and the merchants of Greenwood to see what they thought should be done. All these people were very eager to have the plant there—the bankers wanted the large deposits of money the company would have to put in their banks; the land owners knew the people working in the plant would have money to spend on all kinds of things, and that, therefore, homes would be built and there would be a general increase in the demand for property and so land prices would go upj the merchants kaew that the people working in the plant would spend the money they made in the local stores; the utility company knew the plant would require large amounts of electricity; so all the city fathers said, why certainly, it will be good for the economy to have this factory here. So they borrowed the $3,000,000 and built the plant and equipped it with the machinery ikBqparaadHBsi Baldwin wanted, and then they rented the plant to Baldwin for enough money to pay back the $3,000,000 that had been borrowed to build it* Baldwin was delighted because the plant was acttally the property of the city of Greenwood, and, therefore, notsubject to property tax, Since Baldwin would be paying rent, instead of paying on a loa n as they would have had to do if they had built the plant themselves, the $3,000,000 they would have to pay out in rent would be tax deductible. Had they built the plant themselves, the payments would not have been deductible. Housing statistics for use with "Introducing Housing for whites•" White-occupied housing units in Mississippi 360,1»69 Negro-occupied housing units in Mississippi 206,611 % of white-occupied units owned by occupant 69.0 % of Negro-occupied units owned by occupant 38.3 The census reports do not include data permitting a breakdown of housing facilities between the races in Mississippi, except for the variable of occupancy. However, we can get an idea of the difference in housing facilities as betweeen races by comparing those in heavy areas of Negro population, with those in areas of light Negro population. The two counties selected here for comparison are Coahoma and Lee, Coahoma JuGO 6**0 21.2 % housing units Negro-occupied 39.5 51.4 % hsg. units with all plumbing facilities 24.1 1.1 % hsg. units dilapidated 35.0 23.9 % hsg. units with no piped water JU5.8 34.5 % hsg. units with no toilet inside 59.1 39.9 % hsg. units with no bath facilities 57.3 67.I % white hsg. units owner-occupied 20.8 35.U % Negro hsg. units owner-occupied 11.926 11,695 Total number occupied hsg. units 24.0 34.9 % white families with income under $3,000 85.2 11.9 % Negro families with income under $3,000 For the employment discussion (page 6, Unit I) the best background material I know of would be the O'Dell articles in the Fall, 196S and Winter, 1964 issues of Freedomways. A domparison of white Negro salary levels will be found in the former, I feel sure they'd be happy to provide the project with appropriate numbers of these issues. So the people in the North who own the Baldwin piano company can sell the materials that are made in the Greenwood plant, and out of the proceeds of the sale, they only have topay the salaires of the employees in Greenwood and the operating expenses. The rest they can put in their pocfceta. If-the plant had been built by Baldwin, and the machinery bought by Baldwin, then Baldwin would have to pay property taxes on the land, the building and the machinery. These property taxes would be spent for better schools and streets and all kinds s of other services. ince Baldwin doesn't pay these taxes, the people who live in Greenwood have to pay all of them, and the people who own the Baldwin piano company just get richer and richer. We ' ve been talking about how the cotton planters make profit from the labor of workers, and how the manufacturers do the same, while neither cotton planters nor manufacturers pay a fair wage or their fair share of taxes. Now let's take a case in which it is very clear how all this comes about. In 1959 the Standard Oil Company of California decided it would like to build a refinery in Pascagoula, Mississippi. They wanted to build the refinery there for a number of reasons! l) It would be close to the Mississippi and Louisiana oil fields so it would cost very little to transport the crude oil from the wells to the refinery; 2) Pascagoula has the kind of port in which large tankers can pull right up to the refinery docks and load mi the products of the refinery onto ships which will carry it to retail markers; 3) Many people are out of work in Mississippi, so labor will be very cheap. Men who are desperate to find a job so they can feed their families will work for almost nothingj 4) Mississippi has a right-to-work law in its constitution which makes labor organization very difficult; 5) If workers cannot organize into labor unions, company owners like Standard Oil know they'll be able to continue paying very low wages. So representatives of the Standard Oil Company of California had a meeting with Governor Ross Barnett and other state officials. The Standard oil company representatives told the State officials that if the State would, exempt oil refineries from taxation andw ould sell Standard Oil Company the land they wanted, that Standard Oil Company would build the refinery there. The politicians and those behind them, all wealthy men, wanted very much for Standard Oil to build the refinery. IssJSB^BaOBHSi So they agreed to do what Standard Oil wanted. The Governor called a special session of the legislature. The legislature passed resolutions proposing amendments to the Mississippi constitution which would exempt the refinery from property taxation, andwould permit the state to sell to Standard Oil Compaay a piece of land which the Congress 0f the United States had given to Mississippi people for financing and building schools. As soon as these resolutions had been passed in the Mississippi legislature, an election was called, because the people have to vote on amendments to the constitution, A very small proport on of the voters voted in the elction, becasue they didn't really understand what was goingen. All of the proposed amendments to the constitttion were passed inthe election. Then the governor called the legislature back into session and passed the laws that Standard Oil Company wanted passed. The Staddard Oil Company biilt the refinery in Pascagoula at a cost of $125,000,000 and it just recently went into operation. Standard Oil will newer have to pay any property taxes on this $125,000,000 refinery, because the governor and the legislature, by hoodwinking the people, got the refinery exempted from such taxation. Page 24—Unit VT The example of Dulles ordering the invasion of Buba is, I think, historically inaccurate. At any rate, so far as I know, the Dulles family does not own a heavy equity/ interest in United Fruit, However, I think the example of Cuba here is a good one. You will remember that one of the things which triggered the difficulty between Castro and the U.S. was the taking over of the Shell, Texaco and Standard refineries in Cuba by the Cuban Government. Castro took them over, because the companies refused to refine Russian crude which Castro was able to buy at two-thtrds the price the American Companies were charging him. The American companies in Cuba explained to Castro that they couldn't handle the Russian oil because they had contracts with their subsidiaries in South America to handle crude which was coming from the oil fields operated by those subsidiaries in South ^merica. Almost immediately the Standard Oil Company of New Jersey issued a warning to all owners of tankers in the world that any tankers which were used to haul Russian oil to Cuba would no longer be acceptable for hauling the crude of Standard from its many overseas fields to the U.S. It is common knowldege that the Rockefeller family controls the Standard Oil companies, Wright Patman, in his first study of the Foundations, documents this. This probably partially explains the reason why Governor Rockefeller of New York has been so adamantly opposed to Castro and to the Cuban revolution, Dontt you think ? THE HOUSE OF LIBERTY I came not for fortune, nor for fame, I seek not to add glory to an unknown name> ^ I did not come under the shadow of night, I came by day to fight for what's right. I shan't let fear, my monstrous foe, Conquer my soul with threat and woe. Here I have come and Here I shall stay, , And no amount of fear, my determination can sway. I asked for your churches, and you turned me down, But I'll do my work if I have to do it on the ground; You will not speak for fear of being heard, So you crawl in your shell and say, "Do not disturb," You'think -becfeose. you^e ^tirtied meiatfsyj- • You've protected yourself for another day, * But tomorrow surely must come, And your enemy will still be there with the rising sun; He'll be there tomorrow as all tomorrows in the past, And he'll follow you into, the future if you let him pass. You've turned me down to humor him, AhJ Your fate is sad and grim, For even tho' your help I ask, Even without it, I'll finish my task. In a bombed house I have to teach my school, Because I believe all men should live by the Golden Rule. To a bombed house your children must come, Because of your fear of a bomb, And because you've let your fear c"onquer your soul, In this bombed house thses minds I must try to mold; I must try to teach them to stand, tall and be a man When you their parents have cowered down and refused to take a stand. Joyce Brown McComb Freedom School Box I Folder 15 THE ACTIVIST Lepers, Liberals and Labour: 11 The British Elections ROBERT KUTTNER The Berkeley Riots: Dissent In The Multiversity JOSEPH PAFF, BILL CAVALA and JERRY BERMAN Uncle Sam's Stepchildren: The New American Right JOHN SCHAAR and W. CAREY McWILLIAMS SNCC: The Beginning of Ideology STAUGHTON LYND * The Stakes of Power (The Future of France) THERESE GASTAUT The Split-Level Economy HIRSCHEL KASPER Economic Policy Under President Johnson: Needs and Prospects THOMAS DERNBURG 50 BOOKS AND THE ARTS EDITORIALS cents ANNOUNCING-THE (NEW) ACTIVIST The current issue (Number 11) represents the beginning of our fifth year of publication, and the end of our quarterly format. THE ACTIVIST is now a bi-monthly, and will publish five issues during the academic year. As usual, there will be no summer number. Scheduled to appear February 15, is our special literary issue, a compendium of articles, essays and reviews on the contemporary literary scene in America. Original stories and poetry will be included. After that will appear (April 15) a "regular" number, featuring articles and review- essays in the areas of public policy and political issues. Another "Special" issue is scheduled for May 15. This will deal with the state of the economy and will review significant facets of economic policy, the labor movement, economic distribution and discrimination, and many other fields of special importance. Contrary to appearances, no "windfall" has blown our way. The sad facts are that THE ACTIVIST can barely pay for the current number, and has no money for the coming issues. However, we hope that by appearing more frequently, THE ACTIVIST will be more visible, and will be able to attract a larger circulation, and with hope, the adver tising so necessary to continue publication. THE ACTIVIST will continue to be a readers' magazine. We will continue to count on you for continued financial support as well as help in obtaining new subscriptions. Our invitation to readers to continue sending THE ACTIVIST their manuscripts for publica tion is again cordially extended. Especial thanks are due the many Oberiin College students and faculty members who generously donated their talent, time, energy and financial resources to THE ACTIVIST. Without them we would no longer exist. Also, grateful acknowledgement is due to Bayard Rustin for his help. It is to this great and distinguished leader that this issue is dedicated. We hope that you will subscribe to the new ACTIVIST. We are embarking on a new ven ture; it should be exciting and worth your time to read it. We hope you will come along. An intelligent, readable, critically honest review is needed in this country, now more than ever. THE ACTIVIST will try to fill this need. Will you subscribe to THE ACTIVIST for a year? Still only $2. I enclose $2 for a 1 year subscription to THE ACTIVIST, 27V2 W. College, Oberiin, Ohio, USA 44074 Name Address City State. Zip. CONTRIBUTORS Volume 5 Number 1 Daniel Brower is Assistant Professor of His THE ACTIVIST tory at Oberiin College. His special interest is in the French left. Contents William Catton is Visiting Associate Professor of Sociology, Oberiin College. Editorials 2 Lepers, Liberals and Labour: The British Elections Thomas Demburg is Economic Affairs Editor By Robert Kuttner 4 of The Activist. Professor of Economics at Oberiin College, he is currently doing re Uncle Sam's Stepchildren search on unemployment at the University of By John Schaar and W. Carey McWilliams .'... 7 Michigan. SNCC: The Beginning of Ideology Raya Dunayevskaya is the author of Marxism By Staughton Lynd 11 and Freedom, from 1776 Until Today, and other books. Author of numerous articles, lec The Stakes of Power turer on political affairs, she is a frequent By Therese Gastaut 13 contributor to The Activist. The Student Riots at Berkeley—Dissent in the Multiversity By Joseph Paff, Bill Cavala, Jerry Berman 15 Jonathan Eisen graduated last June from Oberiin College where he majored in Govern The Split-Level Economy ment. Former editor of The Activist, he is cur By Hirschel Kasper 21 rently engaged keeping himself and the mag azine alive. Economic Policy Under President Johnson: Needs and Prospects By Thomas Demburg 26 Therese Gastaut teaches French at Oberiin College. An observer of the French political REVIEWS scene, Mile Gastaut has graduated from the Institute of Political Science (Paris) and holds Infernal Contradictions the degree of Bachelor of Law. Her articles By Arthur Wright 28 have appeared frequently in leading French periodicals. Sociological Machinations By William Catton 30 Mirschel Kasper's teaches economics at Reason and Revolution vs Conformation and Technology Oberiin College (Economics Department). A frequent contributor to these pages, he has By Raya Dunayevskaya 32 written for numerous other journals in eco nomic affairs. Reunion and Reaction By Jonathan Eisen 34 Robert Kuttner is a senior government major World Communism in Transition at Oberiin College. For the past year he has By Daniel Brower ' 35 studied political science at the London School of Economics. Up From Ethnicity By Milton Yinger 37 Staughton Lynd is Associate Professor of His tory at Yale University and is a contributor to RECORDS Commentary. Transient Response By Robert Piron 39 Steven V. Roberts graduated last June from Harvard University where he wrote on politics and other subjects for the Harvard Crimson. Dennis Hale, Editor ADVISORY BOARD He now works at the Washington, D.C. Bureau of the New York Times. EDITORIAL BOARD John Barden Thomas Dernburg (Economic Affairs Editor) Rennard Davis John H. Scharr is Associate Professor of Po Jonathan Eisen Thomas Hayden litical Science at the University of California The Rev. Edward Jones Lawrence Felt (Berkeley) and is the author of Loyalty in David McReynolds America and Escape from Authority. Wilson Robert Frankel C. McWilliams is Instructor in Government, Carey McWilliams Oberiin College. An Editor of The Activist, Ethan Geto Jack Sessions he is the author of numerous articles and Hirschel Kasper reviews in national periodicals. Their analysis Ronnie Somerlott of the 1960 election, "Uncle Sam Vanishes" Wilson C. McWilliams Harold Taylor appeared in New University Thought, Vol. 1, Robert Ober Norman Thomas No. 4, 1961. Joseph Papaleo (Literary Editor) Bruce Payne Arthur Wright is Instructor in Economics at Robert Piron (Music Editor) Oberiin College. His special field is the eco nomics of the Soviet Union. Tom Wolanin Jonathon Wise Polier (International Affairs Editor) Steven V. Roberts Milton Yinger is one of America's most re spected sociologists. Among his forthcoming books are Toward a Filed Theory of Behavior THE ACTIVIST is a bi-monthly periodical of political research and commen and An American Minority Group, both to be tary, published by The Activist Publishing Company, an educational, non-profit published by McGraw Hill; a third edition of corporation. Unsolicited manuscripts are welcome; kindly include a stamped, Racial and Cultural Minorities (with George E. self-addressed envelope with submitted material. Simpson) will be published by Harper and Copyright © 1964 The Activist Publishing Company, 27% West College Street, Row. Oberiin, Ohio, 44074, U.S.A. THE ACTIVIST t Another Country It used to enchant us when Mao asserted that China, EDITORIALS being equipped with a "spiritual atom bomb," would not need its grosser and material equivalent. Such faith in the power of zeal and devotion is rare in this secular age; indeed, it established a bond of communion, as we saw it, between Peking and the American Right. Alas, it now appears that matter has once again triumphed over spirit. Mao has ac quired a bomb of his own, gross or not, and with it a ticket of admission into the ranks of the Great Urbis et Or bis Powers. It was, we are assured, inevitable, just as it is inevitable that thirty or so states will acquire nuclear capabilities and that some, like China, will It is a pleasure, after the campaign, to turn from eventually become major nuclear powers. Such reflec the inanities of American politics to the discussions tions may be comforting in Washington or Moscow. of the Ecumenical Council. A few of the issues raised They suggest that, after all, it is not a question of by the Council—such as the question of whether the our policy maker's lacking imagination or skill: who Jews really are responsible for the death of Jesus— can resist the inscrutable decrees of Providence? It strike us a bit recondite. Nor do we agree with Wil is strange, now that Mao has deserted the language liam Buckley, jr. that it is unfair to expect the Church, of lofty spirituality, to find the Big Two seeking con after only two thousand years, to eliminate anti- solation in Oriental fatalism. The East and the West semitism from its canons. But even that issue is more meet at least in this: that their rulers seek to gloss interesting than the question of what Walter Jenkins over their shortcomings and weaknesses in the lan did in the YMCA restroom; at worst, the Church has guage of political metaphysics. We could not find it been medieval, but never simply silly. Moreover, un in our heart to believe Mao; we suspected that the like the American election, the Council has discussed "spiritual atom bomb" was a compensation for lack some of the critical problems of the time: the popu of the real thing. We can hardly be blamed if, having lation explosion, the morality of atomic warfare, the found confirmation for our cynicism, we do not be revolution of rising expectations, relations with the lieve Washington either. The diffusion of nuclear Soviet world. In fact, the debates sometimes have weapons is just as "inevitable" as the short-sighted been intelligent and most often lively. The characters ness and parochiality of Soviet and American policy in the drama have been exciting. It is far more makers. Perhaps the latest thunder out of China will worthwhile to dislike Cardinal Alfredo Ottaviani, as suffice to shake the slumberers of the Potomac and sinister a man of menace as anyone could want, than the Moskva into something approaching wisdom. a comedian's straight man like Bill Miller. It is also more worthwhile to admire the growing number of enlightened Church leaders who have struggled to put the Church ahead of, and able to control, the revolutionary forces of our times. There are strange and hopeful forces at work in Catholicism, and one The Walrus and can only hope that they prevail. It sets a curious example for Americans to see the most ancient of the political bodies on the earth slowly moving ahead of a nation founded on the dream of the Enlightenment the Carpenter and the hope of progress. Writing in the London Observer John Kenneth Gal- braith noted that the problems with which govern ments are forced to deal are so difficult that "they have become increasingly the domain of a cognescenti," a set of Establishmentarian experts. The "insiders"— those shadowy figures lurking in the corridors of Wall Street firms, Harvard University and the Coun cil on Foreign Relations—were the prime targets in Goldwater's appeal, a pitch directed at the "outsiders" of America. As Galbraith wrote, that appeal had a cer tain plausibility and power. "People also sensed, cor rectly, that if Goldwater could penetrate the great FALL 1964 problems, then anyone could. Thus, both he and his principles as unreal as those of his ideology. In one ideas were proof that the outsiders could be in." The month, October, he managed to come out against Medi analogy between Goldwater and Hitler or other assort care in St. Petersburg, Florida, the world's largest old ed Fascist leaders was far-fetched at best. Goldwater folks home; against the TFX deal in Ft. Worth, the represented something much simpler, yet only a little home of General Dynamics, the chief beneficiary of less dangerous: the belief that somewhere there is a the largesse in question; against the war on poverty final solution. in West Virginia, and against TVA in Nashville. Bill The lure of the simple answer and the final solution Miller did his bit by attacking immigration in South is quite understandable. In both foreign and domestic Bend, a city populated by immigrants. It is reported affairs we are engaged in a pragmatic "muddling that these pronouncements were planned intentionally through." It is not neat, but messy and imprecise; to enhance Goldwater's major campaign asset — his not satisfying, but frustrating. In a bewildering world reputation for sincerity and honesty. If he would at the man who announces that he has the answer is tack Medicare in St. Petersburg, the reasoning went, bound to have some appeal. The surprising fact is that he must be honest indeed. Apparently no one antici Goldwater had so little. pated the more common reaction: if he would attack Domestically, Goldwater was backing a sure loser. Medicare in St. Petersubrg he must be nuts. To com Despite the oratorical genuflexions of most politicians, plete the scene, on came Dick Nixon. There he was: laissez-faire has been discredited since the days of the aging stripper dancing down the runway to jagged the Depression. We have no coherent theory of public music. Few lustful cries were raised when the tat ownership (or of anything else) to put in its place, tered veils fell. They had seen it before, but now there except a diffuse devotion to Lord Keynes. With all its were more wrinkles and fewer curves. chaotic untidiness, however, the pragmatic welfare Even with such assistance, however, most of the state is here to stay. The benefits of social security credit belongs to the voter. Yet, if they rejected the are more attractive than whatever ideological comfort fantast and embraced the realist, the particular form may be derived from the programs and doctrines of reality will take is not yet clear. Weirdness is the Adam Smith and Milton Friedman. theme of the election in this final fact: Lyndon John In foreign affairs, Goldwater had a better chance. son has been elected by the largest popular majority He was appealing to a strain more vibrant than lais in this century ("The shape of tomorrow's America sez-faire: American invincibility, and the concept of depends more on what goes on in his mind,' Theodore America as a community embarked on a mission of White wrote, "than on any individual since Lincoln"). salvation. A logical extension of the theory is the be Yet we don't yet know exactly what he is for. He gets lief that if things are not going well for America, things done, they say, and so he does—or at least, so there is a reason; once discovered, the impediment can he did last year. If muddling through the real world be removed. Thus came McCarthy, who found wide is our wisest course, as the voters decided, such ability spread support for his accusation that Communist in is invaluable. But pragmatism, in the end, is only a filtration was responsible for our post-war troubles. way of solving problems, a theory of means. Knowl Goldwater offered a new villain: the appeaser and the edge of how to get there is not terribly useful if you weakling, lacking in international pugnacity. don't know where you are going. Our efforts must be That too lacked appeal, as the event proves. In re pointed in some direction, toward some hope for our jecting Barry Goldwater, the American people re selves as a nation. What is not yet clear is whether jected the politics of fantasy and thus accepted the Lyndon Johnson is capable of fashioning a true vision politics of reality. They rejected the premise of sim of the nation's future, and whether he possesses the ple answers, and of simple methods to implement vast good humor that alone makes such a journey those answers. That is the primary judgment of the possible. election. Goldwater's campaign helped. It was managed on STEVEN ROBERTS THE ACTIVIST LEPERS, LIBERALS, AND LABOUR: THE BRITISH ELECTIONS By ROBERT KUTTNER Harold Wilson's Labour Party governs with a ma British "V-Bombers," which had hitherto been as jority of four, or five, thanks to the Tory Speaker of sumed obsolete in a missile age. The United States was the House; this slim majority would be nonexistent to have supplied the Missiles. This decision was made had fifteen Britishers voted differently in North Eal in 1960, and like so many strategic decisions during ing and Brighton, where the Labour majorities are the Eisenhower years, it was based largely on budget seven and twenty-three, respectively. Notwithstanding ary considerations—in this case, a consideration for his barest of holds, Mr. Wilson is attempting to gov the resources tied up in the V-Bombers. By 1962, ern as if it were nineteen forty-five. however, McNamara had determined that Polaris was After graciously accepting the outgoing Prime Min a less vulnerable deterrent, and at the Nassau Con ister's promise not to harrass unduly the new Govern ference of that year, Macmillan was informed that ment, Mr. Wilson proceeded to suggest that the mem Polaris was being substituted for Skybolt. Both from ber for Smethwick, a Tory who had won with an a budgetary and a prestige point of view, the whole avowedly racist platform, be disavowed by the Tories affair damaged the Government, for it showed the and "serve his term as a parliamentary leper." In the hollowness of Britain's nuclear independence, and it words 'of the Economist, "Mr. Wilson was silenced for wasted money. some ten minutes by that special upper class mooing If one pillar of Tory foreign policy was the inde sound that only Conservatives can produce." And he pendent nuclear deterrent, the other was, by 1962, a was subsequently threatened with a censure motion. A decision to "join Europe." This hope was likewise group of Labour backbenchers then filed their own shattered in January 1963, when DeGaulle vetoed censure motion condemning the Prime Minister for Britain's application to the Common Market. During insulting lepers. the winter of 1962-63, when even the weather seemed Labour has a tradition of costly epithets; many the fault of the Government, and unemployment was observers claim that Aneurin Bevan's famed "Tories on the rise, the Common Market had been "sold" to are lower than vermin" cost Labour the 1951 election. the public as a panacea. Certainly, the events at Nas Unlike the late hero of the left wing, the present sau, three months earlier, were one important influ Prime Minister was prudent, to save his words for ence on DeGaulle's decision. To be bullied by the the post-election. Americans was not unknown, but humiliation by the Whether the Tories are vermin or lepers, or simply French was too much to bear. Tories (which, to a good socialist, is redundant), Then came the Profumo Affair. While the damage they have a remarkable staying power. Of the thirteen it did to the Government is difficult to determine, durable governments since the Third Reform Act, added to the other events of the year, it could hardly only two have been radical: the Liberals of 1906, and have helped the Tory Cause. The Attlee Government of 1945. Finally, there was the question of the Tory leader In this year's election, Labour had every reason to ship. No other Prime Minister seems to have suc expect victory by a sizeable margin, yet the Tories ceeded less in creating an image of himself than did very nearly won. The fortunes of British prestige, Lord Home. There is no precise British equivalent and therefore Tory prestige, had received two serious for "Nebbish," and perhaps this is fortunate for the blows. Macmillan had planned- the British Nuclear Tories. During that frenzied week when the Tory Deterrent around the Skybolt Missies launched from Leadership was up for grabs, Lord Home emerged FALL 1964 as the man with the fewest enemies, and everybody's greater feeling against the government than actually second choice. One well-informed commentator is con occurs on polling day. vinced that Lord Home was chosen only because pro Second, there was the factor of the Liberal Party. longed suspense might have been upsetting to the An unusually large number of voters were unwilling Queen, who was eight months pregant at the time. to support the Conservatives, yet could not bring Before the choice of Lord Home had been confirmed, themselves to vote Labour. The Liberals generally a Cabinet revolt was known to be in progress, but the tend to take two votes away from the Tories for Queen was advised to designate him anyway, possibly every one from Labour, and a large Liberal turnout out of fear of a miscarriage (which would have been is normally considered to help Labour. In this elec disasterous for the Conservative Party). tion, however, it enabled an "anti-government" vote Directly after taking control, Lord Home, now "Sir to manifest itself in something other than a "pro- Alec," managed to alienate his own supporters in opposition" vote, thereby denying the either-or, "zero- Commons and out, by permitting Edward Heath to sum," character of the two-party system. As a per go ahead with his plan to abolish retail price main centage of total votes cast, the Labour proportion was tenance. the smallest since before the war. The Labour party, on the other hand, had a number Third, and perhaps the most important influence on of factors working in its favor. One was simply thir the Tory upsurge, were events across the Atlantic. teen years of Tory rule. Lord Home seemed the per To the Conservatives, American control of the West's sonification of Tory lethargy. Another was Harold basic deterrent meant that Britain could maintain her Wilson. After the bitter factional disputes of 1960, own deterrent without worrying about its effective Labour managed to unite around its new leader, a ness, while maintaining Britain's prestige with some man who seemed to reflect the new, "classless" Brit teeth, and in Sir Alec's words "insuring us a place ain, a political figure with a personal and historical at the top (conference) table." To Labour, on the affinity to the left, yet one who could convince the other hand, the American "umbrella" meant that right that his policies were not all that different from Britain might dispence with her own bomb, and take Gaitskell's, on an increased role as conciliator between East and Lord Home took over the leadership in October, West. This ideal of independence under a responsible 1963. The Labour Party, with its own new leader, American umbrella was badly damaged by the assas with the polls giving it a 10 per cent lead, and with sination of President Kennedy. As Patrick Gordon the legal limit to the present parliament less than a Walker put it, "He was the man they trusted to hold year away, could sharpen its attacks on the Govern the thunderbolt." There can have been few more cruel ment, and wait for Sir Alec to call an election. illustrations than the tragedy at Dallas of basing a Yet, by October, 1964, Labour's lead had dwindled policy on anything so fragile as human flesh. If this to practically nothing, and the Tories came within a were not bad enough, the subsequent ascendance of hair of retaining power. In fact, both major opinion Senator Goldwater and the remotest possibility that polls showed the Tories actually leading a week be such a man might have his finger on the button cast fore polling day. grave doubts on the wisdom of modifying Britain's Aside from such factors as a "good summer," there independent deterrent. Although any unsettling event seem to be three major influences of the Tory revival internationally tends to rally support around the gov which very nearly took victory away from Mr. Wilson. ernment in power, this particular situation was espe First, there was the uncanny "swing back to the cially damaging to Labour. Government," which Robert MacKenzie had observed. The race question cost Labour at least two seats: In each of the six elections since 1945, there has been one was that of Foreign Secretary Patrick Gordon a swing of support back to the Government in power Walker at Smethwick, an industrial suburb of Bir during the six months prior to polling day. The swing mingham which had had a large influx of immigrants. has averaged 9 per cent, and with astounding con Official or otherwise, the popular slogan was "If you sistency. It has occurred whether the government in want a nigger for a neighbour, vote Labour." power was Tory or Labour; it has occurred regardless Similarly, Fenner Brockway, Labour's most vigorous of which party enjoyed how much of a lead six months crusader for racial justice, lost his seat at Eton and before the election. And the actual figure has not Slough. Brockway had introduced' a bill to outlaw varied more than two percentage points from the racial discrimination on numerous occasions, and at average of 9 per cent. Although one should not take each subsequent election his margin shrank. This year, this as a "behavioral law," it nevertheless seems to when his bill was finally made a part of Labour's indicate a conservatism on the part of the British platform, ironically, he 'was defeated. electorate which, within limits, is predictable. A voter One interesting effect of the election was to elim will consider turning the government out when the inate the "two percent bias" against Labour. In the actual decision is not at hand, but becomes increas past, Labour's huge wasted majorities in industrial ingly cautious as polling day approaches. This is also constituencies meant that it had to outpoll the Tories reflected in by-elections, which often manifest a much by two percent of the popular vote in order to break THE ACTIVIST even, in Commons. This year, Labour outpolled the On such programs as reform of the educational Tories by less than one percent, and their popular system, nationalization of development land, better margin is approximately proportional to their edge housing, and measures to strengthen the economy, the in the Commons. This change may be due to the Liberals generally agree with the substance, if not Liberal drain, or, more likely, to the influx to the the form, and will probably be in support. On defense suburbs, which has enlarged the average Tory con policy, however, Wilson must walk a tightrope, and stituency, and diluted Conservative votes. has difficulties with his own left wing, let alone the On balance, Labour's outlook is somewhat brighter Liberals. than the margin of five seats might suggest. Although Prominent left wingers such as Barbara Castle, the Government's majority on the amendment to the Anthony Greenwood and Frank Cousins have been Queen's speech opposing renationalization of steel brought into the cabinet on the theory that they will was only six, with the Liberals voting with the Tories, be more manageable in than out. However, saddling it rose to 23 on the Government program as a whole, Nye Bevan with three major posts in 1945, was hardly with the Liberals in support. able to silence him. Deferring to the left on prescrip One thinks back to 1950 when Labour was returned tion charges or embargoing South Africa will not with a majority of six, and lasted only 17 months. necessarily make them more manageable when it There are, however, significant differences between comes to defense. Nevertheless, after thirteen years that government and the present one. Then, Labour out of office, Wilson should be able to count on reason had already been in office for five years, and was able party discipline. badly split. The left openly rebelled when a shilling With a Government less than two months old, it charge was put on prescriptions, allegedly to finance would be risky to make any definite predictions. Be increased arms spending. On that occasion, Harold fore it can concern itself with major policy changes, Wilson followed Aneurin Bevan out of the cabinet. the Government has the stability of the pound with The left today, after thirteen years in the wilderness, which to concern itself. The slender majority has held though it still has disagreements with Labour policy, so far, and it is likely that the Liberals might vote is unwilling to risk bringing down the Government. to maintain the Government, if a key vote were un During 1950-51, it was not uncommon to see mem expectedly going against it. The polls indicate that bers arriving in ambulances, wheelchairs, or even if a new election were held, Labour would increase stretchers, for important divisions. What is remark-' their lead; spring elections seem a probability only able is not that the Government ultimately had to go if Wilson believes that Labour has a safe chance of to the country, but that it endured for as long as it widening their margin. did. Lord Morrison has suggested that the sudden dissolution in July, 1951, came as a surprise to two When a man is cured he always beats the doc of the inner cabinet, and that had the Leader chosen tor. —Nigerian Proverb to carry on for a few more months, the results might No matter how sharp the knife, it cannot scratch have been different. At that time, Labour's austerity its own handle. —.Another Nigerian Proverb measures had just begun to bear fruit, and the gov ernment might well have been significantly more pop So that's the way they see it in Yorubaland. Do you wonder, then, why you have trouble under ular by the fall. standing events in Africa? To get inside, to get If the lesson of 1950-51 is instructive to Labour, it around, to get on top of the news, read is even more so to the Liberals, who have no interest in seeing the Government fall at this time. In a new election they would be very unlikely to maintain their AFRICA TODAY unusual 11.9 per cent of the vote. Their coffers are Published 10 times a year (since 1953) by The depleted; moreover, in any new election so close on American Committee on Africa. the heels of a previous one, the voter would be in Politics, social developments, literature . . , clined to vote for stability, i.e., one of the two major Articles, reviews, editorials, fiction . . . parties. In 1950, the Liberals polled 9.1 per cent of the vote; in the 1951 election, after 17 months of AFRICA TODAY Dept. A shaky government, this dropped to 2.5 per cent. The 211 East 43rd Street #1 present balance gives the Liberals a potential influ New York, N. Y. 10017 ence that they would not otherwise have, and they Please enter my subscription for • one year would be wise to vote with the Opposition only on @ $5.00 • two years @ $9.50; • three years measures which they adamantly oppose, such as re- @ $13.50. nationalization of steel. (Jo Grimmond, the Liberal Name leader, incidentally, has suggested a compromise by which the government would hold 51 per cent of steel Address stock, leaving the rest in private hands. Labour, thus far, however, have been unwilling to accept this.) State FALL 1964 Uncle Sam's Stepchildren By JOHN SCHAAR and W. CAREY McWILUAMS The 1960 campaign was banal enough, but at least The argument that only a landslide could eradicate the electorate learned that Quemoy and Matsu were the menace on the right contributed to the same end. somewhere near Taiwan. Even that minimal instruc The desire for safety, and not the sense of opportun tion in political geography was lacking in 1964. The ity, dominated the campaign of the "visionary" party national conventions established a pattern which the in 1964. campaign followed; even the fall of Khrushchev and Goldwater's contribution to the campaign's failure the explosion of a Chinese atomic device could not was, of course, a different one. The true believers who deflect it from the path. Both parties contributed powered him to victory at San Francisco were dedi about as much to political education as the Luddites cated to providing the American people with a "choice, did to. industrial technology. not an echo." Certain of their enemies—the New . In light of the last two presidential campaigns, it Deal, Welfarism, violence in the streets, "one-world- seems manifest nonsense to describe political cam ism," co-existence, and immorality—they were no less paigns as "educational experiences" in which the pub certain of their champion. Goldwater offered them a lic becomes acquainted with the great issues of the voice whose tones were stiff with pride and thirsting time. If education there, was in those elections, it for revenge, and a personality eager for the crusade followed a direction opposite to that generally as against the liberal Establishment as an opportunity sumed. The voters saw—or believed they saw—mean to prove its manliness and purity. ingful alternatives between Kennedy and Nixon in This particular choice, of course, delighted the rad 1960; the same was the case in 1964. Seventy million ical right and terrified everyone else. When, inevitably, Americans cast their ballots in 1964, and something Goldwater fell victim to the malaise of the Presi was needed to stir such a multitude. Yet in 1964, as dential candidate—the hope of winning the great in 1960, it can hardly be argued that the motive power prize, in '68 if not this year—he was faced with the was provided by the parties,, the programs, or the problem of allaying the fears of most citizens while candidates. Meaning was discovered, if not created, retaining the passionate devotion of his rightist ad by the voters themselves. Perhaps the greatest pros mirers. That task would have challenged a political pect offered by the election of 1964 lay in the hope genius. It totally baffled Barry, who is probably not that the electorate would educate the political leaders, even a political man, and who is certainly no genius. not the reverse. The electorate did its part manfully: The "choice" disintegrated into a set of woolly and "The Voters to the Rescue," The Manchester Guardian inconsistent utterances, sybilline in portent and ob headlined its election issue. Yet that fact neither scure in meaning. His statements were not sufficient explains nor eradicates the bankruptcy of leadership to alienate the radical right; they convinced everyone and imagination which has come to characterize else that Barry Goldwater was certainly an ill-in American politics. formed man, probably an ignorant man, and possibly Some "blame" for the future of the campaign as a dangerous man, as well. an educational enterprise falls on both major parties. That judgment, however, evades an answer to the President Johnson was unwilling to take advantage question: how did such a man perform the prodigious of what was clearly a massive lead to open a discus feat of capturing the Republican nomination? Even sion of tough and important questions. It is not so if one grants that the G.O.P. has for some time been clear that this resulted from any failure of intelli cursed with a dearth of leaders, a virtual absence of gence or courage, at least on his part. The liberal- ideas, and the approximation of an "identity crisis"— left in America, terrified by the unlikely prospect of all of which have made the party so unsightly a thing a Goldwater victory, saw that spectral danger in every that few good men really want to possess it—-his feat portent, however favorable. That school of analysis is among the most impressive In American political may have encouraged Democrats to "play it safe." history. Never has a movement done so much with so THE ACTIVIST little, either in the excellence of ideas or the caliber accurate memories or understanding of that earlier of leadership. Explaining that success is tantamount condition which, allegedly, they seek to restore. None to understanding the most important meaning of this of this reduces the zeal of the loyal: Santayana's defi election. nition of the fanatic as one who redoubles his energy * * * when he has lost sight of the goal applies perfectly. Barry was aided by fortune, to be sure, but he did Much of the vocabularly used to describe the "new most of it himself. For years, while the Rockefellers order" which the right seeks to establish is drawn and Lodges were not listening or were laughing, Gold- from the late 19th century. It is the standard language water was stumping the country, addressing the faith of American economic individualism. Yet virtually ful and disgruntled. By gift or persuasion, great everything which gave that vocabulary relevance numbers of party workers fell into his debt. Above has disappeared from the American scene. Goldwater all, his attacks on the "liberal Establishment" per uses the old words, but in the new setting they have suaded the homeless ones of the far right that their new meanings. The old hear the language, and remem deliverer had come. Goldwater went to San Francisco ber in a glow which seems the after-life of youth. backed by a corps of followers more devoted, resolute, Their America is dead, though they live. The ethnic and willing to sacrifice than any candidate in either basis of its life—Protestant, Anglo-Saxon, Caucasian party could muster. —and the social relationships which grew out of it, This, from the beginning, was a losing year for the have passed from political power. The imperfect mem Republicans. Their "moderate" contenders sought, ory of the old is magnified by the imagined memory somewhat desperately, to avoid becoming involved. of the younger right, typified by the ethnically Jewish Even Dick Nixon waited decorously, if willingly, in Goldwater and the Catholic Miller whom it chose to the wings. Only Rockefeller, whose hopes were nil in shout its slogans, a pseudo-memory of a society it a more propitious year, carried the fight into the did not know at all. primaries. Men of expediency like Everett Dirksen, That older America and its stern doctrine of compe whose basic sympathies lay with the right, began to tition were harsh enough, but the rigors of competi count grievances against the Eastern establishment. tion were softened by the customs of living together, Others, surveying the Goldwater votaries, felt that by hope for the future, by the glow of religious piety. this might be the year to allow them to voice their The new symbols, divorced from personal loyalty and frustrations, thus heading off threatened "Conserva group affiliation are as cold as reason and as rigorous tive Parties" and other splinter movements. But with as the will power of unhappy men can make them. out the workers in the ranks, the cause would have "Softness" sickens the Goldwaterite, and he sees it in come to nothing. many forms. He confronts that softness neither with The zealots had been there many years. Some, the a program nor a Utopia, but with a passion to test his old or the businessmen of declining small towns, hoped hardness against it. It is not ideologies, composed of that Goldwater would give America back to its right- the weak reed of ideas, that will change the world. full owners. Most, however, were more vital, younger, What changes the world, in their view, is will power: more newly arrived: the new entrepreneurs of the force of character and conviction, the courage to South West; the parvenus of the upwardly-mobile fight, the willingness to crack eggs or skulls—even ethnic groups; the lower echelons of the corporate without any clear idea of the "omelette" which is to elite. The first felt deprived of something in a new result. The driving component of the Goldwater men and unfamiliar America. The second, having achieved tality is what Machiavelli called "boldness." Alas, at success by every standard which that America offers, least part of the psyche of those who believe that find success lacking in meaning, void of genuine satis Fortune is a woman to be conquered by the strong of faction. will is only too clear. Both yearn for an old America which they believe Insofar as the right has a doctrine, it is a kind of holds the fulfillment of their dreams. Regrettably, the Progressivism, gone too far too late. The issues, as is America they long for has so thoroughly disappeared obvious, are the same: anti-unionism; anti-corruption; that their memory of it is very uncertain and im anti-foreignism; anti-party politics. Smash all the perfect. The elder rightist sees it through the haze intricate and subtle webs that keep the individual of nostalgia. The younger and more articulate right from the direct assertion of his will. More telling ist has created it out of whole cloth and romantic than this similarity of content is the strange personal history. likeness between Barry Goldwater and Teddy Roose It is this which imparts to the Goldwater following velt. Watching Goldwater, one is likely to have the that curiously bizarre and abstract air that chills the eerie feeling of having seen him before. Barry is hearts of so many moderates. It is this which makes T.R.: all teeth and toughness; the jutting jaw and nonsense of the term "conservative" when applied to glinting eye. Only after a time does it become clear Goldwater's ideas and their devotees. It is this too that something is missing in the reincarnation. The that renders irrelevant the label "reactionary" so new crusader has no humor, no gaiety, because the loosely applied to today's radical right: they have no situation is grim beyond all irony and detachment. 8 FALL 1964 In 1912, Bull Moosers did not really believe that they either. Liberals and Democratic moderates may worry stood at Armageddon. T.R. gave them a mighty phrase enough about the "decline of the two-party system" and magnificent enthusiasm, but they didn't believe to vote for a party they dislike, or even to work for that the world had to be totally remade before it it, in order to keep-it alive. Republican moderates in could be made rightly. A few adjustments here and 1964 who were wise enough not to support Goldwater there and the old system would restore itself. too openly were praised for their "courage," even Now the crusaders do feel they stand at Armaged when "officially" they had supported the ticket. Yet don. It is not merely old institutions and group affilia even those who opposed it showed less courage than tions that are dying: the old creed is dying as well. a realistic appraisal of the vote-getting liability that Individualism, competitiveness, firmness of character, the national ticket would prove to be. Democrats in personal industry and restraint of impulse are many states, despite such obvious facts, gave the smothering under a cloud of ethical relativism, en- Republican moderates their slipport. For the most vironmentalism, and the morality of pleasure and con part, that was not enough to turn the tide in 1964; sumption. All those who have labored and suffered without Barry, it may be enough to produce a major and sacrificed for that creed confront an America swing back to the G.O.P. in 1966. Or perhaps some which will no longer bear the burden, which regards of the fragments of the polyglot Democratic coalition them as fools, and which flaunts its contempt in pub will split off and enter the Republican fold. Before lic display of the new order and its ways. The old either can happen, however, the fiercely loyal Gold- are perhaps sincere in their horror, but the younger water following will have to be purged from the rightist reveals in unguarded moments that he sus centers of power or compelled to speak more softly. pects that the new America may be right, doubts Distaste for the Right may be the only element which whether he has not played the fool. As almost every binds together the Democratic coalition. satirist recognized, the delight in the discussion of * * * personal immorality, typified by the movie "Choice," Unlikely as it is that the Republicans will find a way bears a close resemblance to the bawdy conversation to open a discussion of the real issues of American of the locker room and the "stag" parties of the past. politics, it is no more likely that the Democrats will Ambivalence, resentment, - self-doubt, these drive the be able to do so. Virtually every major element of the new right to its surges of hate and to its desperate Democratic coalition is attached to the economic cornu- . need to cling to values never very exalted in an era copia and each great interest aggregate knows full which renders them irrelevant. well that prosperity requires maintaining and ex What this means for the future of the Republican panding the existing economic system: large corpo Party is not easy to say. It will take much to unfasten rate enterprise and mass organization generally, a the grip of the radicals. Mere argument or appeals war economy, administered prices, subsidies, and the to expediency will not suffice. The men now in control advance of technology. It would be foolish to expect are not concerned, with success: they are concerned the Democrats to initiate partisan discussion of such to retain possession of a home, a legitimate place in topics as automation, disarmament, the meaningless a legitimate institution from which they can terrify, quality of life and work, the banality of mass leisure if not win the admiration of an America which seems and the restlessness of youth, the felt discontent with to cast them out. This is unusual in American politics: material culture, the decline of community, and the a group of national leaders who care less for sub discrepancy between our inherited values and official stantive victories, and less for programs than for slogans on one hand and the actual conditions of our slogans. Hence the difficulty of prediction: the limita life on the other. tion of our previous experience. The Democrats will devote themselves to keeping It is, however, difficult to see what programs the the gross national product on the rise and making Republican moderates can devise to regain control modest redistributions of that product among the while still differentiating themselves from the Demo disadvantaged sectors of the population. The War crats. At this time, the Democratic party embraces on Poverty may be pursued, even with vigor: poverty, such a wide spectrum of groups and policies that any in an economy chronically short in consumption, no proposal made by moderate or liberal Republicans will longer serves the interest of any of the great aggre be adopted by the Democrats as their own. And.no gations which make up the party. program, seized by the Democrats or not, which fails In any case, the Democrats do not have the intel to do credit to the sanctities of their slogans will lectual and political space for any decisive changes in satisfy the American right, on whose votes hope for policy. The landscape of politics is densely—indeed, a G.O.P. resurgence still depend. is over-populated with interest groups which find What will save the Republican Party from falling spokesmen in the centers of power. The events of the into a permanent minority is not the intelligence or day move rapidly and its exhausts the political skill imagination which its leaders will demonstrate. It is of the best man to keep the ship afloat; direction and the deep-seated American conviction that there ought goal, future and vision, have become almost irrespon to be two parties, even if you don't care much for sible terms in an age of rapid change and technolog- THE ACTIVIST ical power. The Democracy has become a profoundly the Cold War and possible war with Russia has pro conservative force, dubious of the course and direc vided us with a justification for almost all of our tion of change in many cases, yet too prudent to national decisions, a motive for all new departures in attempt to change it. policy, a standard for political excellence and virtue. Whatever policy innovations there are will most The barbarians at the gate and the barbarians at likely come from two sources. First, there will be a home have given the citizens a meaning and a reason continuation of the pattern whereby neither the Pres for their lives which the city itself no longer provides. ident or Congress, but the Supreme Court, an aristo Cavafy's poetry is the true prophecy of our times. cratic and meta-political institution, has become the Should the barbarians disappear, however, all our major source of innovation in domestic policy. Stand self-doubt and moral uncertainty might rush to the ing outside the group matrix, the Court can, to a surface, and a genuine period of moral self-examina degree, impart direction, if not momentum, to the tion might ensue. Whether America could survive this political system. It has become a prime mover, almost is not certain. Surely we are not ready for it now— by indirection, because the law is still concerned with so unready, indeed, that if the barbarians did not the nature and direction of public policy. The domestic exist we would doubtless invent them. scene offers another, though very muted, hope. The The President, to his credit, shows one of the vir President has revealed some receptiveness to ideas, tues of traditional America: a conviction that foreign and the greatest political skill of our times in getting policy is an annoying diversion from the primary those ideas written in the statutes. With a greater task of perfecting our own society. That attitude is majority than has existed since the early New Deal, likely to claim little support. Indeed, were he to that tendency will find opportunity to express itself. persist in it, the great associations and interests Yet the President has always been a politician who, which now bear the Democratic label might feel if willing to accept the new policy or idea, has op obliged to create barbarians, or support those who erated well within the canons of established practice. will do so. This is not to suggest that. they would Any change which originates with him, and certainly favor the bellicosity of the Right; a somewhat more any change which comes from the Congress, is likely prudent combativeness, of the Cold War variety, to come so slowly that events will move faster. Scien might command their attention. That, unfortunately, tific innovation and social change at home and over holds out the best prospects for an opposition leader seas have outrun politics, in an age when even the ship in the coming years. most imaginative of men seek for security and eschew Perhaps the most disturbing prospect in American vision. politics is the simplest. The forces that have created Second, there are possibilities on the international the "new right" will not disappear, even as the old front. American policy has settled into a well-defined creed dies. Religion may lapse, but Ayn Rand suc lethargy. Though there is every indication of a mas ceeds it on the right and Zen on the left. The new sive change in foreign conditions since the Cold War right is an anticipation of the future. Will power is policy was formulated, it still persists. "Containment" an infinitely appealing thing in a world in which the has exhausted itself because the predictions which, will and desires of individuals bulk very small; that policy set forth have been fulfilled. Containment toughness and the cult of success rate as virtues in an aimed to hold the line until a new and more flexible age in which man is too petty to hope for what is generation came to power in the U.S.S.R. Though that noble. As most Americans know, Nixon and Kennedy has happened, no new policy has been suggested; were better suited to the style of the new age than "peaceful coexistence" is merely a transformation of the protagonists in 1964: they personified its taste old language into pleasanter terms. When Senator for the tough, efficient man, guided by the hope of Humphrey voiced a few unconventional opinions in success and a vision which reaches no higher than the Senate, they were received as powerful and unique the dreams of the engineers. Lyndon B. Johnson has contributions. (Indeed, there is no greater index of few enough virtues to commend him, and one might the bankruptcy of American leadership than the fact think that he too met the test, but there is about him that Humphrey, whose record has rarely deviated the subtle aura of the old America, America as it from the straight path of liberal orthodoxy, is thought really was, not as the fevered dreams of a Goldwater to be an "imaginative" leader). imagine it to have been. Esquire, with its unfailing When Peking exploded its bomb, our first (and instinct, recently classed him as part of the "old thus far, only) response was to assure ourselves that sentimentality." He is the last of the lot. The "new sentiment" has its roots in that new age whose elo China could not become a significant nuclear power quence is shaped by Madison Avenue and whose great for five to ten years. achievements are the freeway and the atom bomb. The international situation is undergoing rapid * # * transformation. Yet we are so attached to the security which we have, perversely, derived from the famili One optimistic note may be struck. The election of arity of the international system vintage 1948, that 1964 sounded the death-knell of racial politics at the we refuse to recognize the fact. Indeed, since 1948, national level. Voters may favor initiatives and 10 FALL 1964 referenda which impede racial integration. Candidates Northern cities might be lost. That little of this hap oppose civil rights at their peril. Racism is not dead, pened—that Goldwater, for example, received a minor but the signs are simple. Negroes, when racial issues ity of votes in the South as a region—suggests that are raised, vote with an impressive unanimity and most voters, negroes aside, do not regard ethnic issues sophistication; racists do not—indeed, the "backlash" as fundamental. The voters, as so often in America, failed utterly to appear. have given the clue to the politicians: the new age is Yet liberals feared the backlash as much as con upon them, the new issues dominate the lives of men. servatives hoped for it. Typical of the dead imagina Politicians have certainly learned that it is folly to tion of American politics, they assumed race and play with the fire of race; it is doubtful that they ethnicity would pay their traditional roles in Ameri have learned the more positive lesson that 1964 might can politics. The South might revolt en masse; the have served to teach them and the country they lead. The Beginning of Ideology By STAUGHTON LYND Five years ago this fall C. Vann Woodward pub intellectual who fully engages himself must emerge lished an essay entitled "The Populist Heritage and with critical as well as positive responses, and his" the Intellectual," directed against "the disenchant responsibility ends only when he has attempted to ment of the intellectual with the masses" so charac communicate these. teristic of the Eisenhower years. Woodward called on It is just here that inhibitions crowd in. For, to intellectuals to maintain the tradition of Henry begin with, surely "the movement" is already mag George, Henry Demarest Lloyd and Upton Sinclair, nificently articulate? Its leaders are themselves writers and thinkers who had thrown themselves into scholars-in-action. James Forman left graduate work the popular movements of their day. He said: in African studies to go to Fayette County, Tennessee. One must expect and even hope that there will be Robert Moses, before he went to Mississippi, had future upheavals to shock the seats of power and majored in philosophy and mathematics at Haverford privilege and furnish the periodic therapy that and Harvard. The young man at the Jackson COFO seems necessary to the health of our democracy. office who, late on June 21, received the telephone re But one cannot expect them to be any more de port that Michael Schwerner, James Cheney and corous or seemly or rational than their predeces Andrew Goodman were missing, is a specialist in sors. Japanese culture. The young woman who took my "The intellectual," Woodward concluded, "must not place at the end of the summer as director of the be alienated from the sources of revolt." Mississippi Freedom Schools had been an English in Woodward's article was itself part of a tradition: structor at the University of Washington. Now SNCC the prophetic tradition of American intellectuals who even has its own research department, headed by Jack have called on their fellow-craftsmen to join them in Minnis, a candidate for the doctorate in Political radical action. Emerson had issued such a call in his Science at Tulane. SNCC offices are uniformly strewn "American Scholar." He said, in 1837: "Action is with magazines and paperback books. Nor is SNCC with the scholar subordinate, but it is essential. With anti-intellectual in the manner of the Russian Narod- out it he is not yet man. Without it thought can never niks, who were ready to exchange Shakespeare for a ripen into truth." Emerson went on: "Only so much pair of boots. At the Oxford orientation session which do I know, as I have lived. Instantly we know whose preceded the Mississippi Summer Project, Bob Moses words are loaded with life, and whose not." twice drew on Camus in public speeches: oncey com I grasp the hands of those next me, and take my paring race prejudice to the plague which infects place in the ring to suffer and to work, taught by every one; again, after the three were reported miss an instinct that so shall the dumb abyss be vocal ing, to say that there was no escape from guilt, that with speech. so long as the problem existed we would all be both The speech of which Emerson wrote, issuing from victim and executioner. shared suffering and action, and articulating what is latent there, is not easy. It is all too easy to write Such a movement would seem to leave little more about one's summer in Mississipi: so many have. But to be said. But there are other inhibitions. Sometimes these reports rarely reach the level of intellectual one hesitates to speak because one has been asked not encounter. Too often their tone is merely adulatory, to. Thus I attended a SNCC staff meeting just before and consciously or unconsciously the fund-raising the Summer Project began, about which I feel free purpose hovers over the words. I believe that the to say only that it once more affirmed the position THE ACTIVIST 11 that SNCC staff members should not carry weapons. This dialogue is going on among full-time workers Sometimes one hesitates to speak because the thing ordinarily too overwhelmed by tomorrow's meeting to experienced appears to lie too deep for words. I at give their minds to the issues. Moreover, there is in tended a SNCC staff meeting at Oxford after the SNCC—along with the paperbacks, and the bull ses disappearance of the three which began with the sions, and the hostile-yet-nostalgic ambivalnce toward song "Come by here, Lord," verse after verse with higher education—a mystique of action which forever one person after another in the room taking the lead. interrupts the process of thinking ahead. What is in And that is all I know to say about it. the making in the movement is simply a long-run plan, Yet there are times when one hesitates to speak a strategy, but talk of this sort tends to get labelled because one fears rejection, or because one feels that, "ideology." So the ideology which is beginning wears as a temporary participant, one has no right to speak, the end of ideology as a mask; and the movement or because (in the case of the civil rights movement,' backs into the future with its eyes closed. and if one is white) the privilege of speaking seems What tends to be forgotten, it seems to me, is that appropriately to fall to those who have suffered in an ideology is an articulated hope. Movements need silence so long. At these moments, I feel, one is hope. Newcomers to Mississippi this summer were actually failing in commitment: holding back a part astonished that Northern .whites were so readily ac of oneself. The point is precisely that dialogue should cepted as teachers in the Freedom Schools, and that begin among all of us as we really are, with all our Negro youngsters in Mississippi showed so little bit secret shames and hidden glories. The intellectual has terness and hate. Howard Zinn, discussing the prob a responsibility to take his place in the ring but also, lem with me, conjectured that the reason is that as Professor Woodward said, to "shape" and "try to Southern Negro youngsters still have hope that the make sense" of the movement in which he participates American dream will come true for them, whereas (these words have patronizing overtones in this con children growing up in the Northern ghettoes see text, yet is it not the intellectual's job to shape and nothing ahead. I am inclined to go one step further, make sense of experience?). If the scholar-in-action and to argue that violence and black nationalism—- repudiates the role of participant observer, he should whether they express themselves in Harlem or among at least be an observant participant. Thoreau quar SNCC staff—are symptoms of despair about the fu relled with the abolitionist movement until, as he put ture. Many, if not most, SNCC staff members whom it, the memory of his country spoiled his walk; but I know believe with a part of their minds that the when he did speak out, in "A Plea for Captain John American dream can be realized, and moreover recog Brown," he spoke the more forcefully because he spoke nize the value of this belief from the standpoint of with the whole of himself. He who aspires to be a public relations. Yet with another part of themselves man for all seasons must be prepared to recognize, they despair, feeling that so deeply prejudiced a so as More was, the season for plain speaking. ciety as ours can never create a permeating atmos The foregoing makes a pretentious preface to some phere of equality. jottings from a scholar's summer notebook: and yet The penalty for non-ideological thinking is an un it is the one thing I want most to say; There is now dercurrent of despair; a tendency to restrict the focus going on within SNCC, and within the civil rights of vision to the next, and the next, and the next movement generally, a fascinating intellectual fer tactical action; and a failure to make contact with ment. The need for broader alliances, uniting white groups who might be partners in a more broadly-con and black, North and South, is conceded on all sides. ceived movement. From one standpoint this can be Some talk of a Populist alliance between Negroes and viewed as a commendable pragmatism, a creative re labor, while others suspect the Administration of fusal to be drawn into stale political bickerings. But using the AFL-CIO bureaucracy to domesticate SNCC. it can also be viewed as a withdrawal from reality: a There are those who think the Freedom Democratic refusal to face such questions as, How can you win Party can compel Democratic re-alignment and that power in Mississippi as Negroes move North? Can every effort should be bent toward acceptance by the you get freedom if you don't get jobs also? Perhaps 1968 Democratic Party Convention. There are those, the fact that the Freedom Democratic Party paid so on the other hand, who believe that the FDP must much attention to being seated and so little to pro grow into a third party. Many speak of appealing to gram reflected not just strategy, but the difficulty the United Nations, even of moving to Africa. Others SNCC itself experiences in facing programmatic prob think the movement should keep clear of all suspect lems. At a memorial service for Schwerner, Cheney and subversive causes. Many confess that they are and Goodman in Neshoba County, where they were not prepared to die for a hamburger and the vote, killed, Bob Moses condemned America's action in and see no answer to the Negro's problem but social bombing North Vietnam: he said the lesson of the ism. Bob Moses, in contrast, insists that his concern deaths was that men must stop killing. Yet at Atlantic is "limited gains," and Jim Forman agrees with his City Moses' party pledged allegiance to the man who former teacher, St. Clair Drake, that the movement ordered the bombing. The dilemma of victim and exe should seek first the political kingdom. cutioner is literal and cruel. But must it not be faced? 12 FALL 1964 The Stakes of Power By THERESE GASTAUT (Translated from the French by Tom Wolanin) The year 1958 is one of those neat watershed years of the Resistance whose expectations had not been which historians like to use in dividing the history of met at the time of liberation. In 1958, he expressed a nation into recognizable periods. Prior to 1958, the nationalism of a French people frustrated over France was disintegrating, on the verge of becoming the loss of their colonies, presenting himself as the dependent upon foreign creditors for direction in her man who could avoid civil war and at the same time foreign and domestic politics. Since 1958 France has as the man able to rise to the challenge of a declining been undergoing a necessary national revolution. The France. fact that this revolution has been Gaullist, and that This national revolution in France is not uniquely it is continuing in a Gaullist direction, has permitted French, but one facet of general post-war trends in it to be carried out in an atmosphere of conservative international politics. The Second World War ended calm, with little serious dislocation of French society. in bipolarization of international relations; but as is France under the Fourth Republic was a nation being seen the Cold War need not lead to a nuclear slowly being destroyed by a dearth of political leader conflict, which is made in fact more and more improb ship. Its political class ("ces cochons qui ne gouvernes able with each advance in nuclear technology. Instead, pas" as De Gaulle called them) had lost all contact a detente has followed, permitting an increasing inter with the people, and felt itself able to choose or over national pluralization, aided by the rise of numerous throw a government at its whim, but unable to dem new nations in Africa eager to assert their national onstrate any competence in maintaining one. At the independence. This inchoate nationalism can in its same time France was going through a difficult tran turn lead to a greater detente, a lessening of the sitional period. The great changes in French society importance of the East-West confrontation. Facili were the result of several simultaneous phenomenon: tated by a reaffirmation of the nation, the passage the breakup of the French colonial empire, the rapid from coexistence to cooperation has been carried post-war population growth, the technological revolu further by the breaking up of the two large power tion and automation, and the appearance of a "neo- blocs, NATO and Soviet Eurasia. In refusing to play capitalism." While the old capitalism in France was a subordinate role to America (or to the rest of Eu Malthusian, the new capitalism was oriented toward rope), Gen. De Gaulle has restored to France the role expansion, and necessitated state intervention to of an active participant on the world stage which is maintain stability and stave off inflation. In other more in line with the principles of national sover nations, in the U.S.S.R. and the U.S.A., this transition eignty. The national revolution in France was thus a had been accomplished under the aegis of a strong logical step in this pluralization of international poli central government. It is in this perspective that the tics. Its renovations, interior and exterior, have been real significance of De Gaulle becomes apparent: accepted in France, and we will see them brought Stalin was a means to invest, Roosevelt a means to to fuller realization under Gen. De Gaulle. We will revive, Gen. De Gaulle a means to transform France also seem them continued in a deliberately national into a modern industrial society with a minimum of istic and authoritarian direction. dislocation. Andre Malraux sees Gaullism in the same De Gaulle's re-ascendancy corresponded with a perspective as pan-Arabism and the national self- period of particularly brilliant economic growth, but assertion of India, i.e., as a great reunifying myth. it would be a mistake to give him all the credit for The nationalism of Gen. De Gaulle has focussed in the "miracle francais." After 1950 the rapid rate of many strategically important instances on the inter expansion of the French economy demanded a renova ests of a particular faction of the nation in an attempt tion which was bound to contrast sharply with the to identify the faction with the nation as a whole. His stagnation of industrial policy characteristic of the method has in every instance been an adroit use of inter-war period. But this economic development was nationalist sentiment. In 1910 he served to polarize constantly threatened by the cycle of inflation and its the nationalism of a handful of defeated men. In 1944 political counterpart, austerity and price stabilization. he symbolized the nationalism of a victorious nation In 1958, after having given the franc a more realistic which was in its heart racked with shame and defeat. value by a devaluation somewhat in excess of imme In 1947, at the time of the creation of the Raisemble- diate needs, the government pursued a policy of per ment Populaire Francais (RPF), he formulated a mitting a freer flow of international trade in the "negative" nationalism for the frustrated members framework of the Economic Organization of European THE ACTIVIST 13 Cooperation and the Common Market. Since this res partly successful in solving. Wage stability in a lib toration of confidence, and through an authoritarian eral society under a democratic government cannot domestic regime, the government has been generally for long be achieved solely through political decree. successful in assuring expansion with stability. An income policy is demanded whose goal would be The Gaullist era is above all the practice of a type a more just and permanent distribution of the fruits of politics which, if it is not nationalistic in the fas of economic expansion. The high cost of French cist sense of the word, puts the accent on France as a prestige has left a paltry remainder for collective "Great Power." If Gen. De Gaulle concerns himself social needs. The eternal insufficiency of social goods with internal affairs it is only to facilitate his foreign and services, the low standard of living of the aged, policy designs. The successes in domestic economic the chronic housing shortage, and the problems of policy, symbolized by a growth of foreign exchange education, remain unresolved. The problem of educa reserves, made possible a foreign policy of "gran tion is particularly important, even in Gaullist terms, deur." The Franco-German Treaty, the diplomatic for its solution will condition the real strength and recognition of Red China, the trip to Latin America, future prestige of France. The government is seem and the independent French nuclear force: although ingly indifferent both to the rapid growth in the they indicate unique and original solutions in inter school age population and to the vast inadequacy of national relations, they are designed first of all to facilities for the present generation. In higher edu bring prestige and "gloire" to France. cation it continues to pursue a Malthusian policy Gaullist policies since 1958 have helped to form an arbitrarily limiting the number of students allowed awareness in France and in Europe of a new sover access to colleges and universities. Salary hikes for eignty, more limited than the image of absolute state teachers in all departments are desperately needed. sovereignty in vogue during the inter-war period. In But this requires an increase in budgetary allocations 1953 the RPF defined its policy in negative terms and for internal needs, which are definitely secondary was defeated: it rejected the European Defense Com considerations for De Gaulle. munity and continued the struggle for maintainence Gen. De Gaulle, although he frequently calls on of the colonial empire. Gaullism signals the end of the people to approve of his policies, distrusts the this reactionary, traditional brand of nationalism. intermediate groups which claim to represent them. Gen. De Gaulle accepted the demise of absolute French He dislikes in particular the labor-unions and political sovereignty both in its territorial and ideological con parties which he calls feudal bodies dangerous to the tent, at the same time making the new nationalism nation's unity. He would rather address the people acceptable to Frenchmen by couching it in a rhetoric over the heads of their political parties, while con that maintained the image of French "gloire." De trolling communication via radio and television. Such colonization was made bearable through its replace a people is easy prey for any political figure who can ment by foreign aid, primarily concentrated on the manipulate the mass by demagogic appeals to the former French colonies. By extending herself thus, nation as a whole. However, the evolution of France's France suffered neither a loss of prestige nor a chau- institutions in a growing industrial society necessi vanistic withdrawal into isolationism. Developments tates a political sophistication suitable for such a in Europe implying a progressive reduction in the society. Political parties, the only institutions able to very content of sovereignty have been made familiar, make effective use of the constitutional restraints acceptable, and desirable to the French by emphasiz on state power, are going through a crisis aggra ing the privileged role which France would play in vated by De Gaulle's mistrust of political sub-groups this new Europe. and by his authoritarian style. The fate of political Nevertheless, the Gaullist policies described, even parties is thus closely linked to the fate of French while permitting a national revolution in France, are democracy. The Presidential election of 1965, by based on two contradictions. In the first place, if these offering the parties an opportunity to unite in sup policies are consistent and coherent in the short run, port of an opposition candidate, might permit their they are not so in the long run, and contain the seeds renaissance as an important force in political life. If of their own destruction. Secondly, if they rest on the the parties are not ready to seize the opportunity, consent of the people as an abstract monolith, they "les forces vives" (the politically aware and econom do not require the consent of the real voice of the ically important groups) will seize it outside or be people, i.e., the intermediate associational groups in yond the limits of party action. These important the society which are an organic part of the social "forces vives" have already regrouped themselves fabric. and prepared for citizen participation in politics through mass-membership clubs and unions (the Club The concept Of France as a Great Power able to Jean Moulin, Club des droits de l'homme et du citoyen, stand on high ground with the Super-Powers, while Young Executives, Jeune Patrons, the National Cen it catered to latent nationalist sentiment, has neglect ter of YoUng Farmers, are examples). These different ed other, more immediate interests of the French groups have collaborated on an opposition program, people. Military expenses and foreign aid have led and their nominal leader, M. Gaston Deffere, is cam- to severe inflation which price inflation has been only 14 FALL 1964 paigning in the style of an American presidential In seeking to impose French hegemony on Europe, candidate, tied less to a distinct ideologically oriented Gaullist policies are a further rejection of pluralism. party than to various politically interested and artic Although the crisis which beset the Common Market ulate groups. after France's rejection of England was not the last The authoritarian, charismatic, and anti-pluralist act in the play of European unity, it does portend the cast of Gaullism is probably a short-term phenomenon, kind of vision De Gaulle holds for Europe. But in linked as it is to the personality and life of one man. order to respond to the French bid for hegemony, the It seems that De Gaulle understands this, for he has rest of the continent must rethink its definitions of chosen and is tolerating a Dauphin in the person of Europe, how it is to be defended, and the position it his Prime Minister. The designation of M. Pompidou can obtain for itself in world politics. Similarly, the as Prime Minister forsees a change in the amount French people must respond to -De Gaulle by redefin of power held by persons in De Gaulle's party. For ing France, its potential power, and its inherent although Gaullists may be numerous ("All French limitations. This kind of choice, in cruder terms, was men have been, are, or will be Gaullist," is the Presi placed before the American people this year, and they dent's modest estimate), they have never had a great responded with wisdom. Gen. De Gaulle has created influence in shaping the policy or ideology of Gaull the foundations for a renaissance of France, but the ism. But the Prime Minister is no longer the "lackey" unfortunately authoritarian, nationalist directions of people have considered him to be. He has access to his policies could loose that very foundation. the determination of policy decisions in areas former The election of 1965, in placing these problems be ly reserved only for the General himself (Foreign fore the French, must be a point of departure for a Affairs and Defense), and he interprets and gives new political orientation — social, democratic, and direction to the constitution (at the meeting of the European — to be arrived at either by replacing De National Assembly, April 24, 1964, he was allowed Gaulle or by forcing him to realize the dangers in to define the role of the Prime Minister under the herent in his present policies. constitution). THE STUDENT RIOTS AT BERKELEY Dissent in the Multiversity By JOSEPH PAFF, BILL CAVALA, JERRY BERMAN "The intellectuals (including the university students) are a particularly volatile element . . . capable of extreme reactions . . . more extreme than any group in society. They are by nature irresponsible, in the sense that they have no continuing commit-, ment to any single institution or philosophical outlook and they are not fully answer able for consequences. They are, as a result, never fully trusted by anybody,, including themselves." Clark Kerr in Industrialism and Industrial Man The University of California at Berkeley has earned fear and hostility among administrators. Gradually, a reputation as a "hot-bed of radicals" because of a then, a net of rules has been built up restricting cam small group of students who have demonstrated the pus political activity to a bit of ground in front of audacity to be excited by such issues as free speech, the University, where the bearded and the vested vie academic freedom, political participation and aware with more acceptable organizations like the YD's or ness. They have rarely been able to dent the apathetic the NAACP in soliciting funds and membership. detachment of their fellow students, but they have This September, the University barred political succeeded in finding successors for themselves and activity in this last bastion as "illegal" and contrary maintaining a continuous and vocal expression of dis to existing regulations. The prohibition provoked sent. Amid the quiet ebb and flow of dutiful students what can only be called a student rebellion. An esti preparing to take up positions in the society of afflu mated 5,000 students have participated in demonstra ence and technical progress, they can be "seen" and tions ; faculty, press, public and politician have all "heard" by the starkness of the distinction which di expressed themselves in varying degrees of vehe vides them from their fellows. mence; the riot squad of the city of Oakland was This activity arouses criticism from the respectable called in by the University. Nor has the crisis ended. and the right-wing among the public, and provokes The Free Speech Movement (FSM) has managed to THE ACTIVIST IS sustain interest and activity among its almost face trast, to capture the tone of subsequent events which less mass of adherents. transformed a formless rebellion into a dedicated Yet this rebellion has not been "building" to a movement. Those who knew the history of student climax through social or historical forces. The student conflicts with the administration expected students society, impermanent and transient, does not build to be defeated by feelings of impotence and to relapse movements. The perfect example of the society of the into attitudes of apathy. This time, however, there alienated and the uprooted, it produces rebellions, was something different. The sheer size of the crowd dictated by the force of circumstance rather than the which had assembled provided a new excitement al force of history. From a single student defying Uni most akin to exhaltation. versity regulations by setting up his organization's One of the students, Mario Savio, leapt to the roof card table, a movement involving thousands of stu of the police car and began to address the students. dents demanding their rights springs up. More aston Savio's action captured the imagination of the crowd; ishingly, it has been sustained against fantastic odds he began by talking to them, and ended by talking and threats of violence. Curiosity, if not concern for for them because he gave form and voice to the civil liberties or the American university, make it a symbols of their rebellion. The police car; the crowd movement worthy of attention. itself; the administration building in the background: The sequence of beginning events is simple: the all the symbols of resented authority and group defiant student sets up the table; a police car appears strength found their way into his address. "We," to take the student away. To the politically active he shouted, "are being denied our rights by 'them' " student, the car symbolized the action of unjust —pointing to the deans, assembled on the balcony authority and the threat to his political rights. To of the administration building. "We will stand around the rest of the students, the car was a source of this police car until they negotiate with us." Savio's excitement, curiosity and a degree of sympathy. The ability to symbolize and articulate the crowd's senti political students organized a sit-in around the car ments gave form and foundation to an otherwise to prevent the student from being taken away; the easily dispersed enthusiasm. Elected to represent the apoliticals joined in. group in negotiating with the administration, he was Revolt against a police car seemed legitimate to able to unite student groups and student government many of the apoliticals. The fraternity student who leaders of varying persuasions under his leadership works off much energy in the purposeless collection in an almost prodigious united front. of street signs or red lanterns found it much more The issue was as American as fr.ee speech. Yet if it marvelous to capture a police car. He might not sit is remembered that it is "free speech" in the partic down; he would, however, very likely stand around. ular sense of being "against the denials of the uni This is a form of rebellion the American community versity," the reason for the continuance of group has always condoned: the "honest prank" of the "boys sentiment and cohesiveness becomes even more ap will be what the community wants them to be: tight parent. The dangers to free speech are so many and fun" even if it injures people, wrecks property, or diffuse in American society that a fight for free disgraces the community. Students, to some extent, speech must have its visible enemies. Once the enemy wil lbe what the community wants them to be: tight is a university administration, the meaning of the political controls and loose social controls produce the fight also takes on deeper salience for the student. expression of resentments in useless and purposeless Free speech becomes the fight of the individual for aggression. Fraternity students came to one demon his own recognition as a person; a recognition of stration to drink, jeer, and throw eggs; the object his significance and dignity. A rebellion over free of hostility was of little importance, whether it was speech is a protest against bureaucracy and its im the police or the FSM. personal processing of the student, the petty and There were others among the outer ring who sym trivial red tape, the two-dollar fine to drop a course pathized with the demand for free speech. Normally, late, the penalty for a misplaced IBM card, the mis they feared to act because of anxiety regarding clear spelled name on a form card, the many windows and ances or jobs, or were unable to act for lack of a forms one must confront to make a change, express vehicle of expression. Some who felt politics to be a grievance, solve a problem. Maybe this is all "neces "unreal" still felt it unjust to whisk a student off in sary" because of the size of a "multiversity," but a police car for so trivial an offense; indeed, it was no one has to value its anonymity, its dispersion of unjust because politics was unreal. passion, its enervating pinpricks. A student rebellion, For all these reasons, the students of a large, gathered in front of a building of hallways, form anonymous university lost, for a moment, their feeling windows, arrows pointing the right direction for a of being strangers to one another. Different in their line to form, has to evoke sentiment and resentment motives, they lost their fear of difference in a com which, when allowed to coalesce, is very difficult to mon feeling of rebellion, and in a sense of equality disperse. Reason must also deal with the reasonable in banding together. ness of the fragmented person who wants to be a All this is easy to explain. It is difficult, by con whole man. 16 FALL 19 64 The movement became something more than the sented in the press is conveyed in a medley of over action of "irresponsible" children. Students discov lapping and conflicting cliches—frequently presented ered that a basic commitment could overcome fears of simultaneously. Since high school experience pro impotence, exposure and ridicule. Having come to vides no relevant analogies for understanding student "play," they stayed to defend their dignity: they political activity, it is the cliches that shape the "pub demanded a different role than the accepted image lic" picture. of the student as a fumbling adolescent. Some frater One such cliche ignores the political aspects of what nities—as the egg-throwing incident demonstrated— occurs and places demonstrations in the same category retained their childish attitude; over 650 others, as football game "rallies" or "panty-raids." Such from the same fraternities signed a petition to activity can be smilingly and condescendingly shrug apologize for the egg-throwers and to commit them ged off with a paternalistic admonition, or perhaps selves to the basic goals of the movement. For the lead to a "they ought to get tough with those damn moment, the student had become an adult concerned kids." about his university, its meaning and freedom. A second myth sees the demonstrations as a result As a movement, the students have to be taken seri of "subversion" by those who would channel the ously. Their dedication and coherence were demon energies of youth into dangerous political paths. strated that Friday night when the students sur There are many who would argue that this subversion rounding the police car held their position in the occurs in the classrooms; others point to "outside face of 500-1,000 police drawn from Berkeley and agitators," or such "non-students" (a recent addition Oakland. Conflict was averted, but for a time it to the list of "subverters") as returning SNCC work seemed immanent. There was talk of tear gas; a ers from the South. Under no circumstances could it student leader advised students to loosen their ties be imagined that there is any spontaneous root to and "go limp" and "take the number of the police political action — that a young man would shout man" if they were hit. The scene had a certain ma drunken obscenities at a "Big Game Rally" is natural, cabre quality: the President of the University, who but to demonstrate for his political rights, he had first had called in the police to break up the so-called to be brainwashed by propagandists. "riot," appeared at the disaster area to get a "feeling" Third, a few journalists see student protest as an about it. expression of legitimate grievances. It appears only Many police, tense and expectant, complained of a in the stories of those reporters who take enough in "loss of morale" when finally denied an opportunity terest in what is going on to go beyond University to demonstrate their efficiency. Faculty and admin handouts and thirty minutes of camera snapping at istrators drew analogies to the labor disputes of the a noon rally and actually talk to those concerned. 30's and 40's; some saw the work of "outside agita All of these "interpretations" were superimposed tors" as responsible. (One faculty member was in on the protest demonstrations of the past six weeks— tears, predicting violence and curiously asserting that frequently all in the same day's paper. A wonderful it was "all my fault.") The San Francisco newspapers palimpsist was created in the Oakland Tribune when had predicted a riot, calling out a crowd of bystanders one picture presented pretty girls sitting in warm expecting bloodshed. Terror and the expectation of sun, a second showed a student addressing the crowd, violence were on every hand; the verge of chaos had and a third was a subtle close-up of a paperback col been reached. lection of the Essentials of Marxism—with a helpful All of this parenthetically, took place on the eve of caption, "a textbook of Marxism was among the Parent's Day and a football game. It was insane and crowd." it was terrifying, throwing into stark contrast the The first cliche vanished first; the Indian Summer old university and the new, the trivial and the im theorists with their meterological explanations were portant. It illustrated the tension of the university discredited when the activities survived a few cold cast in the modern world, unsure of its identity, a wet days. The other two theories remain to this date sprawling jumble of buildings and people desperately —and both hold sway not just with the press, but confused about its own meaning. with the faculty and administration as well. To the "public"-—that unknown and amorphous That the "old style" administrator should be unable body to which every interpreter of the situation is to see the possibility of political action that is not forced to appeal — student life is a strange and biz the result of "outsiders" or "subversive" students is arre condition that is little understood. Higher edu not astonishing. The rah-rah spirit of pre-multiversity cation on a mass scale is a new development and few days lives on in many an aging dean, and Berkeley's people have anything other than a high school expe world-famous panty raid is less than 10 years old. rience to draw upon for comprehension. It is this The in loco parentis mentality is still present; thus experience, and the image of the University presented Vice-Chancellor Sheriffs can smile at the outer ring in the mass media, that structure the public's percep of beer-drinking fraternity boys and talk of their tion and understanding. "piss and vinegar" in defense of the University (for The "picture" of students and the University pre getting so soon panty raids, and the massive sense- THE ACTIVIST 17 ess riots of 1957) whilst maintaining a position of multiversity as alma mater, a bureaucracy in loco utter intransigence on the political demonstrators in parentis, is a monstrosity. the center. But is it then just a question of growing pains? The actions of President Kerr are much more dif Can we explain the present situation as a result of ficult to comprehend; nationally famous educator and old men from the "old regime" manning the auto labor mediator, champion of the "new style," "lib mated machinery of the old order? Our fears are far eral" successor to the conservative Robert Gordon from allayed when we turn our attention to the "new Sproul. With the selection of Kerr, liberals and intel men"—for their conduct reveals a loss of authority lectuals breathed a sigh of relief—the closed, "old and with it a readiness to rely on force. Kerr's visit boy" world seemed shattered and the promise of de to the campus during the tense Friday confrontation centralization promised a more open system—both was like a genei'al touring the trenches. The prospect intellectually and politically. of his unleashing between 500 and 1000 policemen How then do we explain the sudden restrictions on on the students caused even his most ardent support student activity and, more seriously, the near insan ers to pause. In the days that followed, none of his ity of his reaction to the subsequent student protests? actions suggest that the Friday behavior was the To consider the former question first, we come face result of a momentary weakness. In a series of state to face with the multiversity in all its "multiness"; ments to the press Kerr referred to the "Communist who made the decision? Despite the theory of decen tactics" of the demonstrators; observed that 40 per tralization, the fact is that Kerr has pursued a policy cent of the student leaders were "non-students"; and of concentration of power, reflected in consistent with mathematical (and ideological) precision pointed appointment of weak men to every major subordinate out that 49 percent of the students "followed the position. The price of such a policy—a pervasive in Mao-Castro line." (sic) competence at lower levels—can in fact lead to a The intensity of this outburst can be understood decrease in control when the weak-sister appointees if we recognize that for Kerr the "issue" is essen fail to recognize the consequences of seemingly minor tially one of "betrayal." He views the University's decisions. freedom as a difficult political matter due to her Aside from the specific decision and its bungled ex immense involvement in the "outer world." Fittingly, ecution, there is little debate that the general inten he was addressing the American Council on Educa tion was to quiet down student political activities in tion on the subject "Autonomy and Interdependence" response to "public pressure" of some sort or other. the day the demonstrations began. From his per The San Francisco Chronicle stated that the decision spective, the main threats—and they are, for him, was a response to the "pressure" from "West coast vast—come from the political world and from the Goldwater" supporters—presumably smarting under community at large. All "restrictions" on free speech the picketing of the Republican convention last sum and political actvity are presented as politically neces mer. The more widely held theory, and the one gen sary to protect what hasn't been given away. Given erally admitted to by administrators, is that the Oak this view of himself—as holding back a great tide land Tribune, edited by William Knowland, objected of reaction or Know-Nothingism—any hand from be to students meeting on the campus to organize picket hind that is not a pat on the back is seen as a knife ing of the Tribune for its alleged racially biased hir in the ribs. ing policies. The plausability of the theory gains His reaction to the demonstration—surprising to further credibility from the fact that two bond issues many—is very much in character: In 1962, when the for University construction were on the ballot in the "Kerr Directives" (a set of regulations concerning election to be held one month later (both were subse student political activity) were under attack, Kerr quently backed by the Tribune and both were passed; responded with an open letter to the chairman of the the bond issue of two years earlier had been defeated student group attacking him, poutingly stating that the first time. . . .). if the students didn't like what he had given them, The actual execution of the decision suggests that he would reintroduce the regulations which his con the "multiversity" has not yet developed a coherent servative predecessor had used during the McCarthy or workable substitute for the stern but personal years. paternalism of the "old style." The days when Sproul This time it was the same story again—an utter could address thousands of students by name are nos refusal to accept any criticism from the university talgically remembered; confronted with three thou community as legitimate. Given a self-image of "the sand rebellious students he would have surely ad liberal defender" of intellectualism and academic dressed them. Had Kerr been in the crowd not one freedom confronting a dangerous world of extremism, in twenty students would have recognized him. The it is easy to see why Kerr can only see Communists perception of the students and their demands is dom to his left. This same position, is expressed by many inated by the old style mentality; the mechanism for of the so-called "liberal" faculty as well; thus sociol treating the thirty thousand "children" is an imper ogists Phillip Selznick and Seymour Lipset called the sonal and poorly manned structure. In short, the demonstration "collectivist" and "totalitarian" and 18 FALL 1964 introduced motions to the Academic Senate condemn in the fact that students are "outsiders," to whom ing "violence" and praising peace and order. From being listened to is as important a part of "communi Lipset's vantage point of the "realized left," there is cation" as is hearing accurately. simply no legitimate space on that flank; to clarify There is no conclusion to this story: the movement the issue, he insightfully likened the students to "Ku continues as the article goes to press. The events rush Klux Klanners." on in confusion and chaos. Yet the the events them There were other members of the faculty who selves are no more than symbolic of what is really at stake: the identity of the modern university, the re placed their Red-baiting tactics in a context of "strat lations of faculty, administrator, and student. Once, egy" and realism. Since the public was going to inter a university implied the community of scholars, in pret the demonstrations as youthful rebellion skill which faculty stood in loco magistri, not as a genre fully manipulated by subversive agents, it was a polit separated from "students." Events at Berkeley and ical masterstroke to direct their fury away from the elsewhere demonstrate — were any demonstration campus by stating that many of the participants were needed—the central importance of the administration non-students, and that their leaders were professional in the modern university, an administration which agitators and Maoist-Castroites (frequently SNCC claims to speak as the voice and conscience of the summer project workers were placed in the same faculty and the parent of the student. camp). The fact that the political protest to Kerr's It is also evident that the student does not want a actions is also discredited, and the students made to bureaucracy for a parent, and when given an oppor appear "dupes," is not. important. What is important tunity, will express a desire to be free from parental is to deflect the expected onslaught away from the governance altogether. He wants political freedom— ivory towers and their sand foundations. or, to be more exact, wants the chance for dignity and The faculty seems to share Kerr's appraisal of the responsibility. As Tocqueville knew, "responsible" use fragility of the University in the face of "public of freedom can be learned only by men who are given pressure." Between the totalitarian left and the reac responsibility. tionary right there is presumably a narrow space in It may be necessary to fight a battle before freedom which the University lives. Few seem to raise the is secure. Some assert that the great private univer possibility that this view may be compounded of the sities fought that battle long ago; it may now be in faculty's guijty feelings regarding its leftism in the the process of being fought at Berkeley. Yet the fight thirties and the anxieties surviving from the age of is made more difficult because President Kerr does McCarthy in the fifties. The space in which freedom not join the combat squarely. The language of liberal is possible is a narrow one, and it is the task of the ism provides a cloak for restriction. The Kafkaesque Administration to maintain it. network of rules and passages is covered by the term For those willing to stay within that space and "multiversity" and the imagery of decentralized plur accept its rules, the rewards are high. Kerr is an un alism. If Kerr is an enemy, he is hardly an honest one. paralleled fund raiser, and his successes have pro Yet, if he is a friend of the free university, his vided a richly furnished sanctuary. equivocation and his retreats in the face of critics hardly create confidence in his ability as a defender It was logical that the faculty should adopt the of the university's liberty. pose of professional social science, denouncing the tactics ("activities") of the students as maladapted Nor can there be trust in the faculty. They realize to their ends ("preferences"). The issue is a family the expanding sphere of administrative power; they affair, in the faculty view, and needs no more than feel the amorphous quality of the university, its lack family methods. Lipset argues that the direct action of purpose and definition, the senseless expansion of tactics used in the South are totally inapplicable to facilities for expansions sake. Yet they have been Berkeley, for here there is access to the centers of unable to join together for their prerogative to be free. Isolated cases aside, their record in the defense power and decision. Lipset, the doyen of political of civil liberties is abysmal. Until they overcome their sociologists, assuredly does have access, but the same past impotence, their destiny is simple: they will live does not apply to those who challenge Kerr's inter in an organizaton, while dreaming ineffectually of a pretations of reality, nor to those students who would community. negotiate from a position other than that of humble mendicant. "Access," impressive though it may be as The issue is momentous: whether the university will a term, is a decidedly relative affair. mirror the worst in America, its sprawling character, its aimlessness, and its anonymity or whether it will The faculty's position, like that of President Kerr, stand as the symbol of its best ideals, and its hopes reflects an "insider bias" that fails completely to un for quality. It would be shameful for the rest of derstand the problem. The issue, to the faculty, re America, and tragic in the event, if the students— mains essentially a misunderstanding, caused by a wise and responsible at one moment, fumbling and "lack of communication" and to be resolved by "clear emotional in the next—were to be the solitary voice and precise" statements of the problem. This thesis is worthy of respect. vague enough to fit the facts, but neither the faculty nor Kerr have realized that the problem lies largely November 18, 1964 THE ACTIVIST 1* MR MONTHLY REVIEW AN INDEPENDENT SOCIALIST MAGAZINE EDITORS: Leo Huberman and Paul M. Sweezy Clarity about the aims and problems of socialism is of greatest significance in our age of transition. Since, under present cir cumstances, free and unhindered discussion of these problems has come under a powerful taboo, I consider the founding of this magazine to be an important public service. PROFESSOR ALBERT EINSTEIN in his article "Why Socialism?" in Vol. 1, No. 1 An independent magazine devoted to analyzing, from a socialist point of view, the most significant trends in domestic and foreign affairs. One Year—$6.00 (Foreign $7.00) MR SUBSCRIPTION Two Years—$10.00 (Foreign $12.00) Single Copy—50c Special subscription rate to students — $4.00 MONTHLY REVIEW 333 Sixth Avenue New York 14, N. Y. 20 FALL 1964 HIRSCHEL KASPER It is a cliche, by now, to note that we have a frus trating problem of poverty amidst affluence. Thanks to Lampman, Harrington, Caudill, and others, we are once again aware of the breadth and depth of poverty in this country. Thanks to Simon Kuznets we know that the rate of economic growth has been low in the U.S. partly because the rich are too poor to do enough saving. Thanks to Victor Perlo and Gabriel Kolko we are reminded that the distribution of income and wealth is far from equal and may be becoming even more unequal. Thanks to Milton Friedman, we know that poor people are poor because they were unlucky when they tried to become rich. And thanks to many other writers (who may prefer at this time to be nameless) we have been offered suggestions and rec ommendations to re-make the economy so that poverty (and discrimination and unemployment and uVban blight) will be eliminated. Although there is neither time nor space to record the complete performance of the U.S. economy, it is possible to sketch in some of its more striking aspects. Even then, the discussion suffers from serious deficien The cies. It is much easier to measure a percentage in crease in the standard of living than to assess the changes in opportunity to live a satisfying and vigor ous life, which even an economist knows is a far better Split-Level standard. In addition, since yardsticks are at once personal and elusive, it is best to state them implicitly within the context of the discussion rather than at tempt to detail them explicitly and annoy the readei Economy with inherent inconsistencies. Most of what follows is generally known; it can be found in the propaganda handouts of the National Association of Manufacturers and American Enter prise Association and their counterparts of the left. However, where such organizations yield up selected statistics for their own political purpose and interest, we have, in effect, clipped them all together to de scribe the entire economic behavior of the country. Two conclusions result: First, our present economic system has served the vast majority of Americans to great advantage, but has at the same time left many millions of people outside the circle of beneficiaries. Second, the very system which has enabled 150 million Americans to live in comfort, dignity, and confidence has necessarily meant that the remaining quarter of THE ACTIVIST, 21 the population has little choice but to exist in a con There are more than 55 million housing units in tinuing state of deprivation and despair. To put the the country today, and nearly two out of three fam second point another way, the economic system which ilies own their own homes. Almost every one of these provides most accommodatingly for three-quarters of has electricity, although 10% lack a bath or flush the population of necessity leaves the rest with little toilet. Four out of five have at least one radio, tele chance to secure anything above a mean level of sub vision set, and telephone. More than 60% have wash sistence. ing machines. Clothes dryers, food freezers, and air In a price economy where the basic essentials of conditioners are not as available, but nearly one fam food, clothing, shelter, education, and medical care ily out of six has these, too. are available to those with sufficient income, persons Automobiles have long since passed the stage of who cannot or do not offer their services in return for luxury, and are often a pre-requisite for employment. income must necessarily forego these necessities. The Nonetheless, we are on the way to becoming a nation apologists for the present system argue that, if prop of two-car families. Seventy per cent of American erly maintained, the system guarantees that all per families have a car and many have two and three sons will have equal access to the product of the cars. economy, and equal opportunity to carve their indi People seem to be taking good care of themselves, vidual economic niche in society. What is so appealing too. Last year the average American visited his phy to the defenders of the system is that there is but sician five times a year and his dentist three times one standard, measurable, for the distribution of re every two years. Although poor people do not take as sources: income. Although it sounds farcical, neither good care of themselves as the rich, even persons with race, religion, nor ancestry, they allege, can ultimately incomes less than $2,000 per year saw their doctor influence the allocation of goods and services, or jobs. more than four times a year and their dentist twice There are many ways to obtain the needed income: every three years. job, inheritance, gift, investment, etc.; but there seem Americans are well-clothed and well-fed, compared to be more ways to be placed outside the income to any other economic system. Expenditures for food stream; race, poor education, lack of skill, large fam and clothing are such a small portion of a family's ily, age, or geographic misfortune. total consumption that one wonders why people are If society is truly concerned about the everyday so reluctant to part with their remaining income for lives of persons with little or no income, it has three purposes of education, recreation, and health. The methods of alleviation from which it may choose. per capita consumption of meat in 1964 will be in First, it may try to eliminate or rectify all those per excess of 200 pounds, and nearly half of that is high sonal and social characteristics which foreclose the grade beef and lamb rather than pork or poultry. Only opportunity to earn an income in the market. The twenty cents out of every dollar of consumption goes manpower retraining programs are one small example for the purchase of food. Housing and clothes take of this procedure. Second, it may give a supplement to another quarter, so that more than half of the con income so that a minimum standard of living can be sumption expenditures are for things beyond food, enjoyed by those at the bottom of the income scale. clothing, and shelter. Until ten years ago, those three Milton Friedman, a conservative and economist, has necessities still claimed half of the total consumption proposed a negative income tax, and Michael D. of American families. Reagan, a liberal and political scientist, has recom Rather than continue these examples, it is prefer mended a similar scheme. Third, and most outrageous, able to re-state the major point. We have not been society may simply offer the basic necessities of life discussing the benefits which have accrued to the free, so that all citizens have a guaranteed minimum most affluent citizens in the country, but rather have level of consumption. The most obvious example of sketched the outline of the economic lives of the this program is the present operation of public schools. average person. Most Americans have done very well One reason why many writers in the past have been because of the system, thank you. They have been so willing to re-structure our economy is that they able through the price-market system, to rent out are unfamiliar with the benefits which have already their services at high wages, and purchase, in return, been produced. The standard of living in the United an abundance of material satisfactions and even main States is probably the highest in the world, although tain their optimism for future benefits within that such comparisons are extraordinarily difficult to make. system. On the average, though, our system has produced and The system, though sometimes chugging and wheez distributed an enviable level of goods and services. ing, has been able to provide employment opportun Average family income, in the arithmetic mean favored ities for 70 million workers this year, which is 20 by the Chamber of Commerce is currently about million more than just prior to the Second World War. $8,400 per year. Nearly half of American families The work has become less arduous and back-breaking; can count on some $7,000 income this year. At the it requires more skill and greater manual dexterity. "top," more than one-quarter of the families will have More than half the labor force has long ago shed its an income of at least $10,000 this year. blue collar for a white one, and, if we are to believe 22 FALL 1964 trade union leaders, these workers have adopted the. absolute insurance against poverty cannot be bought.) norms and attitudes of a content middle class. In rural areas the level of education of the United Those persons and families who have nothing to States is truly a national disgrace. On the average, sell, however, can neither purchase nor enjoy. There rural residents have 2% to 3 years less formal educa are at present more than 9 million families who for tion than people in the urban areas, and the gap is one reason or another are unable to outfit themselves widening. Half of the rural non-whites have less than with marketable resources to turn into hard income. a sixth grade education. These are quantitative sta A listing of the major characteristics of those pre tistics; a recitation of the quality of education in empted by the price system from a life of comfort and rural areas would be even more depressing. dignity is useful as silent testimony to the near im Low income, little education, and scant hope for possibility of immediate large-scale economic im the future are sufficient conditions to promise that provement. children of these poverty-stricken families' will be Although poverty afflicts families regardless of re hardly any better off than their parents. The results gion or race, it is exceptionally prevalent among fam of a recent study of public welfare recipients show ilies which have one of the following characteristics: that 40 per cent came from homes where their parents non-white, aged, rural residence, Southern, or fam or guardians received public assistance. The condi ilies where there is no male breadwinner. Unlike base tions of poverty are passed on from one generation ball, it takes only two strikes (in terms of the above to the next. characteristics) to put a family out of the main Although the "income revolution" of the Thirties stream of economic affluence. For example, a non- and Forties substantially reduced the inequality of white family which lives in a rural area is more likely income distribution the trend toward further equali than not to live in abject poverty. zation has stopped, and if anything, may have re Surprisingly to many, there is little correlation be versed toward greater inequality. Income is distrib tween poverty and unemployment. A family may be uted less equally today than a half dozen years ago. suffering through life in poverty and yet the head of The poorest ten per cent of American families share the household may be either employed, unemployed, among themselves one per cent of the total dis or not looking for work at all. In general, the unem posable income, exactly the same as during the Great, ployed are not poverty stricken, nor are the poverty Depression. In addition, wealth is distributed nearly stricken unemployed. Less than one out of three fam as unequally today as thiryt-five years ago, before ilies where the head of the household was unemployed the innovations of the New Deal. Today the top ten had incomes below the accepted standard for poverty: per cent of American families own more than half of $3000. More than half the families which suffered the private assets of the country. unemployment had income in excess of $4200 last year. ' In only six per cent of the poor families was the We waste our all important human resources doubly head of the household unemployed. As often as not, when we allow the economy to operate with unem he was employed, but even so his family's income was ployment when poverty and disadvantage are so insufficient to provide the basic necessities of life for abundant. A "carrot and stick" economy works only those around him. In these cases the head of the if we prohibit the stick from being used to beat the household has offered his services on the market, horse into subjugation. To continue the analogy, it which although accepting the labor, does not pay an defies logic to expect the horse to run for 65 or 70 adequate wage. The wages and productivity of such a years without adequate nourishment. The fruits of worker are low either because he lacks a valuable the economy must be widely distributed so that im skill or consumers do not want much more of the provements in efficiency can benefit the entire society. commodity which the worker produces. In a society where the income distribution is be In nearly half of the cases of poverty, the head of coming more unequal, a rising average income makes the household is neither employed nor unemployed— it more difficult and expensive for poorer families to he (or she) is not seeking employment. Although purchase their commodities. Their purchasing power some of these people might respond favorably to an becomes weaker even though their income rises when increase in job opportunities, the overwhelmingly ma goods are produced in response to market "votes." jority are unable to offer their labor services on the Although the numbers of impoverished persons market because of direct or proximate health prob may decline over time, those who remain in poverty lems or because they are needed at home to care for will bear an ever increasing burden. Even the most dependents. un-reconstructed conservatives have abandoned the Family income is highly correlated with the level of thesis that the lot of the poor will get better if, and education of the head of the household. In two out only if, the rich get richer. The trickle down thesis of three cases the head of a poverty stricken family is now applied mainly to the economic fate of the had no more than a grammar school education. (In middle-class working man, and seldom any longer to seven per cent of the cases he had college training; the hard core poor. It is desirable that this illusion THE ACTIVIST 23 Hi>-.rriJris;iTiC»TTr has left the marketplace of ideas because it always necessities are freely available to all who want them caused more trouble than it was worth. can an economy turn its full attention to matters of The remaining proposals for economic justice can a higher level. be classified into two groups: the optimistic and pes Three closely related, but unimportant, objections simistic. Optimistic proposals argue that poverty can arise to this modest proposal. First, could we afford be eliminated and standards of living improved if it? It is obvious that we can afford to devote our within each spending unit there are enough skills to resources to the guarantee of a minimum standard sell on the labor market. Where skills are deficient, of living for everyone. We have sufficient resources retraining is called for; where skills are non-existent, to do the job many times over. Furthermore the cost education and training are necessary. Every one can of waiting generations for the poor to evaporate is be taught a marketable skill and, given the proper much too high. Parenthetically, the United States fiscal and monetary policy, everyone can obtain a job economy currently wastes in unemployment about five and improve his own economic fortune. times as much each year as is necessary to provide Pessimistic proposals are those which argue that every family in the country with a minimum ($3000) the economy will never be able to provide an adequate standard of living. standard of living for everyone so long as the private Secondly, how much would be necessary to insure sector is in control of almost all the jobs. Since some that every American family had the basic essentials people will not have jobs, they will not have the in of existence? If these became free, other families come to buy the necessities of life, and, therefore, would want to have some too. Although few of the they must receive an income (subsidy) from the gov rich would want to move into free public housing, ernment in order to maintain themselves. Such a sub many middle income families would be sorely tempted sidy for maintenance may take the form of either a to move, especially since the social stigma would be negative income tax (Milton Friedman) or negative removed. Such a voluntary move would be consistent sales atx (J. H. G. Pierson) for people with earned with the spirit of our proposal. Basic living standards incomes below some minimally acceptable level. could be easily established after sufficient discussion: On the face, both of these proposals seem inade Families who wished to purchase more could satisfy quate to do the task which is necessary for a devel themselves on the open market. We now observe pri oped economy which is committed to justice and de vate schools operating alongside public ones to satisfy mocracy. Our concern is not the academic one of a extraordinary wants. Each family could be allocated family with less than $3000 (or whatever the appro a basic amount of each commodity to cover its re priate standard is) but with the economic deprivation quirements regardless of income. which the shortfall in incomes necessitates. Statistics Thirdly, will society demand ever increasing and measurement are useful, but sometimes cloud the amounts of free goods? This objection is not to the issue. If the poor need goods and services, why not program itself, but rather to the potential success of then write a program where these are available with the program. If, after experience with the program, out regard to income and price? The defense of free the society wishes to raise the standards of minimum public schools a hundred years ago was not in terms acceptance and/or increase the number of commod of unemployment or crime, but in terms of the critical ities which are free, there is no reason why this ought necessity of education for the improvement of the to be prohibited. A growing and democratic society individual and his society. The defense is even would be encouraged to determine for itself the stronger today than in the rather simple era before question of the scope and means of the distribution the Civil War. We need a permanent national com of its product. Desire to increase the scope implies mitment to a program of free education for all citi that the program is essentially desirable. zens regardless of age or background, announced and The suggestion for making necessities of the twen publicized so that every parent knows that his child tieth century free leaves open possibilities of the will be able to enjoy all the schooling he wants. No means for accomplishing the goal. The federal gov parent should be forced to feel that education is only ernment must necessarily play an essential role some for the rich, the urban, the white, or the especially where in the program; it is the institution which gifted. If it is known that more education is freely converts "scarce" goods to "free" ones. The govern available, and the benefits of education to the society ment, however, may operate at any or all levels of and individual are freely discussed, the educational production and distribution. It may contract out the horizons of all citizens will be lifted. production, play the role of monopsonistic buyer, pro Education is not the only commodity which should be duce and distribute the goods itself, or any number freely available in a developed and democratic society; of other alternatives. The preferred role of the gov food, shelter, clothing and health services are equally ernment is a matter of both economics and politics. necessary. Education and health distribute their ben My suggestion seeks only to enable the entire popu efits far in the future, but these benefits will never lation to enjoy some of the benefits of abundance be received if a portion of society cannot obtain ade without crippling the system which already produces quate food, clothing, and housing. Only if these so much for so many. 24 FALL 1964 Marxism and Freedom By Raya Dunayevskaya With a Preface by Herbert Marcuse and a new chapter 'The Challenge of Mao Tse-tung" In Paperback Edition: $1.98 With Hard Cover: $5.00 GET ACQUAINTED ALSO WITH THESE EXCITING PAMPHLETS 1—Freedom Riders Speak for worker and published 10 times a Themselves— year $1 per sub By Mary Hamilton, Louise Ingraham, and 7—American Civilization on Trial— others. An account by participants in the Freedom Rides to Mississippi 25c per copy Statement of the National Editorial Board that traces the roots of Marxist-Humanism 2—Nationalism, Communism, Marxist- from the Abolitionists to the present day Humanism and the Afro-Asian Freedom Fighters 50* per copy Revolutions 8—The Young Marxist Humanist— By Raya Dunayevskaya. African Revo A search by today's youth to find a philos lutions & Western Ideologies, 25c per copy ophy equal to the challenges facing America 3—Workers Battle Automation— and the world. Also contains an article by Raya Dunayevskaya 25c per copy By Charles Denby, Editor of NEWS & LETTERS. Workers in auto, steel, coal and other industries speak their ORDER BLANK minds 25$ per copy Enclosed is ( ) check ( ) money order 4—Indignant Heart— for ( ) copies of the new paperback edi By Matthew Ward. The autobiography tion of Marxism and Freedom. Hardcover of a Negro worker in the South edition $6 ( }. and in the North 25c per copy Enclosed please find $ for the following: 12 3 4 5 6 7 8 5—"Sartre's Search for a Method to (Please circle number corresponding to literature Undermine Marxism" desired as listed above) A Political Letter by NAME Raya Dunayevskaya 25c per copy ADDRESS 6—News & Letters- Unique combination of worker and CITY STATE intellectual, edited by a Negro production Address all orders to: News & Letters, 8751 Grand River Avenue, Detroit 4, Mich. THE ACTIVIST 25 Economic Policy Under President Johnson: Needs and Prospects By THOMAS DERNBURG The opportunity for significant governmental ac credit conditions. Unfortunately it is practically im tion on the economic front has rarely been better. possible to pursue such a policy because of our balance "Medi-care" should pass the House without difficulty; of payments problems. It is our practice to. purchase the President will be able to get an additional tax or sell our own currency in exchange for gold and/or reduction; the "war on poverty" will probably be foreign money at a fixed parity. If the Federal Re expanded beyond its present modest level;and, un serve were to embark on a program of easing credit like Franklin Eoosevelt's program, President John conditions it would do so by purchasing government son's legislation is in no danger of being upset by a securities on the "open market." In so doing it would recalcitrant Supreme Court. Given the opportunity give money balances to individuals in exchange for for action, what are our needs and what might actu government bonds. The increase in the "money sup ally be accomplished? ply" brought about in this manner would increase * * * the availability of credit, lower its cost (i.e., reduce Unemployment remains our most serious economic interest rates), and raise the price of securities. problem. Despite the tax cut that took place early Hopefully, the easing of credit would induce business this year unemployment remains far too high. For to expand its holdings of inventories and its spending a brief time this summer it appeared as if my guess on plant and equipment and, in consequence, raise (Activist, Spring 1964) might prove wrong. I sug the total level of spending and the level of employ gested that we would be very lucky to get the unem ment. ployment rate below five per cent this year. Although The trouble with this policy is that when interest we did manage a figure of 4.9 per cent for July, the rates fall American securities become relatively less annual average will prove to be well above five per attractive to foreign investors. These investors there cent. All but the most incurable optimists have now fore have an incentive to sell their securities and to given up hope that the "low full employment interim use the proceeds to invest elsewhere. However, since target" of four per cent can be reached without furth the proceeds are in the form of dollars, the foreign er governmental stimulation of the economy. investors will sell their dollars to the Federal Reserve In the view of most economists, including the mem in exchange either for gold or for foreign money. bers of the Council of Economic Advisers, the key If we now look at the overall situation we find that to a reduction in unemployment is an increase in total the Federal Reserve has simply bought back the spending. One possible way of achieving such an in dollars that it originally sold in exchange for securi crease in spending is to reduce taxes. The effect of ties and that the net effect is really nothing other such a reduction is to leave a greater amount of than a swap of gold and foreign money in exchange spendable income in the hands of households. If con for government securities. Because our reserves of sumers utilize part of this additional spendable in gold and foreign money have been declining steadily come to purchase additional consumption goods, pro and have been reduced below what many people regard duction will increase and this will raise the level of as the danger point, and since the attempt to ease employment. credit conditions will fail anyway, there is little to That policy stands the greatest chance of being be gained by attempting to ease credit. adopted, although there are many ways in which gov If the Johnson Administration really wishes to ernment can raise the level of total spending. Presi make a significant contribution towards the elimina dent Johnson has ridden the "economy" and "frugal tion of poverty and unemployment, it will bring an ity" themes so hard that it would be surprising if he end to the senseless policy of maintaining a strict were to recommend large scale expenditure increases. parity between dollars and gold and the other cur However, if he goes through with his plan to turn rencies. We maintain such a parity by standing ready over larger amounts of Federal tax revenues to the to exchange one type of asset for the other at a fixed states, spending at this level will probably increase. rate. In so doing we sacrifice a potentially important Another policy that is clearly called for by the instrument of economic stabilization because we can presence of excessive unemployment is the easing of not pursue a nationally independent monetary policy. 26 FALL 1964 The cross of gold to which we are nailed should be all of our troubles are attributable to "automation." destroyed. Unhappily the status quo in international then policies of demand expansion must be supple monetary relations so tyrannizes us that there is little mented by policies of retraining and relocation to likelihood that sanity will prevail prior to the complete ensure that we do not attempt to fit square pegs into breakdown of the international monetary system. round holes. Unfortunately, the prospects for a radi Given the political and economic restraints that cal departure in the area of worker retraining and surround policy formation, one is led to the conclusion relocation are not bright. The Council of Economic that the most likely form that expansionary policy Advisers takes the view that such programs may be will take is through additional tax reduction. Tax unnecessary because, as has happened in the past, cuts are popular because they appear to reduce gov business itself will undertake to retrain workers if ernment's role in the economy and because they raise only the demand for labor is great enough. Conse private rather than public spending. Moreover, as quently, argues the Council, massive government re opposed to expenditure increases, tax cuts avert the training programs at this time would be premature need for public planning of where and how to make and efforts should first be made to expand the level of the expenditures. demand. If it then turns out that a sizeable fraction Although tax reduction has traditionally been of the labor force remains in the category of "hard viewed as a counter-cyclical device, we now learn, core unemployment," steps to retrain and relocate under the tutelage of the Administration, that tax workers should be taken. reduction is vital for growth. If government spending The Council understandably does not want the gov is held constant, economic growth under existing tax ernment to undertake what it believes business might rates would generate budgetary surpluses. In order very well do by itself if only total spending were to avoid the deflationary effects of such surpluses, sufficient. However, this should not stand in the way tax rates must be cut in order to prevent the surpluses of the development of programs that allow the worker from arising. The theory is a neat one; since economic to help himself. Two important steps that carry us growth raises tax revenue it is possible to continue beyond present programs might be taken. cutting tax rates indefinitely without incurring in A serious obstacle to labor mobility is that no pri creasing deficits. This is the kind of magic formula vate lending institution will make a relocation loan. that President Johnson is likely to exploit for all it If I wish to leave the community, I cannot very well is worth. go to the local bank and ask for a loan to enable me One would not, of course, have to cut tax rates if to "get out of this crummy town." Nor can I, at the rising revenues were offset by an expansion of public other end of the trip, expect to receive credit because spending. The issue ought to be faced whether society having just arrived, nobody knows me. Barring a is better served by an increase in private consump massive increase in government support, would it tion that would result from a tax cut. The question, not be eminently sensible (as well as costless) to though it is frequently raised by social critics, has make low interest relocation loans to workers who been swept under the rug. And the Administration, wished to move elsewhere? with an eye on its quest for popularity, will very In the area of training, would it not also be sensible likely want to keep it there. to establish a system of loans for the financing of * * * education and vocational training or retraining? We Efforts to combat unemployment are complicated provide social security benefits out of past earnings. by the fact that insufficient total spending is not the Why not provide education out of future earnings? only dimension of the problem. Mere expansion of This program could be run along the conventional demand will be of little help if it is true, as many lines of any insurance program. The individual would allege, that unemployment is "structural" in origin, be entitled to borrow up to a certain maximum to i.e., caused by the obsolescence of existing skills due enable him to obtain his training. Thereafter he to the advance of technology and to the decline of would make repayment on an actuarial basis along particular industries. If it is true that unemployment the lines of the social security tax. is primarily due to structural factors, the expansion * * * of demand may actually do more harm than good. For example, if the total demand for labor is increased A major difficulty that we face is our persistent by a tax cut and if no suitably trained workers are unwillingness to recognize the existence of some very available, the job openings cannot be filled, and com serious economic problems. Poverty amidst plenty petition for skilled workers will merely raise wages plainly suggests that income is badly distributed. The and prices without any accompanying increase in em presence of a starved public sector along with a brisk ployment. It is, incidentally, for this reason that fiscal private demand for electric can openers suggest that conservatives have been only too eager to embrace our resources are not optimally utilized. These fund the structural view of the problem. These conserva amental problems of income distribution and of the tives have formed an unholy alliance with those lib relative share of government are not, I think, in any erals who cannot resist the temptation to believe that danger of being faced. THE ACTIVIST 27 BOOKS IN REVIEW Infernal Contradictions By ARTHUR WRIGHT Another drop* in the bucket of raged President on national televi tion. Yet Rowen fails singularly to books and articles on Kennedy eco sion. Less dramatic but more signifi place Kennedy in historical perspec nomic policies. Sooner or later—and cant was Blough's key position in tive, and in the process reveals a per probably sooner if the current rate of government-business relations both sonal liberalism which is a strange outpouring continues — the bucket before and after the steel price inci combination of naivete and Gold- must overflow. For the moment it is dent. The chronicle of Walter Heller's wateresque oversimplification. probably a good thing that so many acquiescence to the policy demands John F. Kennedy's cup of admira strive so variously to record the men, of the President lends credence to the tion runneth over in this book. All ideas and events of the past three woeful tales of the fates of other the standard kudos are heaped up: years which may well become known Kennedy intellectuals-turned-makers- intellect, taste, political acumen, vig as the era of economic literacy. To be and-shakers: the magnetism of pow or. The "tragic" assassination robbed sure, Leon Keyserling under Truman er will overcome the greatest striving Kennedy of his proper chance for and Arthur Burns under Eisenhower for truth. greatness, which assuredly would were as economically literate as Wal Rowen's reportage is marred some have been his. Yet indictments ter Heller. The difference with Ken what by irrelevant detail and exces abound. Kennedy "backed away"; nedy lay in the degree to which the sive heroizing, substituted for hard "temporized"; showed a "weak spine." literacy penetrated the White House fact and analysis in providing a This giant among Presidential minds at a conscious level, and in the at point. For example, of Arthur Gold found "incomprehensible" the hostil tempts to share the resulting knowl berg, then Secretary of Labor, during ity and suspicion of businessmen to edge with the nation. the rail talks: "In a comfortable wards his administration. Mr. Rowen brings rather impres suite at the fashionable Carlyle Ho The evolution of Kennedy-the-cam- sive credentials: aside from provid tel, the gray-haired Goldberg. . . ." paigner, verbally hacking away at the ing a literate (and liberal) antidote (Previously, a "graying ex-labor atrophy of eight years of national to Henry Hazlitt's frothings in News lawyer") Stanley Surrey is "hand slumber, into Kennedy-the-exeeutive, week, Rowen has had a spate of some, bushy browed," and an "hon charged now with responsibility for pieces in the New Republic, the Re ors graduate of the City College of the actual hackwork, is a fascinating porter, Harper's, and other journals. New York" to boot. Jean Monnet be topic. Kennedy quickly learned that If nothing else it must be said that he comes a "great patriot of the West he was succeding Eisenhower more displays a respect for economic the ern World." The top stars in Rowen's than chronologically. The "acute ory exceedingly rare, even (or is it galaxy, who also seem to have grant sense of political realities" ascribed especially?) in the self-styled intel ed him the most interviews, are to him by Rowen made it clear that lectual, or literary, press. It is rather James Tobin, "the gentle and bril certain fences had to be mended be disappointing, then, that of the three liant Yale professor," "brilliant eco fore he would get anywhere, and the tasks Rowen sets himself in The Free nomic theorist," "intellectual giant," mendings were made even more urg Enterprisers, only the journalism and "one of the truly great economic ent by the events of 1961 and 1962— comes off well. The others—political minds of our era"; and the "late, the Bay of Pigs, the Berlin Wall, and history and liberal polemic — fare great" Per Jacobbson of the IMF, the missiles crisis, to name just three. poorly, for closely related reasons. "brilliant and perceptive economist," Whether Kennedy guessed the correct The central theme of the book is "financial wizard, confidant of states fences to mend, and how he went that the large discrepancy between men." However, these overwritings about mending them, are proper ques Kennedy's economic accomplishments do not detract seriously from a dra tions to be settled. To neither of and the lofty goals of his campaign matic and, so far as this reviewer can these does Rowen address himself. is traceable to the welter of problems tell, largely accurate account. Moreover, instead of an analysis— he encountered in dealing with busi Some of Rowen's economic analy or even a description—of the political ness. The author had personal access ses, if rudimentary, still are lucid power of American business, we find to many of the principals, and as a and competent; e.g., the case for only a Manichean good-evil tirade result his narrative is informative "Keynesian" fiscal policies in the against "ugly," "wild, illiterate" and revealing. We see US Steel's current chronically slack economy, profit maximization, against "crass" Roger Blough impassively watching and the explanation of organized la tycoons who think only of costs and himself be tongue-lashed by an out- bor's negative response to automa revenues. Accurate as the adjectives 28 FALL 1964 may be, they convey little of the footing on unemployment, poverty, Kennedy - the - campaigner, complete substance of why Kennedy felt com education, tax reform — the list is with the promises and goals. For such pelled to wheedle support from busi long. Yet a liberal polemic, in the persons there could only have been ness, or why he had such a difficult tradition of the old pamphleteers, repeated let-downs and frustrations time. The picture painted time and must rest on a more solid base than after Kennedy took power. The let again is one of "greedy" business Rowen's self-righteously pious liber downs and frustrations are given full brushing off the President's sincere alism. After one of the few nods in vent by Rowen; the tenacity with and plaintive entreaties. the direction of "political realities," which he clings to the campaign- Rowen never can make up his mind we find: "I hope that there may be a image and its attendant hopes is al about Kennedy's true stance in his President some day who will shuck all most sad. negotiations with the devil. Was he such political constraints, but I am The reviewer is more pessimistic pursuing a political tactic in re not sanguine about such a prospect." than Hobart Rowen that a "cour sponse to short-run conditions? Or In another place, "irrational fears" ageous leader" will or can emerge to was he at heart basically conserva of businessmen are responsible for save us from ourselves. This is not tive, "orthodox," in his economics, actions Rowen cannot "excuse," nor to cry doom. It is to suggest that having pursued a tactic of feigned can he "take seriously" business lead while we hope and wait, we spend our liberalism in the campaign? Contrast ers who vilify Hoffa but persist in time asking what alignment of forces the bit about "acute sense of political their own "horrible" expense account could produce a leader capable—po realities" with the sentence immedi ing. The sweep of liberal sweetness, litically as well as courageously—of ately following it: "Moreover it be light and logic is so devastating, striking out boldly over the whole came apparent to those close to him however, that toward the book's end range of social problems confronting that the political constraints weren't we find the reassuring words, "Even us. We could also seek the reasons for at all difficult for him to accept." tually I am certain that some cour the success of other alignments, such Rowen evades the issue finally by ageous leader will galvanize the coun as the business-Johnson-acquiescent- chalking Kennedy's policies up to try into action, for real [economic] labor coalition currently shaping up. "preference and circumstance." expansion will not only help us meet If Mr. Rowen tries again with the There would be nothing wrong with the economic challenge in world af Johnson administration—and heaven such ambivalent conclusion were it fairs posed by our friends and ene knows we would wish him well—per not for the way it is reached. Many mies alike, but will raise our stand haps he might begin by taking vile would cheer the tons of epithets cas ard of living, for poor and well-to-do business seriously. caded upon business especially, but alike." Nothing in the book could pos also upon certain of our favorite Con sibly support such a conclusion; quite *The Free Enterprisers: Kennedy, gressional leaders. Cheers would also the contrary. Johnson and the Business Establish greet the roasting the Democratic Quite evidently Rowen is one of ment by Hobart Rowen (New York: administration receives for .its pussy those unfortunates who over-bought Putnam, 1964) 319 pp., $5.95. 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LIBERATION goes directly to the roots of 1 Name 1 our social problems, exploring solutions 1 1 and actions more revolutionary than 1 Address 1 those proposed by liberalism. LIBERATION 1 1 is anti-war, libertarian, Utopian. 1 Cfty State ZIP 1 1 THE ACTIVIST 29 Sociological Machinations By WILLIAM CATTON From its inception as a distinct dis similar problems and writing similar ses stated in a few of the more cipline, sociology's practitioners have diatribes. The cult of personality thoughtful papers are probably true; generally expected it to be in some which pervades many of the papers nearly all need thorough testing by way useful. Comte meant for it to in this book does Mills less credit precisely the kind of research scorned provide the scientific bases- for the than their authors suppose. One of as trivial elsewhere in the book. reorganization of society; his native them begins with a faulty syllogism: Toward the end of the volume, for France badly needed reorganizing at (1) All great social scientists have example, there is a rather dispas the time he wrote. Spencer, observing been passionate men. (2) Mills was sionate analysis of social change and the Industrial revolution in England, a man passionately committed to intergroup conflicts. It suggests such expected sociology to be useful in truth, reson, and freedom. (3) His promising and testable propositions showing men the folly of planned ef passion and intellectual penetration as these: (1) Every transformation forts to guide social change. In Amer place Mills in the classical main of a social structure implies some dis ica, the self-made Lester Ward stream of social science. integration, because the parts changa preached social telesis. Durkheim, in Mills' vision of the mission of so at varying paces. (This is acknowl the early days of the Third Republic, ciology was not the only legitimate edged to be a generalization of Og- expected the conclusions of social re vision. Other views were not so obvi burn's famous "cultural lag" hypothe search to have moral implications, ously misguided as they are made to sis. Ogburn, it should be noted, was but his own work exemplified the de seem by the disciples who have con not an angry nociologist, and has cer sire to draw moral lessons only from tributed to this book. Several have tainly been among the important con an adequately tested body of knowl pointed out that Mills was angry. tributors.) (2) One common result of edge. E. A. Ross argued as America They seem to share his anger, .and such disintegration is the "mobiliza industrialized that yearly increments they advocate it as the proper atti tion" or increased participation of of sociological knowledge ought to tude for all sociologists. Anger may some segment of society to a greater lead to annual revisions of the ten arise from hypersensitivity, and it is extent than the old system defined as commandments, since the meaning of well that some of us are more sensi normal. (3) The strain resulting moral precepts varies with the struc tive than others to certain phenome from this mobilization is relieved in ture of the society in which men try na. But anger can blind the angry. one of two ways: (a) by assimilation, to implement them. Countless soci Hypersensitivity to some aspects of whereby the mobilized group is ologists of lesser fame have pointed a situation almost necessarily entails merged into another group for which out how good intentions unaided by insensitivity to others. Witness the this higher level of participation is reliable knowledge can lead to griev insensitivity to unfair discrimination normal, or (2) by structural change, ous results. that goes with hypersensitivity to whereby the mobilized group retains The contention of C. Wright Mills, threats to property rights and free its identity but occupies a new posi and his followers who have written dom to dissociate. Sociology would be tion in the social structure. Clearly chapters for this festschrift, that so doomed to uselessness (if not to ex it would be of interest to sociological ciology has moral implications and tinction) if all sociologists had to be theorists and to social actionists to can be useful in evaluating political sensitive to the same things and had learn whether these hypotheses are actions and trends is thus not new. to share Mills' wrath. empirically true, what different con Their defense of this thesis might be There are 28 articles in this book sequences the two alternative resolu more persuasive if it were expressed besides the editor's Introduction tions of mobilization may entail, and in a less messianic tone. Sociologists which mistakenly tags Mills "the third, what different circumstances may now and then need reminding leading American sociologist." It tend to lead to one type of resolution that their research problems and would be difficult to show that Mills rather than the other. Anger ("com study designs are not drawn from a really illuminated the problems of our mitment," "involvement," whatever moral vacuum and that accordingly times more cogently than such non- we call it) is likely to impede rather their findings may have practical im angry men as Paul Lazarsfeld, Carl than facilitate such learning. plications. Mills and his followers Hovland, Kingsley Davis, Philip One of Mills' famous books, re have not been content with that kind Hauser, Samuel Stouffer, to name but ferred to by many of the authors in of useful exhortation. Instead they a few. I got the distinct impression this festschrift, was The Power Elite. have seemed to want Mills' own style in reading through the 28 papers that Many of its statements are worth de of "structural criticism" to be the there is an inverse correlation be tailed empirical investigation. Its in pattern for all sociologists to follow. tween the degree of anger manifested dignant criticism of the American There is room in each generation in each and the probability that its system can be summarized in these of sociological writers for a few men content will have any lasting value cognitive terms: our society makes like Mills, sensitive to aspects of for the discipline and for society. The sharper separation than some other their surroundings which manage to ones most likely to have permanent societies between economic matters elude most of their peers. There is a significance are those which set forth and political and other social consid place in the literature of social criti substantive hypotheses about some erations. Consequently, men in high cism for books like those Mills turned aspect of contemporary social life. positions in big corporations can out so fluently. It would be a tragedy, The angry papers tended not to do make decisions affeeting whole com though, if every sociologist devoted this; some of them sought merely to munities, the location of population, his attention and talent to evaluating vindicate Mills. Some of the hypothe the moral and political attitudes of 30 FALL 1964 the nation, and issues of war and put most of their research effort into weather he forecasts, or equates me peace, without consulting a constitu relatively compact problems, to the ticulous description of either a ency comprising all whose lives their neglect of such pressing issues as the drought or a hurricane with endorse decisions affect. Decisions having so probable social effects of nuclear war. ment and advocacy of such events cial, political, religious consequences But the paper on the extent and kind would be considered childish. Is it any can be made on the basis of economic of social disorganization to be ex less childish to react in this manner considerations alone. pected from nuclear war which ap to sociologists' efforts to evolve an But in his indignation, Mills ne pears in this book is worth reading effective division of labor between glected other situations of perhaps precisely because it makes careful theorists and researchers on the one equal importance where decisions af quantitative analyses on the basis of hand and critics and reformers on the fecting various interlocking institu explicitly stated assumptions. It is other. Is it really self-evident, (as tions are made with little or no refer free of the screaming that character Mills and his followers supposed) ence to the interests of any but the ized The Causes of World War III by that sociology and the world will one institution in whose structure the Mills. It may therefore do more to benefit from confounding these roles? decision-making positions happen to take the steam out of some of those The adherents of what they fondly be located. For example, consider the causes. The papers that commend call "the new sociology" like to be family. Birth rates — which today Mills for screaming (and that is the rate their less action-oriented col have important political and economic word one of them uses) are not "es leagues for "lecturing on navigation (and religious) consequences — de says in social science and social while the ship is going down." They pend largely on the actions of indi theory" as the subtitle of this collec need to be reminded that more ships vidual married couples whose per tion implies. None of them even have been lost from faulty naviga sonal fertility is almost never con comes close to contributing to the tion than from preoccupation with its sciously contingent upon the larger "sociology of knowledge"—as' thought niceties. The folly of idolizing the social implications of their group's ful explanations of Mills' academic wrathful social critic and insisting current rate of natural increase. Such unorthodoxy might have been expect that no other style of sociological family irresponsibility, if I may call ed to do. Some of these essays are work can be "significant" is epito it that, does not exonerate corporate merely petulant protestations of ad mized in one paper in this book which irresponsibility. But Mills' disciples miration for the fallen hero. resents the conclusions of Bell and of seem to assume that only the angry Their passions seem to prevent Lipset: viz., conflict in strictly ideo sociologist can be aware of corporate Mills' followers from agreeing on logical terms has tended to subside irresponsibility, and their assumption how he actually did his work. One or lose relevance as modern life has falls flat when we recognize that it author says that in. studying Puerto been increasingly organized around has been the relatively dispassionate, Ricans in New York, Mills rode complex technology. The authors of empirically oriented demographers around Harlem and the East Bronx the paper are disturbed by acceptance who have been most sensitive to the in his jeep, interviewed English- of the thesis of Bell and Lipset by social Implications of unregulated hu speaking officials and intellectuals, men in high places. They even criti man fertility in a world of increas but not the migrants themselves, and cized President Kennedy for having ingly regulated mortality. absorbed everything else "through his said that we need "research for so It is not as obvious to others as it eyes and his pores." He culled the re phisticated solutions to complex and is to his disciples that Mills' vehe ports of his interviewers and "quick obstinate issues." In quoting with dis ment critiques have revealed more ly pounced on nuggets that would approval they apparently disagree about the American power structure make the main points he had blocked with him that "What we need are not than, say, the voting behavior studies out for his looking and reading." In labels and cliches but more basic dis of men like Lazarsfeld, Berelson, and spite of this, another author of a cussion of the sophisticated and tech others. If Stouffer's studies of the later chapter says Mills "was pain nical questions involved in keeping a social psychology of American sol stakingly objective and exacting in great economic machinery moving diers in World War II seemed to his actual method of working." He is ahead." Mills to be only "abstracted empiri said to have collected facts "avidly," The best paper in the book, in my cism," they nevertheless contributed and to have worked "laboriously and judgment, is the one by Anatol Rapo- solid knowledge of the organizational diligently." port, of the Institute for Conflict Reso conditions under which white combat If all the ancient Greeks had had lution at the University of Michigan. infantrymen would accept Negro insatiable compulsions to throw The editor should have put this paper trcops as equals. And if efforts of a stones, none would have had time to on "The Scientific Relevance of C. power elite to manipulate people's devise catapults. If stones needed Wright Mills" at the end of the book, tastes, buying habits, and perhaps throwing while the construction pro as a meaningful conclusion. Rapoport even their political attitudes by clan ceeded, it is well that some men were supports Mills' efforts to remind so destine means would have outraged exempted from front line combat ciologists that there are big issues Mills, it is doubtful that righteous duty. Mills may have been brilliant, that need to be examined. But he tries condemnation would have been more but some of his disciples seem more to remind Mills' followers that with effective in blocking such attempts appreciative of his outrage than his its detached attitude science "is the than the careful experimentation by insights. They mistakenly suppose only mode of cognition we know which a sociologist at Indiana Uni that sociologists who try to measure which can make showdowns between versity showed so-called subliminal and describe existing social struc incompatible views productive and persuasion via television to be com tures and practices without castigat which can reveal the degree of com pletely ineffective. ing what they observe thereby ex patibility between views. Hence, logi Mills was right in noting that most press approval of them. A person cal analysis, extension of concepts, sociologists of this generation have who blames the meteorologist for the tests of hypothesis, and the rest can- THE ACTIVIST 31 not be avoided if we wish the clashes anti-empirical "sociological imagina "whole man" and one paper in this between serious thinkers to generate tion" and "structural criticism" ad book which says Mills' books should light as well as heat. And this means vocated by Mills the standard of so not be judged solely by their accuracy that we have to look at molecular ciological excellence would have as but by their ability to make us take studies, with their grubbing and their ruinous effects on sociology as the a fresh look at our situation. tests of significance and their delib similarly angry search for simple an erately imposed blindness to human swers has recently had on a major Irving Louis Horowitz (ed.), The issues, a necessary adjunct of soci political party. There is a striking New Sociology: Essays in Social ology, no matter how important it is parallel between a nominating speech Science and Social Theory in Honor for sociologists to keep the genuine which urged those with misgivings to of C. Wright Mills. New York: Ox sociological problems in focus." overlook his obvious shortcomings ford University Press, 1964. 512 We need critics, but to make the and consider the candidate as a pp. $8.50. Reason and Revolution vs Conformism and Technology By RAYA DUNAYEVSKAYA Professor Marcuse's new and high the objective, world, as well as in the logical rationality" into a truly real, ly original book, One-Dimensional field of thought, Marcuse "subverts" rational, free society. Man*, is not, as the title might sug conformism both in being and in A dualism, however, pervades the gest, just one more journalistic work thought. In his Introduction, entitled book's three major parts: "One-Di on the alienation of modern man. "The Paralysis of Criticism: Society mensional Society," "One-Dimensional Again, despite its subtitle, "Studies Without Opposition," he states his Thought," and "The Chance of the in the Ideology of Advanced Indus aim modestly enough: "My analysis Alternatives." On the one hand, the trial Society," Professor Marcuse, far is focused on tendencies in the most author is weighted down by full from limiting his study to that of highly developed contemporary socie awareness that the transformation of ideology, tries to go to the root of ties ... I am projecting these ten reality cannot be achieved in thought; positivistic one-dimensional philoso dencies and I offer some hypotheses, it must be consummated in practice: phy, in the automated productive nothing more." Nevertheless, no one "In other words, society would be process itself. Indeed, in his attempt who has read the book can put it aside rational and free to the extent to to restore the great power of "nega without hearing a ringing challenge which it is organized, sustained, and tive thinking," and to center atten to thought to live up to a historical reproduced by an essentially new his tion on the dialectical development in commitment to transform "techno- torical Subject." (p. 252) On the other hand, Professor Marcuse stress es over and over again, the totality of the conditions that "militate against the emergence of a new Sub ject." (p. 252) His pessimism is not the intercollegian merely psychological; it is deeply rooted in his concept of "technological Coming in the December issue of rationality," in his attitude that the POVERTY IN AMERICA proletariat has not lived up to its featuring: historic task, in his questioning, where not rejecting outright Marx's concept • POVERTY & PROMISES, a major 4- part analysis of the proletariat as the "Subject" that would negate "the advanced in by Robb Burlage, including a look at LBJ's War. dustrial society." No wonder that • A POVERTY OF SPIRIT, by Barbara Ward, noted Marcuse's studies were developed out side of the range of workers' voices British economist and author. opposing the one-dimensional condi • THE FACE OF ONE-FIFTH A NATION, a first- tion of automated labor. There is one single exception to person account of life in the slums of Harlem and this pervasive condition of Professor Atlanta. Marcuse's book: worker's pamphlet, Workers Battle Automation by Annual subscriptions / $2.50—8 issues / year Charles Denby, who happens at the same time to be the editor of News Order from & Letters, to which Marcuse like THE INTERCOLLEGIAN 291 Broadway, NYC wise refers in the Introduction. In referring, however, to the inhuman 32 FALL 1964 labor conditions Denby describes, Pro to the view that the new forms of and the calculus takes care of con fessor Marcuse not only stresses that control have indeed succeeded in con science." (pp. 81, 82) "this form of drudgery is expressive taining workers' revolt, to the point It becomes clear that, taken as a of arrested, partial automation" (p. of so transforming the antagonistic whole, One-Dimensional Man tries to 25), but he leaves out entirely the cen structure of modern industrial society synthesize philosophy, economics and tral point of the pamphlet, the divi that "A comfortable, smooth reason literature—indeed, the whole realm of sion between the rank and file and able, democratic unfreedom prevails culture (linguistics included) —with the labor leadership in their attitudes . . ." (p. 1) without opposition. the categories of experience. That is toward Automation. Had Marcuse not To this reviewer, the brilliance of to say, instead of relating economic followed his reference to the pam Marcuse's analysis rests, rather, in structure to "ideology," or "false con phlet by many references to bourgeois the sections dealing with thought, lit sciousness" (in the strictly Marxian studies which maintain the exact op erature, and "Beat ways of protest. meaning), as substance and manifes posite—that "the organized worker Listen, for example, to this: "The tation, Professor'Marcuse wishes to ... is being incorporated into the reign of such a one-dimensional real deal with epistemology, with the technological community to the ad ity does not mean that materialism whole theory of knowledge and its ministered population" (p. 26), that rules, and that the spiritual meta categories. Toward that end, he pro labor and management alike have be physical and bohemian occupations ceeds from the "One-Dimensional So come part of a "technological ration are petering out. On the contrary, ciety," which occupies nearly a half ality"—the absence of any illustra there is a great deal of 'Worship to of the book, and which already has tions of a division within labor could gether this week,' 'Why not try God,' analyzed the superstructure as well have been dismissed as irrelevant to Zen, existentialism, and beat ways of as the structure of society, directly to the development of Marcuse's thesis. life, etc. But such modes of protest "One-Dimensional Thought," which But this is not the case. Quite the and transcendence are no longer con focuses on modern philosophy sepa contrary. tradictory to the status quo and no rately. To demonstrate that there are no longer negative. They are rather the We had already been introduced to negative forces, at least none that ceremonial part of practical behavior the emergent pattern of one-dimen challenge the new forms of totali ism, its harmless negation, and are sional thought and behavior: "The tarian administrative control, Profes quickly digested by the status quo as trend may be related to a develop sor Marcuse marshals quotations part of its healthy diet." (p. 14) Pro ment in scientific method: operation- from Charles R. Walker's study, To fessor Marcuse further demonstrates alism in the physical, behaviorism in ward the Automatic Factory, to the that the one-dimensional thought the social sciences." (p. 12) Now Mar effect that the workers themselves which is "systematically promoted by cuse restates his critique within the allegedly "desire to join actively in the makers of politics and their pur process of the development of philo applying their own brains to techni veyors of mass information" is by sophic thought itself from its origins cal and production problems which no means limited to the United States, in the dialectics of Plato to the sci clearly fitted in with the technology" although that is the main focus of his ence of Whitehead and the absurdi (p. 30); he cites Jean-Paul Sartre to study. "This totalitarian logic of ac ties of Wittgenstein. "The totalitarian demonstrate his own point as to the complished facts has its Eastern coun universe of technological rationality manner in which "The machine proc terpart," he writes. "There, freedom is the latest transmutation of the ess in the technological universe is the way of life instituted by a com idea of Reason . . . the process by breaks the innermost privacy of munist regime and all other trans which logic becomes the logic of domi freedom and joins sexuality and labor cending modes of freedom are either nation." (p. 123) As against this, in one unconscious, rhythmic auto capitalistic, or revisionist, or leftist dialectics would reveal the true an mation—a process which parallels the sectarianism." (p. 14) tagonistic structure of reality and of assimilation of jobs." (p. 27) No less What Marcuse calls "the language thought trying to grasp this reality: than fOrty-one footnotes in this one of total administration" shows itself "If man has learned to see and know sub-section, entitled "The Closing of forth nowhere more tragically, and what really is, he will act in accord the Political Universe," go to prove yet hilariously, than "in productive ance with truth. Epistemology is in that "in the most successful areas of union ... of the Welfare State and itself ethics and ethics epistemology. automation, some sort of technologi the Warfare State." (p. 19) Its end ... To the extent to which the experi cal community seems to integrate the result is the "institutionalized desubli- ence of an antagonistic world guides human atoms at work" (p. 26) so mation . . . achieved by the one-di the development of the philosophical that "Domination is transfigured into mensional society." (p. 79) Marcuse categories, philosophy moves in a uni administration" (p. 32) and "contain then describes the ghoulish nuclear verse which is broken in itself ment of social change" (pages 22-48) war games simulated a la instruc (dechirement ontologique) — two-di is effected. tions by the "Game Director" of the mensional. Appearance and reality, It should not be necessary to add Rand Corporation: "The rockets are untruth and truth (and, as we shall that it is not a question of the rattling, the H-bomb is waiting, and see, unfreedom and freedom) are veracity of any scholars, least of all the space flights are flying, and the ontological conditions. . . . Philosophy that of Professor Marcuse. It is a problem is 'how to guard the nation originates in dialectics; its universe question of the voices one hears, the and the free world.'... It is comfort of discourse responds to the facts of sights one sees, the feelings one ex ing to hear that the game had been an antagonistic reality." (p. 125) periences depending on which side of played since 1961 at RAND 'down in Professor Marcuse presumes a the production line you stand. In the our labyrinthine basement — some goodly amount of knowledge on the case of Marcuse, the failure to hear where under the Snack Bar.'... Obvi part of his readers. But it appears to this powerful oppositional voice at ously, in the realm of the Happy Con this reviewer that this part is espe the point of production itself, has led sciousness, guilt feeling has no place, cially important to the college stu- THE ACTIVIST 33 dents daily exposed to (if not brain of labor," RD] finds a firm mass basis outcasts, and outsiders, the exploited washed by) the pragmatist, vulgarly in the underlying population and and persecuted of other races and empiric, positivistic, not to mention finds its ideology in the rigid orienta other colors, the unemployed and the the success philosophies of the day. tion of thought and behavior to the unemployable ... their opposition is As against Wittgenstein's language given universe of facts. Validated by revolutionary even if their conscious games, where ordinary language "is the accomplishments of science and ness is not. Their opposition hits the really sterilized and anesthetized" technology, justified by its growing system from without and is therefore (p. 198), and as against "pure" sci productivity, the status quo defies all not deflected by the system; it is an ence, science without telos, Marcuse transcendence." (p. 17) elementary force which violates the does appeal to the transcendent view, Two elements — one from theory, rules of the game and, in doing so, but from first to last, he stresses that and from the objective world—save reveals it as a rigged game." (pp. his critical theory is "opposed to all the critical philosophy that Professor 256-57) metaphysics by virtue of the rigor Marcuse expounds. One is that the There are those who think that the ously historical character of the tran critical theory refuses to abdicate and time for the all-dimensional man scendence." (p. xi) The transcendent leave the field "to an empirical so passed with the Renaissance. There is not in heaven, but on earth; the ciology which, freed from all theoreti are others, like this reviewer, who historic is transitory, human, actual cal guidance except a methodological think his time is first coming. And as against only the potential and in one, succumbs to the fallacies of mis there are the conformists whose total herent. It'is precisely, however, when placed concreteness. . . ." (p. 254) If indifference to discussion of anything Marcuse reaches the stage of freedom even the philosopher should see only pluri-dimensional is likely to bury where he once again questions Marx's the hopeless, Marcuse maintains, he One-Dimensional Man without ever concept of the proletariat as the lib would nevertheless, wish "to remain getting a serious dialogue around it erating force, and where pessimism loyal to those who, without hope, have started in the academic world. I trust once again" overcomes his view of given and give their life to the Great the youth will not let this happen. "The Chance of the Alternatives" Refusal." (p. 257) Thereby they will become part of his- which forms the last part of his work. The other moment of hope is of tory-in-the-making in the realm of He thus returns to what he stated at much greater import since it is both thought. the beginning, which was very nearly objective and subjective and has the a built-in presupposition: "Today's force to undermine the status quo: *ONE-DIMENSIONAL MAN by Herbert fight against this historical alterna ". . . underneath the conservative Marcuse (Beacon Press, Boston, 260 tive [Marx's concept of the "abolition popular basis is the substratum of the pp., $6). Reunion and Reaction By JONATHAN EISEN The author who seeks to add to our do justice to My Face Is Black or to only fear one another: animosity and understanding of the American racial its author, C. Eric Lincoln is a so strain begin to show in the phalanx crisis undertakes a formidable task. ciologist of standing, a poet of some of the movement for racial equality. He has a long, and distinguished list talent; it is not in him to write a Yet there is more than fear in Lin of predecessors; he has a numerous, book which merely reviews old facts coln's book: there is faith. The faith if not so distinguished, set of competi and insights. appears not only in Lincoln's direct tors in the journalists who have rush My Face Is Black has all the facts: discussion of Christianity, which he ed to meet the demand for civil rights the history of racial indignity and regards as the true lodestar of the literature. The gloomy and the hope Negro protest; the struggle against American Negro, whatever the be ful of the history and present of the self-hatred and the menace of Negro trayals of its white votaries. Lincoln's American Negro have been recited. chauvinism. Indeed, the tone of men conviction appears as well in his anal The psychological malaises produced ace dominates the book. Lincoln is ysis of history, which gives to the mo by slavery and segregation, on both fearful, and justly so, of the "counter- ments of tragedy the stature of sides of the racial line, have been backlash": Negro hatred of whites drama, the quality of being points in plumbed. What then remains to be replacing "tomism" as a form of com a great epic moving toward a reso said, in comparison with what re munication between the races, the col lution in which past folly is trans mains to be done? lapse of the dream of racial brother figured in a triumphant future. It may seem harsh to judge My hood in the moment of victory over Lincoln's history is moje than a Face Is Black* by such criteria. It is, slavery. struggle for racial equality; equality after all, a popular book, written with The sense of menace is an indica with oppressors and the perpetrators clarity and sensitivity. Habitues of tion of the new temper of the civil of injustice is not to be valued. In the literature and action of the civil rights movement. Victory over white deed, it is the very equalitarianism rights movement can hardly afford to racism is assured. The Dixiecrat in of the Muslim movement that he forget that such books are needed. spires indignation but no longer fear. fears: two equal and oppressing races Yet any milder standards would not Assured of triumph, the victors need are no improvement on one. "If the 34 FALL 1964 white man is evil by nature," he asks, Estranged from God, as all men must age and immoderate of racial ration "what am I?" Nature is the same: be, men cannot abide alienation from alists: Malcolm X was all of these. for all men and all races. The Negro each other. Yet the last fury of hatred, his ex has a peculiar role in the perennial Lincoln's anger at black racism is ultation in the death of Kennedy, his human struggle to realize the nature the anger of a dramatist at an un vengeful delight in airline disasters, of man. The Muslim, Lincoln argues, resolved plot, an aborted work of opened a new stage. The depths of makes nature itself a thing of evil, artistic creation. It is, moreover, an hatred and blood lust were plumbed; unworthy of realization. anger that so much sacrifice might the fires of wrath were burned out. The Negro in America, in Lincoln's end in a tawdry belief no better than What remained, one suspects, were epic, has struggled to communicate the beginning. Lincoln has a faith, ashes. Hatred fulfilled leaves empti with the white in America in varying however muted by his hortatory pur ness, and it was not in the spirit of forms: protest, politics, servility, and pose, that it will not end there: the Malcolm X to be'empty. rebellion. Now, Lincoln asserts, com city of man will prevail. Nietzsche said of Jesus that he "in munication is nearly possible. The There is evidence that Lincoln's vented hell to send thither those who day of the NAACP, which sought to restatement of the ancient vision is would not love him," but that "en speak through institutions, is passing. not so naive as it may seem, that it lightened about human love, he had to Direct action is the anticipation of has a profundity not granted to secu invent a god who is love, entire ca speech face-to-face. Yet what is to lar creeds. Malcolm X is Lincoln's pacity for love, who takes pity on be communicated? Lincoln's Negro symbol of the perils of black chau human love because it is so paltry has learned, often without seeing his vinism, yet Malcolm X has (since the and so ignorant." In Malcolm X's own part in the drama, to know him date of publication) avowed a new transformation there is more than an self as man. The decline of his faith in human brotherhood. Is it not other hope for racial justice. There is "yearning after whiteness," the new possible that this man, to Lincoln the a validation of the old faith which "mood ebony" and the acceptance of symbol of the Negro "lower class," Lincoln expresses: that the struggle being black, is merely the next-to-last may prove the symbol of the Negro does avail, and man will come home act, after which the folly of race will himself? Degraded by racism, a crimi to man. perish altogether. The Negro needs nal in retaliation; the organizer of the white because man needs man, not political and economic power in a de •MY FACE IS BLACK: by C. Eric Lin coln. Beacon Press, Boston, 1964. because he needs political support. mand for recognition, the most sav $3.50, 137 pp. World Communism in Transition By DANIEL BROWER The fall of Nikita Khrushchev was moribund American Communist Par ment, Lenin demanded in 1920 that a dramatic demonstration of a long ty. Our understanding of the Commu the revolutionary parties affiliated evident fact: the old order of the in nist movement is in serious need of with the Communist International fol ternational communist movement has updating. In his recently published low the Bolshevik model of organiza passed. Khrushchev fell, in part, be book entitled World Communism: The tion and doctrine and obey the in cause he was unable to halt the dis Disintegration of a Secular Faith* structions of the Soviet-dominated solution of the movement. It is ironic Richard Lowenthal has attempted International. He was, in Lowenthal's that the Soviet party, which so often very successfully to do just that. He terms, laying the groundwork for the is probably the most outstanding creation of a "World Party." So ef forced other parties to remove their Western specialist on Communism, fective were the principles he laid leaders, should be forced by those certainly the only one who can bring down that the Communist Interna parties to remove its own. The irony together, as he does in this book, a set tional soon was made up of "deriva is suggestive of the reality: the only of papers written between 1955 and tive totalitarian parties," that is, par hope for halting the decline of Com 1963 which are all relevant at the ties internally disciplined and entire munist unity lies in making disunity present time. ly dependent for their policies on So a legitimate part of the movement In the last chapter, Lowenthal of viet leadership. Stalin inherited and itself. fers the reader an integrated three- perfected this organization, and turn stage interpretation of the develop ed it to the sole use of the Soviet As a result, the old stereotype of ment of world Communism. The first Union. For him, there could be no world Communism as a "world con stage, from 1915 to 1920, was marked contradiction between world revolu spiracy" in the service of "Soviet im by a "loose alliance of rather hetero tion and Soviet national interests, perialism," only partly valid even un geneous revolutionary groups," united since he defined these interests as be der Stalin, is now totally invalid. It only by their hope of immediate world ing those of the proletariat every lives on only as a myth, an article of revolution. The second, "centralistic" where. faith accepted in such bastions of stage began after the revolutionary But during and after the Second- "right-thinking" as the Justice De movement of 1918-19 in Central and World War, Communist revolutions partment, with its 40 lawyers work Western Europe had failed. In order took place in Yugoslavia and China ing constantly on the affairs of the to preserve the unity of the move without Soviet aid and without regard THE ACTIVIST 35 for Soviet interests. Stalin never un forcible rule over both the Soviet Un Lowenthal dates the beginning of derstood the significance of these ion and the international Communist the real break in 1958. That year, the events. He continued to demand "cen movement. His action was taken in Chinese leaders discovered for the tralists discipline on a world scale." order to permit an "ideological re first time that their national interests But this situation could not last, for birth" of Communism. Instead, it led were not being adequately served by both Yugoslav and Chinese Com to the "first ideological crisis" within Soviet policy. They felt that they were munists were outside effective Soviet the Communist camp. The ferment in receiving "insufficient Soviet diplo control. Both could thus defend the Eastern Europe in 1956, the revolt in matic and military support in their national interests of their respective Hungary and the unrest in Poland, conflict with the United States" and states, if need be in opposition to So was due primarily to a "crisis of au inadequate economic and financial aid viet interests. The Chinese in particu thority" brought on by Khrushchev's for their industrialization efforts. lar could be expected to follow sepa repudiation of Stalin and all his ways. The central issue, in Lowenthal's view, rate policies, for they had evolved a It jeopardized the Soviet leader's vi was foreign policy. For China, the distinctive type of Communism dur sion of the Communist commonwealth, United States was the major imperi ing their years as an independent and led in the case of Hungary to the alist enemy, a direct threat to Chinese revolutionary movement. They had use of Soviet armed might to pre security. Khrushchev's efforts to seek created their own methods of revolu serve Communist unity. Yet not even improved relations with the USA in tionary action — partisan warfare — Soviet military force would have been 1958 and 1959, culminating in his and their own techniques of totali sufficient to prevent a split, had the visit to this country in September, tarian control—indoctrination, or "re Soviet leaders not kept the support of 1959, was seen in Peking as a grave education." Long unacquainted with the Yugoslav and Chinese Commu error, one directly harmful to Chinese Chinese developments, Stalin did not nists. By the end of 1957, Khrushchev interests. The Chinese leaders set out attempt to "rectify" the Party's poli was able to see his dream of an ideo to force the Soviet Premier to aban cies, but simply demanded the new logically united Communist movement don his "peace diplomacy" and return regime accept the international status recognizing Soviet leadership and to the old "peace propaganda" which of Soviet satellite. He did attempt to doctrinal authority accepted by all excluded the possibility of serious intervene in the affairs of the Yugo Communist parties—except the Yugo negotiations with America. They slav Communists, and, failing in his slav Party. Thus ideology was not to warned against underestimating the efforts, excommunicated them. be the cause of the schism to come. danger of imperialism and called for The death of Stalin, and the rise of Only one man, the leader of the total support for "wars of national Khrushchev, marked the end of the Italian Communist Party Palmiro liberation." Further, they directly at "centralistic" period in international Togliatti, attempted to draw a lesson ' tacked the one Communist power, Communist history, and the beginning for world Communism from the ideo Yugoslavia, which had achieved of the third period. Once firmly in logical crisis of 1956. But his theory peaceful relations with the West, ac power, Khrushchev set out to bring of "polycentrism,' that is, a multi- cusing the Yugoslavs of being "agents the character of the Communist move centered Communist movement, was of the imperialist enemy." In resist ment in line with his conception of not accepted. The goal of the Rus- , ing Soviet foreign policy, the Chinese the new situation. He believed very sians, and of the Chinese as well, was Communists had by necessity to chal deeply—if naively—that "there could unity. Their inability to attain that lenge the ideological authority of the be no major contradiction between goal was due to a power conflict be Soviet Union as leader of the Com the interests of Russian power and tween their two states. munist movement, a position they had the interests of revolutionary expan sion by independent Communist states ^jiicaiiiiiiiiiificaiiii]iiiiiiiEaiMiiTfiiiirc3iifiiiiiiiiiEaiiiiiiiiiiiica]iiiiiHti]ic3iiiiiiiiiiiiE3iiiiiiiiiiiic3iiiiiiiiiiiic3iHiiiiii[iiE3iiiifiiiiiiic3iiiiiiiiiiiicaiiiiiiii>^ and movements." He sought to "re place the centralistic discipline of the former World Party by the ideologi cal authority of Moscow over an al liance of formally equal and inde ICONTEMPORARY i pendent parties." Lowenthal devotes the greatest part of his book to the examination of Khrushchev's attempt to achieve this goal and the reasons A QUARTERLY for his failure. ISSUES Khrushchev began by renouncing the Stalinist heritage. In 1955, he | Current issue features a debate on the | traveled to Yugoslavia to make pub failure of the pacifist leadership in the § lic apology for the wrong done Tito 1 Civil Rights struggle. by his predecessor. He abolished the organization used by Stalin to control Subscriptions: $1.80 per year. Single 1 the non-Russian Communist parties, copy, 50c from: the Communist Information Bureau. He renegotiated the unequal treaty of CONTEMPORARY PRESS I alliance with China to place Soviet- P.O. Box 2357 Chinese relations on a basis of equal ity. Finally, he spoke out, at the I Church Street Station Twentieth Party Congress in 1956, | New York, N. Y. 10008 1 against the entire Stalinist system of ^»TllllllItE3IlllliIIIIIIC3IIIIll]lilllE31IIItllIilllE31Ilil[IlilIIEaUflIlillllli:3IIll]IILIIIlEail]IlliIIIllE3]llllf]IllllE3llllllltlJirE3tlll]JIIIt|]E3]illllIlllllC3IIlIllllllt]E31lt^ 36 FALL 1964 just supported in 1957. Thus, what trated by the insistence of the Chi Communist parties. The totalitarian had begun as a conflict of interests nese Communists on perfect doctrinal model will continue to predominate soon became an ideological dispute. unity, the only means whereby the in underdeveloped countries, where Glorifying the importance of their weaker Chinese could hope to influ "revolutionary tensions" favor such development as an independent Com ence the policies of their powerful an organization. But in the advanced munist movement, the Chinese lead Communist neighbor. The result by Western countries, totalitarianism ers began to set themselves up as a 1962 was schism. Khrushchev had has no future. The Communist parties new center of authority for interna failed. To be sure, he had successfully in these countries will either become tional Commuism. In 1960, neither destroyed the "Stalinist forms of or democratic in character—a trend al side was willing yet to admit that ganization and thought," but the Chi ready begun in the Italian Party—or unity was lost. At the Moscow con nese Communists had in turn undone be reduced to "sectarian insignifi ference in November of that year, the his fragile construction of a fraternal cance." great majority of the assembled dele Communist commonwealth. Khrush Though Lowenthal does not say so, gates of world Communism supported chev's fall last October was thus the there is a lesson for the United States the Soviet views, and the Chinese had logical conclusion to the rule of a in the history of world Communism temporarily to follow suit. But man who was, in LowenthaPs words, in the past ten years. Khrushchev's Khrushchev for his part had to re a "figure of transition." greatest shoi'tcoming was his inabil nounce recognition by the other par What is to come? The author fore ity to accept the idea of a multi-cen ties of the Soviet Union's "leading sees a period Of greater and greater tered Communist movement, in which role" in the Communist movement. differentiation within the interna independent parties followed inde He was thus abandoning a key part tional Communist movement. "Poly- pendent policies. Americans should of his plan for the organization of centric decay" will become more and not make the same error. world Communism. The only unity more a reality. The local conditions he could hope to retain in 1960 was a within the countries will determine •WORLD COMMUNISM : The Disintegra tion of a Secular Faith, by Richard "pragmatic unity based on compro- to a far greater extent than in the Lowenthal. Oxford University Press, mise."But even that hope was frus past the policies and character of the 1964. Up From Ethnicity By MILTON YINGER Perhaps the thesis of Beyond the there are shared interests; but the position of the various groups), of Melting Pot* is best described in these ethnic groups are, and in the auth international tensions, of the educa words: "The ethnic group in Ameri ors' judgments seem likely to remain, tional system, and many other vari can society became not a survival of decisive importance. ables. Some parts of the American from the age of mass immigration Glazer and Moynihan thus sup population identify much more closely but a new social form." Even after port the thesis of Herberg, in Prot with an occupational group, a class, ties of language and custom are lost, estant-Catholic-Jew, Lenski in The a community, or some other subdi family ties strengthened by shared Religioiis Factor, and several other vision of the total society, than they interests bind the members of an recent studies. Stated as a broad do with an ethnic group. Why? By ethnic group together. The whole so generalization, there is little doubt focusing our attention more closely ciety is too large and too heterogene about the existence of ethnic sub- on the conditions that lead to one or ous to promote assimilation in any communities, with differing values the other pattern of identification, the complete sense. The ethnic group is a and interests, in American cities to authors might have contributed more manageable, emotionally meaningful day. But that statement is a long fully to our understanding. intermediate group with which one way from designation of just how Enthusiasm for their thesis has can identify, or is made to identify important they are. Before it is a sometimes led them to exaggerations by the actions and attitudes of others. useful scientific proposition, it must and omissions. They consistently un The result, in New York City at any be accompanied by careful specifica derestimate the rate of religious rate, has been the persistence of sub- tion of the conditions which minimize intermarriage, for example. The nationalities. These are not the or and those which maximize ethnic sample census of 1957 reported that iginal immigrant groups, for there group strength and survival. This is 7.2 per cent of Jews were married to has been some blurring and blending. not done very well in the present vol non-Jews; but the figure given by The city is now divided along reli ume, nor in the others that empha Glazer and Moynihan is 3.5 per cent. gious and racial lines. Irish and Ital size, often with strong approval, the A study of midtown Manhattan in ian Catholics, Jews, Negroes, Puerto persistence of distinctive sub-commu 1960 reported a Jewish intermarriage Ricans, and white Protestants are nities. We need a formula that will rate of 18.4 per cent,-but they list the distinguishable in many ways. Resi take into account the influence of figure as 10 per cent. In both eases dential, political, economic, and edu prejudice, of recency of migration, of' they referred directly to the studies, cational patterns set them apart as the nature of the economy and the but for some reason changed the well as race and religion. There are, direction of its development, of dem figures. There is no discussion of the of course, cross-cutting lines and ography (the size, location, and com fact that at least 30 per cent of THE ACTIVIST 37 Catholic marriages are to non-Cath ogeneous society; but the grounds of sense of "displacement" felt by many olics, even by official Catholic records; differentiation need not be ancestral. of those of Irish background, and if non-authorized marriages were Occupation, education, variation in relate this skilfully to their overrep- added, the figure is probably nearer tastes and- interests may become the resentation in the McCarthy move to 40 per cent. It is not easy to see critical lines. I doubt that ethnic ment and other political expressions how a distinctive and separate re divisions will disappear, but they may of the far right. ligious community will survive many become much less important. We may There are touches of provincialism generations of this. move, in terms expressed by Cooley in the book. In stressing the enor In short, I am not convinced by half a century ago, from a pattern mous heterogeneity of New York's their thesis that America has gone of differentiation based on social and population, the authors sometimes "Beyond the Melting Pot." It may be physical isolation to differentiation make it appear that the city is dif that we have not yet got into it. based on choice. It is difficult, as Gla ferent in kind from any other human This is not to suggest, of course, that zer and Moynihan recognize, to keep community, not simply different in the result a few generations hence one's values from influencing his ob degree. There is something of a .ten will be a dead-level uniformity. Un servations on this' question. The dency to give gratuitous advance, doubtedly we shall always be a heter- authors clearly favor pluralism to particularly to Negroes, and to rep assimilation, which, one would guess, rimand them for their inadequacies. they distinguish from integration. This may be as inappropriate and Yet the authors do not articulate and useless as criticizing those who clearly their values. I too favor plur suffer from tuberculosis. If there are alism, but would draw what I believe unfortunate aspects of Negro life A NEW SEX ETHICS to be an important distinction be in New York—as there are by al tween historical or traditional plur most everyone's value stand—it may alism and contemporary pluralism. be more to the point to specify pre and The former supports the value of cisely the causes and to seek their continuing identity with one's an removal. For the most part, this is cestral group and the desirability of what the authors do; but there is an MARRIAGE preserving traditional group divi occasional criticism of the failure of sions. The latter — contemporary Negroes to seize available opportu pluralism—suggests choice for indi nities, as, for example, Japanese and STRUCTURE viduals among several efforts to Jews have done. Viewed sociological struggle with the human condition, ly, such criticism borders on "boot Discussed by Adam and Eve each of which is a hybrid, each a strap thinking." The authors are MARION BASSETT product of the interaction of a wide sensitive to the crushing burden of range of religious and ethnic tradi discrimination; they are aware of Two fictitious college professors tions. the vicious circles in which our most of sociology consider the contra deprived citizens are trapped; they dictions and tragedies resulting Turning to the five essays on New describe the continuing presence of from present customs and laws York's largest racial and ethnic the Negro's tragic past in America. on men-women relations. They groups, we find a series of valuable Effective action requires that we discuss a new pattern of life be commentaries. Although the longest focus our attention on these facts tween the sexes. covers only 70 pages, the authors more than on their consequences. It Eve holds that women should manage to combine adroitly pieces of is unlikely that effects will eliminate control their own bodies and history, demography, cultural anal their own causes. lives, under their own concept of ysis, and personal commentary. With human progress—not under prin out their saying so, Glazer and Moy On balance, this is an excellent ciples made by the masculine nihan make clear that if one is to book. It is both informative and pro vocative. If its basic thesis is not half or a masculine God. They understand the contemporary posi entirely convincing, this is not sur agree that women's larger influ tion of a group, one must know some prising, for the authors are strug ence in government would be a thing of its history and must be in gling with one of the most difficult force for peace. Adam, an eman formed about the range of cultural and important problems of a rapidly cipated man, claims that this sub values it brings into the current sit ject calls for new rational and changing and heterogeneous society. uation. To cite only two instances: If they prompt us to think a little ethical thinking. the "amoral familism" of South Italy "Challenging . . . re-examination further through the question of has clearly been important to the "pluralism" in American life, aided of male-female relationships." way in which Italian immigrants to by fuller knowledge which they have -J)R. LESTER A. KIRKENDALL. New York have been absorbed into given us about several groups, they the life of the city. Only with the have made a valuable contribution to FORESIGHT BOOKS appearance of large numbers of third the quality of life in this complex generation New Yorkers has the society. P.O. Box 394 powerful influence of the cultural Unionville, Conn. background been reduced. Family *BEYOND THE MELTING POT: The Ne patterns in Puerto Rico are equally groes, Puerto Ricans, Jews, Italians, Special price of shown to be of great significance in and Irish of New York City. By Na $3.95 postpaid governing the lives of Puerto Rican than Glazer and Daniel Patrick Moy to readers of this magazine migrants to New York. In a percep nihan. Cambridge: The M.I.T. and tive section, the authors discuss the Harvard University Press, 1963. 38 FALL 1964 Records In Review transient response By ROBERT PIRON We began this column in the last Last of the favorites is Erica formances recorded over the years, issue with a list of our all-time favor Morini's exquisite playing of the two one comes to the inescapable conclu ites and unfavorites in recorded clas Tartini violin sonatas and the Varia sion that he knew exactly what he sical music, and will complete that tions on a Theme of Corelli (with was doing, and that to him Schubert round-up as follows: Leon Pommers, piano, Westminster should sound dry, steely, taut, as if The first delight is a group of three del.). Both the "Devil's Trill" the notes were little holes in little recordings by Paul Paray and the and "Didone Abbandonnata' are cards dropping into little slots, sorted Detroit Symphony: "Offenbach and played effortlessly, with great style, into neat little piles. This may appeal Auber Overtures" (Mercury SR- and the Corelli variations sparkle to some, but for those of us who re 90215), "Von Suppe Overtures" (Mer with wit and good humor. One of the gard Schubert as the warmest and cury SR90269), and "French Over finest violin recitals ever recorded. perhaps most lovable of composers, tures" (Mercury SR90247). This is Getting down to the unfortunate the computer school of interpretation music of the Age of Innocence, bub- boo-boos which have come to our at will remain a sort of science-fiction ling and brimming with direct, opti tention over the years, we arrive first curiosity. mistic, and, above all, smiling melo at Antal Dorati, the Minneapolis Turning full circle, we come to a dies. Played with the right attitude— Symphony, and the most lackluster, performance so technically inept that just plain fun-making—they can be bloodless, and dreadfully boring Ros it would easily serve as a model of totally ingratiating, and this is ex sini Overtures since those foisted on what happens to unprepared pianists actly what the Paray group makes the audiences of the Brooklyn Acad when a microphone is listening, so as them. Taking these delicious morsels, emy of Music Opera series by the resi to frighten students into conscien- the Suppe souffle, the Auber chiffon, dent pit orchestra in the season 1949- tous practice. In his rending of the the Offenbach crime, they combine 1950. Add to this sound which re Schuman Fantasia (Dover 5204) heady tempi, perfect ensemble, and sembles the breathing of a walrus in Vlado Perlemuter reaches the abso just the right dash of impetuosity, a submerged telephone booth and one lute pinnacle of incompetence. No captured in the warmest, cleanest gets the general idea that Toscanini phrase is immune from his flabby sound on records, to brighten any is still the final source of comfort in fingers, no section unscarred, no dark day or mood. That this is no this literature. Compare the latter's movement intact. What emerges, es easy matter, compare the Paray haute "Gazza Ladra," with its bracing, in pecially in the second movement cuisine embodied in Offenbach's Over- cisive tempo and forward headlong where approximately nothing at all greasy spoon rendition of Fiedler and thrust, with Dorati's "cow looking makes any sense due to the frantic greasy spoon rendiiton of Fiedler and over a fence" version and one won search for the correct notes (note the Boston Pops. The contrast is stun ders at how two such opposite results especially the suicidal right-hand ning. could possibly exist. The answer un leaps on the last page of the move Next in line on the hit parade is doubtedly lies in the mysterious abil ment) , is a true Fantasy—one just Vladimir Ashkenazy's overpowering ity of some conductors to make con doesn't believe it. playing of the Chopin Etudes, Op. 10 vincing what others make irritating. To hear Mario Del Monaco's Cava- and Op. 25 (Bruno 14052). With a Next is an example of modern com radossi (London 1210) is to under gigantic technique at his fingertips puter programming automating the stand perfectly why Scarpia puts him he is able to concentrate on the sub art of piano performance. In his play on the rack—the fellow is unbearable. stance of music most pianists would ing of the Schubert D Major Sonata, And what Tosca sees in this trumpet be gratified merely to render at any Op. 53 (Victor LSC 2493) Emil ing gorgonzola salesman is also puz thing approaching accuracy a tempo, Gilels gives us the only currently zling—love may be blind, but why and he reveals the essence of each avalable version played on an IBM must it also be deaf? From the first separate piece, yet also manages to 1620. For how else can one describe act love-duet (with Tebaldi spell weave a common thread between a performance so perfect on the tech binding as Tosca) through the loud them, thus unifying the two opera. nical level, so controlled, so precise, est, most strident "Vittoria" ever re Highlights of the recording are the yet so devastatingly devoid of any corded, to the final "E Lucevan le beautiful evenness of the etude in human emotions? Schubert is simply Stelle," Del Monaco's piercing shouts thirds, the bitter-sweet lyricism of the not cerebral. He must be played with fairly caricature all Italian Opera. melody of Op. 25, #1, the grandeur the most delicately sensitive of the One is relieved at his execution at the and drama of the "Winter Wind," interpretive viscera or the result is final curtain but wonders if the re and the thrilling capstones, Op. 10 tediousness, insipidness, and, as in cording would not have been better and Op. 12, #s 12. Ashkenazy is one this case, an almost comic mechani- served had it occurred two acts of the truly great pianists of this calness. Since Gilels is a distinguished earlier. generation. pianist with many, many fine per THE ACTIVIST 39 NEW RELEASES given superb performances' especial surely one of the most arresting in plaudits for the remarkable singing troductions and themes in the piano BACH, J. S., Suites for Orchestra of Stich-Randall. She provides liter literature, Vasary dulls their impact (complete), Vienna State Opera Or ally an additional instrument in the with his offhand understatement and chestra, Hermann Scherchen (West cantata, with her supple, technically obvious non-understanding of their minster WST-17058, 17059>. brilliant, and always accurate voice importance in relation to the rest of This is a disappointing release for blending and contrasting whenever the piece. As for the latter, the the most surprising of reasons—the necessary with the tutti. Her colora second theme ("How Dry I Am") and playing by what is usually a top- tura achievements rank with the its associated filigree passages be notch orchestra and one of the finest best and one is anxious to hear her in come stolid and completely unbeliev conductors in Europe is simply rag a wider literature. She also, rather able. It is only with the fourth Scher ged. No euphemism will suffice to de unfortunately, out-classes her col zo that some affinity with the music scribe what is painfully obvious. The leagues in the Magnificat, but they is shown by Vasary and some of the orchestra simply did not rehearse suf provide more than adequate singing, rhythmic and melodic good-humor ficiently. The tempi for most of the while the trumpet playing is out emerges. All in all, a thoroughly dis dance movements add to the problem, standingly meritorious, adding the appointing effort by a young, techni being sluggish and generally ill-con appropriate festive air to both works. cally gifted pianist. Sound is fine. ceived. In addition the over-all concep Sound, too, is fine, and the price of tion of the works seems pedestrian, this label makes it one of the best FRANCK, Sonata for Violin and leading to a general feeling of weari bargains around. Piano, A Major; Grieg, Sonata for ness after listening to the four suites Violin and Piano, No. 3, C Minor, in sequence. Contrast this with the BEETHOVEN, Triple Concerto, Ru Andre Gertler, violin, Edith Far- grand versions by Klemperer and Van dolph Serkin, piano, Jaime Laredo, nardi, piano (Westminster WST Beinum. The sound is solid and very violin, Leslie Parnas, cello, Marl 17054). present. boro Festival Orchestra, Alexander The Franck sonata is well-known Schneider, Conductor (Columbia and well played here. Both Gertler BACH, J. S-, The Musical Offering, MS 6564) and Farnardi perform vigorously and The Wiener Solisten, Wilfried This is non-vintage Beethoven giv the romantic music fairly glows with Boettcher, Director (Bach Guild en a vintage performance. Even this their obvious affinity for it. The same BGS-5070). makes for exciting listening. The per is true of the Grieg, which is certainly formers are obviously chamber musi not well-known and seems to be a gen Here is by far the best recording cians first and virtuosi second, and uine masterpiece. The sound is per of this miraculous work. It is really their subservience to ensemble brings fect but a trifle overbalanced in favor difficult to praise the work of the ten out the very best in what seems to be of the piano. superb artists responsible for this largely inspiration-free music. Sound miracle of recreation too highly. From LISZT, Sonata in B Minor, Liebes- is gratifyingly solid and fair to or the opening 3-voice Ricercar played traum #3, Valse Oubliee #1, Gnor chestra and trio alike. with great flair on solo harpsichord menreigen, Berceuse, Clifford Cur- by Fritz Neuineyer to the staggering CHOPIN, Four Scherzi, Tamas Vas zon, piano (London CM 9371). ly conceived and executed 6-voice ary, piano (Deutsche Grammophon This release is a stunning surprise. Ricercar closing the work, the "Royal 136451). Curzon, usually associated with the Theme" is fugued, canoned, sonatad; In looking at the jacket cover of Beethoven-Brahms segment of the lit permuted, transmuted, inverted, re this album—a painting of a serene erature, demonstrates that he is a versed, and altogether exhausted of lake scene from a quiet shore—one is Romantic to the manner born. The all its intrinsic expressive possibilities immediately struck by its complete Sonata is literally bowled over, with by the finest chamber playing one is inappropriateness. The scherzi, at the virtuoso passages tossed off with ever likely to be lucky enough to hear. least the first three, are drama per seeming abandon and landing with The sound is warm and altogether sonified, perhaps the most intensely pin-point precision, and the quieter, suited to the occasion. and compactly dramatic pieces in the melodic sections played with great af literature. They are Chopin hurling fection and with such skill that much BACH, J. S., Magnificent In D, Teresa the thunderbolt, unleashing the furies. of the inherent inspirational thinness Stich-Randall, soprao, Bianca Ma Why then the pastoral cover? The an of the music passes unnoticed. The ria Casoni, alto, Pietro Rottazzo, swer lies inside, in the performance flip side contains great playing also, tenor,Georg e Yittasy, bass, m. An by Tamas Vasary. He sees calm but of even less substantial music. dre, L. Benardi and C. De Antoni, where there is torment, light where One more version of the Liebestraum trumpets, Chorus of the Sarrebruck there is dark, humor where there is #3 is hardly welcome, the Bercuse is Conservatory, Herbert Schmolzi, di rage, certainly the most perverse in really terrible music, full of preten rector; Cantata #51 ,"Jauchzet terpretation imaginable. The scherzi tious, rambling allusions to Chopin Gott in Allen Landen," Teresa emerge unrecognizable. The first am and the original source of Liszt's Stich-Randall, soprano, M. Andre, bles—ambles!—along until the melo ideas, the Valse Oubliee has also been trumpet, Chamber Orchestra of the dic middle section and then sweetly overworked, and the Gromenreigen is Sarre, Karl Ristenpart, Director bogs down because of the lack of emo an encore showpiece full of dazzling, (Nonesuch H-71011). tional contrast. The second is merely meaningless display. All this Curzon Nonesuch is a new label and is des bland. The third suffers from the presents in the best possible light. tined for great achievement if its same lack of incisive dramatic thrust One look forward to his Chopin and Bach recordings of the future are and reveals most clearly Vasary's Schumann! The mono sound is rich anything like this one. Both joyous shortcomings as a Chopin player. and full, capturing Curzon's sounds and festive works by the Master are When he plays the opening octaves, immaculately. 40 FALL 1964 MAHLER, Symphony #5, Kindertot- performed. Make no mistake. This is constantly being held taught, forcing enlieder, Bernstein, Tourel, New a passionate performance, with Kon this giant of a musical utterance into York Philharmonic (Columbia M2S drashin taking much credit for per altogether too confining a frame of 698). fect collaboration, but so controlled rather cold understatement. Maazel, This recording is a powerhouse. as to make the whole thing mean on the other hand, really runs wild— Bernstein and Mahler evidently are something more than an exercise in everything is larger than life and sympathetic souls, for the New York soap operatics. The solo works, which zips along so briskly that one is actu Philharmonic has never sounded or I find unpianistic,, rhetorical, ram ally teased at hearing such great played better. From the opening bling, and quite boring, are also play music go by so rapidly. This sort of brass and percussion statements ed perfectly. Sound is full and rich, frenetic exuberance is much more ap through the wealth of truly affecting with a tendency toward heavy bass. propriate for the festive Karelia, melody in the remaining four move SCHUBERT, Impromptus, Op. 90 and which Maazel and the lush-sounding ments, Mahler is seen to emerge tri Op. 142, Alfred Brendel, piano (Vox Vienna Philharmonic succeed in mak umphantly from the rather static, Stpl 512390). ing an exciting listening experience. chordal style of his previous sym Brendel's playing of the Impromp The Vanguard sound is a bit old- phonic utterances to become probably tus would rank third in my ordering, fashioned, but the bargain price is at the greatest symphonist after Brahms. behind Schnabel and Firkusny, but not tractive, while London gives us its A bonus is offered in the album, in because they are technically inferior. usual best. the presence of Jennie Tourel's poig On the contrary, the notes are all SIBELIUS, Symphony No. 2, D Major, nant offering of the Kindertotenlieder. there and in perfectly orderly fash Op. 43, New York Philharmonic, While her voice may have seen better ion. What is lacking, somehow, is evi Thomas Schippers, Conductor (Co days, her ability to move the listener dence of warmth. The eight works lumbia ML 5935). is still profound. Sound is fine in the are played, to my ear, something like The Second Symphony is by all cri symphony, a bit muddy in the song- etudes, with their essential simple teria Sibelius' matserpiece—perhaps cycle. loveliness glanced over. Opus 90 #1, the greatest symphony written in this PROKOFIEV, Classical Symphony, for example, emerges over-pounded century. It is a staggering structural Love for Three Oranges Suite, Lieu and quite bleak—compare the won and emotional achievement, revealing tenant Kije Suite, Philadelphia Or drous way Schnable has of stating the composer's complete mastery of chestra, Eugene Ormandy, Conduc the opening theme. And #3, "the the technical aspects of writing the tor (Columbia MS 6545). greatest slow melody in music," falls most difficult of musical forms and Doing what they do best, Ormandy flat for want of some feeling for its his towering stature as a melodist. and company play this modern Rus poignant ebb and flow. The recording Schippers' performance only inti sian music to the hilt. Opulent, really also suffers badly from poor sound— mates at all this, the music assuming gorgeous sound, especially strings and especially inferior coping with tran a monochromatic hue for the first winds, and a general ebullience in sients. three movements, never providing the everything make for enjoyable, non- SCHUMANN, Symphonic Etudes, needed emotional build-up for the taxing listening. The Kije rivals the Fantasia, Geza Anda, piano (Deut stupendous fourth movement. The lat earlier version by Reiner and the Chi sche Grammophon, LPM 18 868). ter almost succeeds, but its main cago Symphony in precision, wit, and Both performances are first-rate, theme for strings, easily Sibelius' sound. with the added pleasure of bearing finest, seems to be glossed over (com two extra etudes compared to the usu pare the passionate statement by RACHMANINOFF, Concerto No 2, Karajan and the Philharmonia), so Op 18, Three Etudes Tableaux, al number played. Anda is an excep tionally subtle and intelligent pianist, that when the massive sonorities of Vladimir Ashkenazy, piano, Moscow the final pages arrive, they fail to Philharmonic, Kyril Kondrashin, able to convey the overall structure of the series of fourteen etudes and make their maximum effect. (One Conductor (London, CS 6390). hopes Szell and the Cleveland Orches Superlatives seem to be so natural yet give each one its due. The only flaw in the performance is a rushing tra will finally record this symphony, ly appropriate whenever Ashkenazy for a live performance in Oberiin in performs that his fully-formed artis of the concluding page which leaves a rather breathless sensation of in the Fall of 1963 was definitive). The try must now be taken for granted, Columbia sound is mediocre, failing even though he is still in his mid- completeness. The Fantasia, on the other hand, leaves nothing to be de to deliver the requisite clarity when twenties. Always subordinating his fortes call for it. immense technical gifts to the needs sired, and must go to first position, and dictates of the music, he is totally overtaking Shure and Casadesus. "Finlandia: Music of Sibelius," Mor direct and gimmick-less in his pre Sound is excellent. ton Gould and an orchestra (Victor sentation of the grand old veteran of SIBELIUS, Symphony No. 2, E Minor, LSC-2666). concert halls and Tin Pan Alley. The Op. 39, Halle Orchestra, Barbirolli, This would be a best-seller in a result is therefore seemingly fresh Conductor (Vanguard, SERV-132); classical juke box, as its souped-up and new. Taking a rather deliberate Maazel, Vienna Philharmonic, and sound and vulgar playing, stressing tempo so as to reveal all the marvel- Karelia Suite (London CS 6375). the obviously attractive, and heavy ously intricate passagework, both solo Both performances of the Sibelius on the timpani, puts Sibelius in the and with tutti, the concerto assumes First Symphony fail to be convincing never-never land of "popular classics." a solid, forceful countenance. The for completely opposite reasons. Bar It's the wrong place. Victor's new great soaring melodies are then birolli never seems to warm up suffi "Dynagroove" sound is completely in placed in their proper perspective and ciently or loosen up enough to let the distinguishable from its previous are not wrung dry, leaving huge pud remarkable melodies make their great "Living Stereo," and is unusually dles of assorted drippings as usually est impact. One feels that reins are strident. THE ACTIVIST ?^.W.^.^.J>^.^.^.^^^^ Students With Minds and Conscience should be interested in reading Dissent, the independent radical quarterly magazine now in its eleventh year. Connected with no party, undogmatic, intensely devoted to democratic values, so cialist in general outlook, hostile to all forms of totalitarianism, sharply critical of the status quo, Dissent prints an average of 100 pages per issue. It was the first magazine to print such famous pieces as Norman Mailer's "The White Negro/7 Abram Tertz's "On Socialist Realism," Ignazio Silone's "Choice of Comrades." Edited by Irving Howe, it includes among its regular writers and editors such men as Michael Harrington, Paul Goodman, Harold Rosenberg, Norman Thomas, Erich Fromm, Lewis Coser, Harvey Swados, Meyer Schapiro, Tom Kahn, George Lichtheim. We think the readers of The Activist would be especially inter ested in Dissent; our student subscription price is $2.50 a year, for four issues. Try us. ^^^^"F-^j*'^«j»q I wish to subscribe to DISSENT at the special student rate of $2.50 a year. Name School My Address City Zip Code State. The Director of a Freedom School describes the operation, purpose and elan of a significant venture into the politics of education. FLORENCE HOWE Goucher College Mississippi's Freedom Schools: The Politics of Education All education is political. In Mississippi, at least, it is impossible to find this trite. There, it is inescapable that the educational system furthers the political, that the kind of learning the individual gets depends completely upon the role he is supposed to live. A thirteen year old Jackson, Mississippi girl, sitting within a Freedom School circle this summer, described the events of the last day, the previous year, in her public (segregated) junior high school. Students in a high school nearby had asked the students in "Shirley's" school to join them in a protest- demonstration against local school conditions and procedures. "Shirley's" ^togre) teacher had threatened the class with failure for the year, should they walk out to join the demonstrators. Most of the class was intimidated, but not "Shirley" and several of her friends. She left, she said, because she knew that she had not failed for the year, she knew she had earned good grades, and she knew that it was right to join the demonstrators. As she and her friends reached the downstairs floor, they met, head on, the (Nogro) principal "who was coming at us with a board." They turned, fled, back-tracked through the cafeteria and out the back way to join the demonstrators. The Negro school child in Mississippi, like "Shirley," associates the school he attends, in spite of the color of his teachers and principal, with the white world outside him—the police, the White Citizens' Council, the mayor or sheriff, the governor of his state. And the school child's instinctive vision is 144 Mississippi Freedom Schools HARVARD EDUCATIONAL REVIEW perfectly correct. His teachers are either timid and quiescently part of the system or they are actively extra-punitive, dictatorial, hostile, vengeful, or worse. Sometimes his teachers are badly-trained, misinformed, but even when they know just that, they remain fearfully bound to the system that made them. The teacher with the ruler or iron chain or whip is himself caught in a power structure that allows him to teach only by rote to rote-learners. You learn this, he says, and you too can learn to get along. Get used to the violence, get used to being struck, get used to taking orders, for that is the way life is on the outside. You too can learn to follow the rules and get to sit up here, ruler in hand, ready to strike out at anything out of line. It is possible to sympathize with the middle-class Negro teacher caught be tween his own desire to rise from the poverty around him and his fear of the white power structure that controls his ability to rise. For the Negro teacher and his Negro principal are directed by white school superintendents, them selves under the direction of other white political forces. In Negro schools, the intercom is used by the principal to intimidate and harass the teacher. The principal, in turn, is harassed by others. And only the "Shirley," finally, is able to stand up and sing, with her friends and associates in Freedom Schools: Before I'll be a slave I'll be buried in my grave And go home to my Lord and be free. If the official public school system of Mississippi is geared and oiled to operate efficiently for the status quo, it is no wonder, then, that the civil rights movement should have conceived of the Freedom School. But would children for whom a school was an unpleasant training ground for a repres sive society come, voluntarily, even to a "Freedom" school? Of course, volun tarily was the first cue. No one had to come, and once there, no "attendance" was taken. You came if you wanted to and you stayed if you were interested and you left if you felt like leaving. Your teacher, moreover, was "Tom" or "Leo" or "Gene," who shook your hand, called you by your first name, and said how glad he was to meet you. In your "class," your teacher sat with you in a circle, and soon you got the idea that you could say what you thought and that no one, least of all the teacher, would laugh at you or strike you. Soon, too, you got the idea that you might disagree with your teacher, white or black, and get a respectful hearing, that your teacher was really interested in what you thought or felt. Soon you were forgetting about skin colors alto gether and thinking about ideas or feelings, about people and events. As educators, we live in a fool's paradise, or worse in a knave's, if we are unaware that when we are teaching something to anyone we are also teaching 145 everything to that same anyone. When we say we are teaching mathematics to Freddy, we also must admit that we are teaching Freddy what kind of per son we are, how we live in the kind of world we control (or the kind of world that controls us), and how he can grow up to be one of the controllers or controlled. Teaching, we become, as so many people have said, a model for Freddy to learn from, quite apart from the mathematics or French or history we may be teaching him. And sometimes we are very "good" models. Some times, like "good" parents or "good" political leaders, we teach Freddy to love his neighbors, to honor honesty and integrity, to value the means as well as the ends, to abstain from using and controlling and killing human life. But sometimes we are not so inclined. Sometimes, at our worst, we educators resemble tyrants. The idea of the Freedom School turns upside down particularly effectively the conventions of many public school systems that have to do with the role of the teacher. The teacher is not to be an omnipotent, aristocratic dictator, a substitute for the domineering parent or the paternalistic state. He is not to stand before rows of students, simply pouring pre-digested, pre-censored information into their brains. The Freedom School teacher is, in fact, to be present not simply to teach, but rather to learn with the students. In the dem ocratic and creative sense that Wordsworth understood when he described the poet as "a man among men," the Freedom School teacher is a student among students. He does not have all the answers; his creativity is his ability to communicate with his students, to listen to them as much as they listen to him. The vitality of the teacher, as Freedom Schools would have it, lies in the student's and the teacher's mutual apprehension of life. A Freedom School teacher knows that education is the drawing out not of blood from stones, but rather of experience and observation from human beings. He knows that a thirteen year old who has survived his years in Mississippi un derstands, however fearfully or inarticulately, a great deal about the world he has survived in. The Freedom School teacher is there not as professional manipulator, but as concerned questioner—who really wants to hear what his companions will say, who really wants, himself, to be led by it. And thus he can turn the key to help the student break through the door that confines him—and all without recourse to the same means, authoritarianism, repres sion, violence, that have kept him locked in. For much of the month of August, I coordinated and taught in one of Jackson, Mississippi's nine Freedom Schools. Opened on the fifth of August, these were in addition to the more than forty others that functioned through the summer in more than twenty different towns. Like most of the schools around the state, mine was located in the basement of a church. The base ment room was acoustically difficult for a single voice and yet many voices 146 Mississippi Freedom Schools HARVARD EDUCATIONAL REVIEW together filled it uncomfortably. How to get attention, even briefly for an nouncements or for the start of some activity, perhaps the breaking up of the group into small discussion units? On the second day, when my voice had begun to hurt and when clapping my hands had begun to seem ineffectual, I hit accidentally upon the Quakerly method of raising your right hand. The children saw me standing before them, my right hand raised, and for communication's sake, my left index finger against my lips. They began to nudge one another, to raise their own hands, and to place their own fingers on their lips. And very quickly, the room grew quiet. I said, "All hands down," and delighted that the method had worked, added, "Isn't this a lovely way to get silence?" Of course the children responded all together to me and to each other, and we had to begin all over again, right hands raised. But the method did work. Also on one of the very first days, in the hot afternoon, with the teachers uncomfortable because they had had no lunch, and the children restless be cause we had not yet solved the problem of outdoor play space, two little boys began to fight. They were small enough so that I could forcibly separate them, but even in the midst of my hot, hungry exasperation, I had a vision of other fights and bigger boys whom I would be unable to pull apart. And from somewhere came the words: "Now, look here, we have few rules in this school, but we do have one important one and that is we do not hit each other— we talk. Understand? We talk here. This is a school for talking. Whenever you feel like hitting someone, remember to talk instead." The children looked puzzled and I said it all again. And then I sat down—in the midst of chaos— to talk with the two little boys about their fight. There were more fights in the next several days, but my words had begun to spread so that some of the older children were repeating them to the younger ones. And while we were never entirely free from an occasional blow—it was virtually impossible, for example, to keep older brothers from "punishing" their younger siblings— there were few or no fights after the first week. The Greater Blair Street AME Zion Church, under the direction of Rev erend R. M. Richmond, gave us not only shelter and equipment but most of all moral support and friendly protection. We drew our students, regard less of church membership, from the neighborhood. The families in a six to ten block radius ranged from lower-middle class to very poor (incomes from close to nothing to four thousand). The people in the neighborhood, like most of Jackson, were nervous about the arriving Freedom School teachers and were especially loathe to give us housing, for that would signify open support. Reverend Richmond convinced the people next door to give their empty room to the two male teachers. They, Gene Gogol and Tom Timberg, in the company of friendly students-to-be, had been canvassing the neighbor- 147 hood during the time I was spending getting acquainted with the minister. When they reported back that they had had several offers of spare cots that could be moved elsewhere as well as of food—signs, of course, of a desire to help but without the attendant danger of housing a summer volunteer—we were able to make arrangements to move the beds into the empty room in the house next door to the church. Our first impressions of the community were not incorrect: the parents continued to be cautious. With few exceptions, we had no contact with par ents. But the children, of course, were different. They turned up, they turned out, they were willing to do anything, to go anywhere with us. As Staughton Lynd, professor of history at Yale and summer director of all Freedom Schools in Mississippi, said, it was "a political decision for any par ent to let his child come to a Freedom School." And many parents, in Jackson at least, avoided making that decision. I had assumed that parents knew that their children were attending Freedom School—until the day when I took up the question of sending a representative from our school to the state-wide Freedom School convention in Meridian. Expenses would be paid and the weekend program would be entertaining; I felt certain, that morning, that it would be difficult choosing the one delegate we were allowed to represent us. But to my surprise no one was willing to make a nomination—it was as if they all understood something I did not. I asked for volunteers and got no response again. Then I asked a thirteen year old girl, who had been particu larly articulate the day before in a discussion, whether she would like to go. She said, first, only an abrupt "No," but when questioned in disbelieving tones, she admitted to, "Yes, but I can't." "But why not, then? All your expenses would be paid, and you know you'd enjoy it." She finally said that her father would not allow her to go, that he dis approved of her association with "the movement" in general, and that he did not approve even of her attending Freedom School. She was deliberately vague about whether or not he knew she was attending. When I asked whether it would help if I went to see him, she first laughed and then urged me most seriously not to. The story repeated itself, with certain variations, around the room. Two young mothers, both of them relatively new to the neighborhood, were sympathetic enough to the movement and interested enough to issue invitations to us. The mother of a six year old, who sent her daughter to Free dom School, sent word also that she would like to see "the teachers" after school, at which point she invited all of us to a hot dinner the following after noon at three. Later, she asked to be included in our evening activities. An other mother of a teen-ager, whose own family disapproved of the student's 148 Mississippi Freedom Schools HARVARD EDUCATIONAL REVIEW attending Freedom School, also sent for the teachers, whom she then invited to accompany her to a jazz concert. Later, this mother held a party for the departing teachers and announced her willingness to be of service to Freedom Schools in the future. Freedom Schools were planned originally with high school students in mind. In most places around the state, when Freedom School opened, all children turned up, regardless of publicity about high school students. Even tually, around the state, community centers were founded, first to take care of the younger children, later to function in ways that Freedom School could not or would not. When we opened our Blair Street doors on Wednesday, August 5, at eight a.m., "children," ages three to twenty-three, began to arrive. And of course we turned no one away. They came in twos and threes, some times several from a family, the teen-agers holding the hands of their younger brothers and sisters. Fifty-one students arrived throughout that first day and fifty more during the next several days. Some stayed awhile and left, never to appear again. Others stayed that day and came every day thereafter. Some came and disappeared, and then came again to stay to the end. Nearly half of any total number of children present at the Blair Street School were under the age of ten. For these children we ran a combined school and community center in one of the two basement rooms of the church. Luckily, on the day before school had opened, I had met Leo Reese, a magi cally personable reading specialist from Gary, Indiana, the father of eleven children, who had volunteered to spend one week in Jackson. Leo, a native Mississippian and a Negro, had been born and raised in Pascagoula, on the Gulf. In the few days that Leo was present, he organized a program for the younger children, and because of his skills, freed three of the four assigned teachers for work with the older students. Later, after Leo had gone, two young women, Shirley Logan, a Jacksonian and a recent college graduate, and her cousin from Chicago, Superior Walker, came to the Blair Street School for a visit and stayed for two weeks to carry on the program with the younger children. Mornings at Freedom School began slowly without opening bells. On some days we sang freedom songs until the group collected. On one day, August 6, Hiroshima Day, I told the students about what had happened nineteen years ago. On another day, I read from Langston Hughes' poems and then listened to reactions from the students. By nine-thirty, we were usually numerous enough to break into smaller discussion groups. Those children under ten went off to their room, generally for the rest of the day, unless there was to be a special activity in the afternoon. The older students separated sometimes into several age groups for a discussion that occupied most of the morning. The Citizenship Curriculum, about which I shall have more to say later, is 149 the core of the program shared by all Freedom Schools in Mississippi. There was usually time, an hour before lunch and one after, for two hours of "elec tives." Negro history, chemistry, biology, English, French, and typing were the subjects settled on by the groups' desires and their teachers' abilities. The afternoons were particularly hot, and more and more frequent were the noisy visits to the drinking fountain and the lavatories at the back of the church. There was no outdoor play space, but, eventually, teachers began to take groups of students to the playground of a nearby Catholic school that the sisters allowed us to use. One of the older boys organized a Softball team and both boys and girls were eager to play ball regardless of the heat. Late in the afternoon (called "evening" in Mississippi) some of the teachers and students joined the regular COFO precinct workers for voter registration work. The best afternoons at Blair Street were those filled with special events. On opening clay, for example, Pete Seeger arrived at one-thirty in the after noon to give us a private concert. With the whole school present, the very littlest ones asleep in any arms that would hold them, Pete talked first of his recent visit to twenty-seven countries around the world. He told us that all children were the same the world over and that music was a language that flew easily over even the highest walls. He demonstrated his statements by playing and singing Indian, African, Chinese, and Polynesian songs, in each instance allowing the rhythms to illustrate the emotion before offering a translation of the words. "Isn't this a happy song," he said, after singing, in African dialect, "Everybody Loves Saturday Night." He taught the children to sing the foreign words of several songs, and though we didn't know it then, that was the high moment for them. The Blair Street students had no idea that Pete was a famous man, but they wanted to hear more of him and happily turned up that evening to be transported across town to Anderson Chapel where Pete Seeger sang lor a packed and overflowing house until his voice gave out. Films were also a good afternoon activity. On the day we showed the full- length Oliver Twist to an audience of more than one hundred, I heard one boy of ten mutter to himself about Oliver, "He sho' is white, but he's a slave just the same." The film ran too late in the afternoon for discussion, but the following morning was filled with questions and talk about child labor. An other group of films were part of a special, state-wide program arranged by Paul Lauter, a professor of English at Smith College. All bearing upon the connections among the struggle for civil rights, non-violence, and the need for world peace, the four films were used by Paul to spark discussions. Two of these films were documentaries, one about Gandhi, the other about the Montgomery, Alabama, bus strike. The students were more interested in talk- Mississippi Freedom Schools HARVARD EDUCATIONAL REVIEW ing, however, about the other pair of films. One was a recent Polish film, The Magician. The other, an animated cartoon, The Hat, consisted of a dialogue between two soldiers (Dizzie Gillespie—whose music also filled the film— and the British comedian, Dudley Moore) who guard either side of a line, the hat of one falling onto the side of the other as they march. The students were quick to compare lines that divided nations with lines that divided people within nations. They remembered, during the discussion that followed, rele vant details through which the film attempted to show that talking, in human terms, helps to erase lines. Evening activities provided still other kinds of experience for the Freedom School student. Apart from concerts, there were mass meetings, at one of which, for example, A. Philip Randolph spoke along with leading Jackson ministers. Best of all was the Free Southern Theatre's production of In White America, which toured the state as part of a continuing program of special entertainment for Freedom Schools. Most of these students had never seen live theatre, and certainly not a play about themselves in history. Their re sponse as audience was continuously energetic, especially since, as they re ported the next day, they enjoyed recognizing incidents they had been read ing of or discussing. One student, Kaaren Robinson, age fifteen, wrote the following as part of a review published in the Blair Street Freedom Bugle: It portrayed the brutal transportation of the Negro from his native Africa to a new country, the inhuman treatment upon his arrival, the confusing position of the political-minded white man with regard to his stand on the slave question and the continuous struggle of the Negro against overwhelming odds. .... Because of his up-bringing, the new freedom put the Negro in a confusing state which naturally led him back into another kind of slavery. This slavery has lasted until now. The author achieved these points through narration and conversation. Through this medium the Negro of today can better understand why the white man feels as he does toward him. However, this does not justify his feelings nor his actions. In White America is a great and moving drama which should be seen by black and white alike. Though questioned, Kaaren resisted any attempt to enlarge upon the play's effect. From her point of view, the play allowed her to understand the white man's confusion; it told her nothing about the Negro she did not already know. Charles Cobb, a student at Howard University before he joined the SNCC staff, was responsible late in 1963 for suggesting the idea of Freedom Schools. He has written cogently of their raison d'etre, in a piece cafled "This is the Situation": 151 Repression is the law; oppression, a way of life—regimented by the judicial and executive branches of the state government, rigidly enforced by state police machinery, with veering from the path of "our way of life" not tolerated at all. Here, an idea of your own is a subversion that must be squelched; for each bit of intel lectual initative represents the threat of a probe into the why of denial. Learning here means only learning to stay in your place. Your place is to be satisfied—a "good nigger." They have learned the learning necessary for immediate survival: that silence is safest, so volunteer nothing; that the teacher is the state, and tell them only what they want to hear; that the law and learning are white man's law and learning. There is hope and there is dissatisfaction—feebly articulated—both born out of the desperation of needed alternatives not given. This is the generation that has silently made the vow of no more raped mothers—no more castrated fathers; that looks for an alternative to a lifetime of bent, burnt, and broken backs, minds, and souls. There creativity must be molded from the rhythm of a muttered "white son-of-a-bitch"; from the roar of a hunger bloated belly; and from the stench of rain and mud washed shacks. There is the waiting, not to be taught, but to be, to reach out and meet and join together, and to change. The tiredness of being told it must be, "cause that's white folks' business," must be met with the insistence that it's their business. They know that anyway. It's because their parents didn't make it their business that they're being so systematically destroyed. What they must see is the link between a rotting shack and a rotting America. The Citizenship Curriculum, the discussion of which filled most of our morn ings, is frankly a response to the repressive society Charles Cobb has described. It is aimed at meeting two basic needs of students: first, a need for informa tion; second, a need for identity and hence activity. The "facts" of history; in terms of dates, people's names, places, events, as well as the interpretations of history—all this has been denied to them, and denied particularly in relation to their own situation as American Negroes. Not only is Negro history un known to them, but even the history of the current Negro revolution is known only in bits and pieces, largely through television, since their newspapers are notoriously uninformative. The second need, the need for identity and activi ty, is organically one with the need for facts. It has to do with what happens when an individual begins to know himself as part of history, with a past and a potential future as well as a present. What happens when an individual begins to assess himself as a human being? The aim of the Citizenship Cur riculum here is to assist the growth of self-respect, through self-awareness, both of which lead to self-help. In this way, the curriculum at the center of the Freedom Schools is frankly and avowedly a program for leadership de velopment. In many different ways, the mimeographed curriculum makes clear the 152 Mississippi Freedom Schools HARVARD EDUCATIONAL REVIEW Freedom Schools' purpose: "to provide an educational experience for students which will make it possible for them to challenge the myths of our society, to perceive more clearly its realities, and to find alternatives, and ultimately, new directions for action." Or more briefly, "to train people to be active agents in bringing about social change." The curriculum itself, however, declares that "It is not our purpose to impose a particular set of conclusions. Our purpose is to encourage the asking of questions, and hope that society can be improved." Because the chief tool is the question, the curriculum is hopefully "devel opmental," that is, one that "begins on the level of the students' everyday lives and those things in their environment that they have either already experienced or can readily perceive, and builds up to a more realistic per ception of American society, themselves, the conditions of their oppression, and alternatives offered by the Freedom Movement." The seven units are as follows: i. Comparison of students' reality with others (the way the students live and the way others live) 2. North to Freedom? (The negro in the north) 3. Examining the apparent reality (the "better lives" that whites live) 4. Introducing the power structure 5. The poor negro and the poor white 6. Material things versus soul things 7. The Movement In addition, two sets of questions are to be constantly in the minds of the teachers and frequently introduced to the students: The Basic Set of Questions: 1. Why are we (teachers and students) in Freedom Schools? 2. What is the Freedom Movement? 3. What alternatives does the Freedom Movement offer us? The Secondary Set of Questions: 1. What does the majority culture have that we want? 2. What does the majority culture have that we don't want? 3. What do we have that we want to keep? Some of my own experience was with a relatively young group—eleven to fourteen-years-olds. After describing their own houses, they went on to de scribe the houses of whites in Jackson that they had seen, either because they had themselves worked as domestics, or because their mothers did. When asked what changes they would like made in their own houses, while their answers varied from additional rooms to more yard space, no one thought in 153 terms as grandiose as the "white" houses they had described, and most of them thought of their houses as "comfortable." On the other hand, they were certain that their (segregated) schools were inferior, even when they admitted that the buildings were new. They resented their hand-me-down textbooks, they suspected the inadequacy of their teachers, and they complained partic ularly bitterly about the repressive atmosphere. In their schools, they re ported that no questioning or discussion was allowed, except in rare instances when they and a particular teacher knew they were "taking a chance." Of course, they knew little or nothing of conditions in white schools, either in Mississippi or elsewhere, beyond their impression that these, somehow, were "better." High school juniors and seniors were especially interested in the subject of going north to freedom. On the one hand, many of them expressed a wish to go north to college, in part because they suspected that Negro colleges in Mississippi were as inadequate as their public schools, but also because they wanted the experience of learning in an integrated group. They were articu late about the need for communication between black and white. The free dom songs they sang each day—"Black and white together/ We shall over come," for example—were not simply words to be mouthed. On the other hand, some of them had been reading with us from the works of Richard Wright and James Baldwin of the Negro in Chicago or Harlem; and they knew they were living through a summer which had brought riots to northern cities, though not to Jackson, Mississippi. They questioned the condition of Negroes everywhere, and many of them concluded that it was probably better to stay in Mississippi and work to improve things there than to imagine that things were better in another place. The Freedom School curriculum's most substantial statement about values, "Material Things and Soul Things," takes as its central idea the society that is "humane" because it is "nonviolent." Negroes, of course, are no more naturally violent or nonviolent than any other group. But these students, brought up on the edge of a volcano, named as their heroes Martin Luther King and Medgar Evers, and, when they knew of him, Gandhi as well. At Blair Street, I asked the question about heroes because Paul Lauter had reported than when he asked the question at Freedom Schools throughout the state, those very three names occurred. It was also Paul's impression that as SNCC people became veterans at their jobs, nonviolence for them became not strategic manner but genuine conviction. For the veteran SNCC worker, Matt Suarez, who dropped in one afternoon at Blair Street for a visit and stayed for a discussion, nonviolence had become essential to life. Some of the students who listened to him had also experienced organized demonstra tions within the discipline of the nonviolent movement. But their minds 154 Mississippi Freedom Schools HARVARD EDUCATIONAL REVIEW were far from decided. They questioned the theory; they suspected them selves of "violent feelings"; they talked about "strategy"; they asked for a "speaker"—and got more discussion! Because the student needs to learn not only about the world he lives in, but also how to be free enough to live in it, the chief tool of Freedom Schools al ways was discussion. Ideally, discussion began with the question, "How do you feel about. . . ?" or "How would you feel if . . . ?" and moved on to questions about motivation ("Why do you feel this way?" or "Why would anyone feel this wTay?"). Once the discussion had begun, the questions could move on to students' reactions to each other's ideas. At first, of course, students were dis trustful of the situation generally. Some were also shy before their peers as well as frightened of their teacher. But of course they all had feelings and they all had some words with which to describe them. And eventually the moment came, unnoticed and passed over, when a student could say easily to his (white) teacher or to a fellow student, "I disagree," and explain why. The teacher's main problem was to learn to keep quiet, to learn how to listen and to question creatively rather than to talk at the students. He had to discard whatever formal classroom procedures he had ever learned and respond with feeling and imagination as well as with intelligence and good humor to the moods and needs of the group. Above all, the students chal lenged his honesty: he could not sidestep unpleasantness; he could not afford to miss any opportunity for discussing differences. I have no crystal ball, but I can submit two aspects of my own experience that suggest that the Freedom Schools of '64 spread more than transitory ripples in a huge Mississippi sea. The first was a discussion that led directly to social action independently instigated by the students themselves. The second was an experiment that led directly to the students writing poetry. The third week of Freedom Schools in Jackson was also the week of school registration for those Negro first-graders who were to attend previously white schools. Registration was scheduled for early Thursday morning; a mass meeting for interested parents had been called by thirty-six Negro ministers of Jackson for Tuesday night. This was Monday morning, and the group at the Blair Street School had begun, for some reason, to talk about the "myth" of Negro inferiority. At one point, when there was silence, I asked how many of the twenty students present (ages fourteen to twenty) knew some first- grader who was about to start school. Everyone did. Did anyone know any who were going to a white school? No one did. When I asked why, I got many different responses: My sister thinks her son would be unhappy with white children. My brother hasn't gone to kindergarten. 155 The white school is too far away. My mother wants my brother to be with his friends. My father says he doesn't like the idea. None of the students had mentioned the word fear. They all looked uncom fortable and I felt my anger rise: "What am I going to say to my friends back North when they ask me why Negro mothers haven't registered their children in white schools? That they like things the way they are?" I could see the consternation on the face of Gene Gogol, my fellow teacher, who began, "I disagree, Florence, you just don't understand the situation." I felt that his rebuke was probably a just one, but then the students began to smile wryly and, one by one, they began to talk of the various fears that "perhaps" these parents were feeling. Personal safety. Economic security—the loss of jobs because they weren't being "good niggers." Failure in the white school—• either because of social ostracism or because of poor training and possibly the alleged intellectual inferiority. But then suddenly, I don't know exactly what shifted the discussion, perhaps something about the white faces that Gene and I wore in the midst of the black ones, suddenly the students were talking about positive reasons for sending children into integrated schools. Then one of the sixteen-year-old girls suggested that perhaps we—meaning those of us in the discussion group—ought to go out into the neighborhood and talk with parents who were reluctant to send their children to white schools, that perhaps we were most suited for this job since we knew the value of good education and we knew there was really nothing to fear. When I suggested that we try one of the school's favorite procedures, role-playing, there were volunteers immediately for mother, father, child, and for two visitors from the Freedom School. The players were evenly matched so that the play-dis cussion rehearsed all the arguments we had heard. The role-playing father remained essentially unconvinced, but his wife assured the visitors that she had really changed her mind and that, after they had gone, she would "work on" her husband. Gene and a crew of student-volunteers worked all the rest of Monday, Monday night, and all of Tuesday. They talked to more than seventy families and received from twenty-seven of these assurances that at least the mother would attend Tuesday night's mass meeting, perhaps would take advantage of the transportation we would provide. Disappointingly, only one mother kept her promise. But on Wednesday morning, Gene and some students began their visits again, and by Thursday noon, all of Blair Street's Freedom School were boasting that eleven of the forty-three Negro children in Jackson who actually registered to attend previously white schools had done so as a direct result of Gene's and the students' talks with parents. Thus the students had direct evidence that their school experience had led 156 Mississippi Freedom Schools HARVARD EDUCATIONAL REVIEW them to create something that was lasting and profound. Additional evidence —this of a more personal nature—followed their reading and discussion of poetry. We had begun with poems by Langston Hughes. They knew immediately that when Hughes, in a poem called "As I Grew Older," mentioned a "thick wall" and a "shadow" growing between him and his childhood "dream," he was talking about walls and shadows they knew everyday in Jackson: the barbed wire around the parks, for example, or the hate in white men's faces when they tried to go to a movie downtown. I didn't need to be a teacher showing the difference between literal meaning and what was "symbolized." There was curiosity about forms. Do all poems rhyme? What is rhyme, any way? Can poets use any words they like? The students, who had never heard of Langston Hughes, were surprised by his slang, by his use of jazz expressions. They listened to the occasional irregularity that made rhythms interesting, especially in a Hughes song-poem like "The Weary Blues"—which they never tired of. One day, when discussion had flagged, I suggested a "game." Let's divide into four groups of five and try writing a "group" poem. I even offered a sub ject: try writing about yourselves and Jackson—we had just been reading about Hughes and Harlem. When I returned, half an hour later, cries of "Listen to this" greeted me. With one exception, the poems were not group products—the groups had stayed to watch individual members create. The best poem came from a sixteen year old girl, a visitor to Jackson from Pasca goula, who had just come for the first time to Freedom School, and who was to continue attending thenceforth. This is Alice Jackson's poem called "Mine": I want to walk the streets of a town, Turn into any restaurant and sit down, And be served the food of my choice, And not be met by a hostile voice. I want to live in the best hotel for a week, Or go for a swim at a public beach. I want to go to the best university And not be met with violence or uncertainty. I want the things my ancestors Thought we'd never have. They are mine as a Negro, an American; I shall have them or be dead. In the days that followed, we read poems by Sandburg and Frost, two poets the students had heard of, but the greatest excitement came from their introduction to e£>e©cummings, especially to the poem "Anyone Lived in a 157 Pretty How Town." One day, after two hours of a discussion of cummings' poems, I asked the eight or nine students present—ages fourteen to seventeen —whether they wanted to try writing again. When I asked whether they wanted a suggested subject, I heard an overwhelming series of no's. No sub ject ... let us write what we feel like writing. Within twenty minutes, Shirley Ballard, age seventeen, was reading aloud to me a poem called "Time." She read it slowly, emphasizing the individuality of certain words and phrases. Its feeling was clearly fragmentary. But then she showed me the page on which she had written the poem: four long lines, resembling her reading not at all. She had read it in a manner that suggested something else, and I showed her cummings' page. She caught on instantly, took her page, and returned in several minutes with the following version: Time goes by so slowly my mind reacts so lowly how faint how moody I feel, I love not I care not. Don't love me. Let me live. Die Cry Sigh All alone Maybe someday I'll go home. Another seventeen year old, Sandra Ann Harris, quickly produced a cum- mings-like poem—even to the elimination of all capitalization: why did i my don'ts why did i my dids what's my didn'ts' purpose is it to fulfill my dids what isn'ts have i proclaimed what ises have i pronounced why can't i do my doings my couldn'ts do renounce my wouldn'ts are excuses my couldn'ts couldn't be helped 158 Mississippi Freedom Schools HARVARD EDUCATIONAL REVIEW my weren'ts were all willful my words of little help the haven'ts were just there my didn'ts did believe that all my won'ts are daring my wills to receive If it is startling to consider how much these students learned so quickly, it is also instructive to consider that in Freedom Schools all over Mississippi this summer students were becoming both social activists and poets. An im pressive volume of poetry (which may soon be published) appeared in Free dom School newspapers. And a Mississippi Student Union has been formed. The connection between poetry and politics should surprise no one who has read the Romantics or, more recently, the poets of the Irish Renaissance. What is surprising is that, in some ways, it took so little to accomplish so much in the Mississippi Freedom Schools. Consider the discussion circle, the union of teachers and students in a status-free ring. Consider too the position of these students—blacks in a white culture—as outsiders who were now, in 1964, conscious outsiders, youngsters seeing new possibilities ahead of them and, at the same time, young adults with the wisdom to see what Negro slavery has been. Under these special new conditions, one could talk and think about what it was like to be a slave and what it might be like to be free. One could even try being free. Under these special conditions—the consciousness of being sup pressed combined with the proffered opportunity to base education on that consciousness—creativity was the natural response. What have we to learn from Freedom Schools? The politics of education. That our schools are political grounds in which our students begin to learn about society's rules. That, therefore, if we wish to alter our students and our society, we must alter our schools. That if we would have strong and creative minds we must remove chains both from bodies and spirits. That we as adults and educators have to listen and respond rather than preach. That we need to share with our students a sense of being open to what each uniquely experienced companion can reveal. That this perspective of equality is itself a revolution that goes far beyond the surface movement of Negroes into white society. And that if Freedom School teachers in Mississippi society know themselves as unwelcome and harassed outsiders, not unlike the Negro students, then authentic teachers anywhere must face a similar knowledge. The Freedom School students and teachers who heard Langston Hughes' "As I Grew Older" understood that Hughes' prayer was theirs too—for 159 strength and wisdom to break through all spiritual prisons of self and society and so to reach freedom: My hands! My dark hands! Break through the wall! Find my dream! Help me to shatter this darkness, To smash this night, To break this shadow Into a thousand lights of sun, Into a thousand whirling dreams Of sun! 160 Noel Day-Curriculum fcJ^^j Unit IV UNIT IV -- Introducing the power Structure Purpose: 1. To create an awareness that some people profit by the pain of others or by misleading them, 2. To create an awareness that some people make deci sions that profoundly affect others fi.e. bare power), 3. To develop the concept of "political power." Summary: Starting with the material learned in prededing units on Negro-white differentials in education, housing, etc., and hhe use of myths to distort andxftimisinform, to develop a concept of who constructs the myths, who profits from them, and how they profit both in local (town and state of Mississippi) terms and in larger terms. And to name these people as "decision-makers" and "the power structure." Time allotment: hours for £ resident schools hours for day schools Materials: Method Content Presentation Review--Suggested approach: Letjs see what we have (with response of learned so far. We have learned that Negroes and whites students, if live differently in both the South and the North and possible) that Negroes are not given equal treatment in housing education, etc. We have learned that although it seams that white people have better schools, for ins- tance, that they pay for it by learning lies, and by i learning to "hate " and be SX:£E£ afraid. Be have learned that we a re misled by these lies too--iai3 that the myths have ta ught us to believe that we are inferjo r and dumb and that we have made no contributions to our society. Discussion Now we want to find out why the schools tell these lies and find out who is helped by these lies CONCEPT: That the myths serve a purpose by: 1. Keeping Negroes servile and teaching whites to feel superior, 2. Providing a justification for race relations in this country, and U.S. international policies in the world. Question: Why do the schools tell these lies? Who hears and believes them? What do they believe? How does it make them feel to believe these things? Do the lies give them excuses? What kinds of excuses do the lies provide; If a white man kills a Negro? Noel Day-Curriculum Unit IV--page 2 - "power Structure" Method Content If a policeman beats a Negro for demonstrating? If a policeman beats a white demonstrator? If a Negro is refused the vote? If a Negro tries to integrate a school? If Negroes are paid less money for the same work? If the U.S. invades another country? If white workers want to start a union? If U.S. businessmen support South Africa? Presentation Now who profits by these lies? Let's start here in this town? CONCEPT: That some people profit by the propagation of myths (make money, gain power, bolster up their egos, etc.). Discussion (with Question: v/ho makes money when Negroes are paid less appropriate than white people? demonstrations on a blackboard) Example; A whit e farmer makes $ for each bale of cotton. To pick that bale of cotton, the farmer would Presentation (with have to pay a wh ite man $10 (change figures to conform student responses) to real wages in all cases), but for the sjca same amount of work he only has to pay the Negro $3. Does the faemer make more money if the workers he hires are Negro? Why? isxife profitable for the farmer to keep Negro labor cheap? How does he do it? Do the myths help him do it? How? Presentation (with Example: A white industry comes bo Mississippi, to student responses) this town and it sets up a cotton mill or They come from the North because Mississippi has cheaper labor and they can make more moneyc Why does Missis sippi have cheaper labor? Because there are no unions? Because there are white workers in Mississippi who are told that unions believe in integration? Where there are no unions, the workers are paid less and the busi nessman makes more money. Do the myths help to keep i the salaries low for whites too? How? Discussion Question: Why don't white people want the Negro to vote? Presentation Example: The same farmer is able to pay Negroes less (with siatM student money than white people are paid because the state laws responses^) of Mississippi support segregation and inequality. Who makes these laws? How do they get their g jobs? Who elects them? What would happen to these men and these laws if Negroes voted? Would you vote for a man who made laws that paid you less? Does the farmer vote for them? Does the businessman? Do white workers? Why? CONCEPT: That poor whites suffer frmm th e myths, too. Discussion Questions: if there was a union, the white workers would make more money too. Why, then do they vote for poli ticians who are agianst unions? Are they more afraid oi sometning. else? v/hy are they so afraid of integra tion? What nave the myths and lies that they have Noel Day-Curriculum Unit IV--page 3 "Power Structure" ivfethoci ^Content Discussion ^learned done to them? Who profits by this' The rich farmer? The rich businessman? How? CONCEPT: That the police work the power structure and enforce the status quo. Question: Who helps to keep the Negro from voting and the union from starting? Who helps the farmer and bus inessman make money by inforcing their segregation laws? Who pays the police? Who gives them their orders? Why? What would happen to a policeman who didn't obey orders? Why do the police follow orders (important to bring out: 1. for pay 2. for illicit gains in graft, etc. 3. because they have learned the myths too, and "hate"and "fear".) Presentation What is a power structure? That is the name we give to groups of men who make the myths, who profit from them like the farmer and the businessman, who pay the police and give them their ordess, who make the laws and decide what taws they want, who make decisions about who gets paid and how much bhey gifc, about who votes and who doesn't vote, about what is taught in the schools, and what gets printed in the newspapers, etc. Discussion Can you name some of these men in your town (suggestion: look for the mayor, big plantation oweers, businessmen, plant managers, mill owners, etc.) Organizational Suggestion: With the information you get from either chart of the students, parents or SNCC staff research, sonstruct an power Structure organizational chart of the power structure on the blackboard or large paper. Charles piurnmer John Clark \—United" Eastland Plantation Neitfspaper Southern ULS. Senator/ owner publisher Cotton Mills BlJ?3mith St^teSenator J.TFP . Bla? £ lant Manager Malcom Mabry Ban& President Johnson J. Totten, yor of the Towna Registrar o - department Voters policeman\ l~fireman\ Note: in day schools have students ask pajJsrafcKs parents to identify the "big white men" or the wealthy in town. Demonstration Show how a decision ma&e on the upper level gets passed down through the chain of command and finally implemen ted. Noel Day-Curriculum Unit IV--page 4- "Power Structure" Method Content Dramatize with Example: A union organizer comes to town. The plant man students if ager talks to his friends the newspaper publisher, the possible bank president, and the State Senator. He tells them that if the union is organized It will mean less profit, less taxes, and E less advertisements and the company may have to leave town and move somewhere else. The newspaper published an anti-union article and a picture of a union official dancing with the wife of an African delegate to the U.N., and asks if the itfhite workers want this kind of union integration. The State Senator introduces a bill for a right-to-workxsaxwx law. The mayor is invited to a meeting, informed of the situation and given his orders. The next day he calls the "town fathers" together and i they pass a new local ordinance requiring a $50 a day B organizing license and a $25-a-day permit for labor organ izations to hold meetings. The town clerk informs the union organizer of the new ordinances,, and a policeman attends the first meeting of the workers and photographs all who attend because, as he says "the State Bureau of Investigation" (or Sovereignty g&B Commission) needs to know." The union organizer finds he cannot cash a check at the bank or find a room at th e hotel. He is jailed on a trumped-up charge, and one night he is beaten on the way home after a meeting. Dramatize x±&h Example: A Negro tries toregister. The registrar of if possible voters fails him, and calls the Mayor. The next day the plantation owner fires him and orders him off the land, and his name is published in the newspaper. The bank fore closes on his car, and the stroe refuses him any more credit and the county welfare department says he must get three references from white people before he is B±E±g±& eligible for relief. His wife is fired from her job as a cook for a white family. When they move in with rela tives, the house is shot up one night and the Negro man arrestedon "suspicion." Case study Note: Examples from actual happenings in each town would be used where possible. Relevant case studies might be John Hardy, Herbert Lee, Mrs. Fannie Lou Hamer, the field notes of a Southern union organizer ( for latter, write Del Malenski, Union Label Department, Amalgamated Clothing Workers Union, New York City). The resident schools can go into this in depth and explore the power structures of their several home towns as wel 1 as the town where the Freedom School is and do field re- search on the power structure there. CONCEPT: That the Power Structure is a connecting and interlocking series of cliques that goes from local towns and cities up to the highest levels of the national govt. Note: the following section may be deleted if time does not permit its use. Presentation We hgye seen that there is what we call a "power structure" m this toon--a small gorup of men that make the decisions Noel Day-Curriculum Unit IV - page 5 "Power Structure" Content Method Discussion IN this tfcwn--tbey run it, they decide when schools are built and what is taught. They decide, as much as they can, who votes and who doesn't, they decide who gets a loan from the bank, they make the laws. In every other town and county of this state, there are other men who do the same things--who make the plans and decide what will happen for all the rest of us. They decide who will run for the Mississippi Legislature, and who will run for the U.S. Congress; they pay for the campaigns, they de cide what laws will be made, and they help to make the myths that weall learn. Questions: Do they all work together? How?M (Through friendships, club membership, same schools, interlocking directorates, business deals, etc.). How do they enforce their will? 1. Locally through*; city and town police, 2. State through the State police 3. Nationally through FBI, Justice Department, U.S. Armed Forces 4. Court system. How (Bo they propagate the myths? Can you think fif any ways they do it? We have talked about some of them already--can you remember any? What about the movies? Review. How does the power structure influence the movie makers? 1. Through owning stock and other financial connections. 2. Through the public's reaction. Important to bring out thet the public has already learned the myths, and believes them, and rejects movies that do not conform. The movies, therefore, are both a primary and secondary reinforcement of the myths. Presentation The press, TV, and the newspapers as a tool of the power structure. jjsxQuestions: what do the newspapers teach us about Cuba? About Africa, South Africa, etc.? About Eastland, Stennis Johnson, Kennedy, Wallace? Do you believe them? Why? What do £he newspapers say about Freedom Demonstrations? Do you believe them? Why? Case Study Comparison of S&XB stories from different newspapers %± "Kissing Case" in Monroe, JSB. N.C.), U.S. paper and French Visual aids- Compare also: Jackson Daily News, local Miss, paper, news papers National Guardian, petal Paper, NC Israelite, etc. Follow same stories in each paper. Particularly resident schools. Discussion How does the "power structure" control the newspapers? Questions: MEW Why are newspapers In business? Who makes money from the newspaper? Who are the publisher's friends? BRING OUT THAT PUBLISHERS ARE PART OF THE POWER ST^HDTUREX. Questions: ^How does a newspaper make money? Does most of it come from pe0pie buying the jot paper or from ad vertisements? What would happen if they stopped buyi£g Noel Day-Curriculum Unit IV - page-6 - "Power Structure" Method Content ADS? Would they stop buying ads in a newspaper that said things they don't like? Same qxix questions about TV--Bring out that the funds spent on advertisements are an editorial influence. Presentation The Courts as a tool of the pov/er structure. Questions: what is the job of the courts, the judges? Do they Interpret the law fairly and treat all the people equally? rich, poor, black, white? How do they treat whites in the Mississippi courts? Negroes? Why do they treat them differently? How can they do that? Case study Do the courts help the "pov/er structure"? Review the John Hardy case or others from student's personal experiences. Discussion How does the pov/er structure influence the courts? Qeestions: Who appoints the judges? Are they elected? Who pays their campaign costs? Who approves all appoint ments to the Federal Courts (Senator E stland)? Do you think the power structure would appoint or reappoint judges who don't follow th&ir orders? Why can we depend upon the Supreme Court more? (Because they are life ap pointments by the president-.-they don't have to campaign for reelection.) Presentation The banks--as a tool of the pov/er structure Discussion Questions: Why are banks in business? How do they make money? (investments and loeas). What do they invest money in? What happens to the Bank's investment if the company loses money? Who do you think helps decide who will get loans? How big are banks? (jSfcasxgH Some have branched in other countries) Do you think they ever try to influence foreign policy in order to protect their investments? How do banks help maintain the sharecropper system--who gets loans from them? who doesn't? How is this money used by the plantation owner? Presentation The Church as a tool of the poqer structure Discussion Questions: what did the Church teach Negro slaves? (To abide slavery on this earcb because ton the next world they would have their reward--streets of gold, long white robes, starry crowns, manna, etc.) Do you think this was an attempt to keep slaves happy? why was this done? What does the Church teach Christians about love? Does the g Southern Church teach segregation? Why? How does the pov/er structure influence the Church? Questions* Where does a Church get its money? Who con tributes money to the Chora?h? What v/ould happen if the SOME PROVISIONS FOR FEDERAL PROSECUTION IN CIVIL RIGHTS From Title 18 U.S.Code FBI Arrests - 18 U.S.Code, Section 3052: The Director, Associate Dir ector, Assistant to the Director, Assistant Directors, inspectors, and agents of the Federal Bureau of Investigation of the Department of Justice may carry firearms, serve warrants and subpoena issued under the authority of the United States and make arrests without warrant for any offense against the United States committed in their presence, or for any felony"cognizable under the laws of the U.S. if they have rea sonable grounds to believe that the person to be arrested has committed or is committing such felony. Interference with the Vote - 18 U.S. Code, Section 59k'- Whoever inti midates, threatens, coerces, or attempts to intimidate, threaten or co erce, any other person for the purpose of interfering with the right of such other person to vote or to vote as he may choose, or of causing such other person to vote for, or not vote for, any candidate for the office of President, Vice President, Presidential elector, Member of the Senate, or Member of the House of ReDresentatives. Deleaates c Commisssioner i onerss of the Territories or Possessions, at any elect sole ly or in part for the purpose of electing such candidate, be fine;dd not more than .£1,00J 1,0000 oorr imprisoneimprisonedd nonott mormoree thathann ononee year or both. Deprivation of Constitutional Rights - 18 U.S. Code, Section 2i|2: Whoever, under color of any law, statute, ordinance, regulation, or custom, willfully subjects any inhabitant of any State, Territory, or District to the deprivation of any rights, privileges, or immunities secured or protected by the Constitution or laws of the United States, (or to different punishments, pains, or penalties, on account of such inhabitant being an alien, or by reason of his color, or race, than are prescribed for the punishment of citizens,) shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than one year, or both. TO; The State Executive Committee and Staff Menbera At a nesting hold on July 9 (Hev. H.l .T. Snlth and Dr. 17. McCord present), the sub-eonnittee charged with drafting tentative proposals for the platforn of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party discussed a possible program of the party. We attempted to make the language of the proposals clear aaid precise. V/c also tried to direct the proposals specifically to the Mississippi situation. As a tentative draft, we hope that the Executive Comiittee will consider the following resolu tions; Tentative Draft Platforn and Principles of the Mississippi Freedon Dengcratic Party_ BE IT RESOLVED: 1. That the Freedon Deraocratic Party welcomes the participation of all citizens of the state of Mississippi. 2. That we wholeheartedly endorse the program embodied in the Civil Rights Bill of 1964 and that we encourage both state and national officials to implement the principles of this law. ). That we encourage all officials of the state and national govern ments to ensure the impartial registration of all qualified voters in the state of Mississippi. Ve urge vigorous enforcement of the civil rights laws to guarantee the right to vote to all citizens in all areas of the country. That we vigorously support the Supreme Court school desegregation decision of 1954 and urge that innediate measures should be under taken by the state and national governments to guarantee that the law will be followed in the state of Mississippi. That we urge careful consideration of the use of federal funds in Mississippi to ensure that such grants will not be used for the perpetuation of segregation. That we advocate careful supervision of the use of federal funds in order that the witholding of federal funds will not be used as a means to threaten and harrass Mississippi citizens who try to exercise their constitutional rights. That we advocate action to prohibit discrinination in housing con structed with tho aid of federal subsidies. That we oppose the use of federal funds for the construction or maintenance of segregated community facilities in Mississippi. That we advocate the establishment of a state Fair Employment Practices Committee to assist in reviewing cases of employment discrimination. 10. That we endorse the Supreme Court decision of 1964 which requires the fair apportionment of every legislative body from a town council through tho United States Congress. 11. That we believe that social security insurance should be extended to every member of the population. 12. That we believe than an extensive job re-training program should be vigorously pursued by both the state and national governments in order that people who are victiras of an era of economic tran sition may continue to be self-sufficient members of the community 13. That we applaud the start which has been made toward the. amelior ation of poverty under Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson in such measures as area re-development, a broadened minimum wags, manpower training, food stamp legislation, and the omnibus anti-poverty measure. We call for the intensification of these efforts during the next four years under continued liberal Deraocratic leadership. 14. That we firmly support the Platform and Principles of the National Deraocratic Party as stated in Convention at Los Angeles in August of I960. Specifically, we fully endorse the following principles, particularly as they apply in the state of Mississippi: a. We reaffirm support for full employment as a paramount objective of national policy and the necessity of federal aid to the stricken and depressed areas of Mississippi and the rest of the nation. b. We reaffirm that strong state and national action is required to break down artificial and arbitrary barriers to employment based on race, age, sex, religion, or national origin. c. We reaffirm that the right to a job requires forceful efforts for the restoration of full support for collective bargaining and the repeal of the anti-labor excesses which have been written into our labor laws. d. We reaffirm the right of every farmer to raise and sell his products at a return which will give him and his family a decent living. Positive action must be taken to raise farm income to full parity levels and to preserve family farming as a way of life. Y/e urge the use of the food stamp programs authorized to feed needy children, the aged, and the unemployed and the expansion of school lunch and milk programs. e. We reaffirm that medical care benefits should be provided as part of the time-tested Social Security insurance system. 15. That we pledge to support the candidates and principles adopted by the National Deraocratic Party at its convention in Atlantic City in August, 1964. For purposes of comparison, one might examine the Platform adopted by the regular Mississippi State Democratic Party in June, I960. Excerpts from the platform include the following statements of principles "We reject and oppose the platforms of both National Parties and their candidates." "We expressly condemn the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in the Brown school case rendered May 17, 1954." "We believe in States Rights and local self-government, and are unalterably opposed to any encroachment upon the rights of the states by the federal government, and upon county and municipal government by the state." "We are opposed to any legislation, federal or state, setting up what is known as a Fair Employment Practices Committee." ' ^^?. ^ //^a- aV^a^.%-* ~*^~ ^rELTt^.E^^W'^-i -vS ,^»1 /If /ye^a^UtX^ YY? s# ? 'P??u*E - P/aS « f>^» i/i ^f^^ -^V^. ******V «f«wt «> A«V^ T^Z/ ^ V/Ui ®m ****** W/w*ww ***w /fr ^KtfVxef 4f ttw/f/*. MaJL^S ,-/*>/ I / /" / ^ *3t M^^^y'T^ " "*«3 **^^ ****** *y A^aHaof /tea ^vU H.1 "voaik*-,/ / /Ctf ,/' "/f ^a <***/ jfaoM h M^,. ZdTJ!'^ ^U'd*^ ~»* *i* <»u*~uy ^ufp* *^e/-*r, ^ {of( / ..„...„»«,. U^^.MMH- BMOIV! una cuneui m contemporary dress. fc/7 arr.: I aa the .-..merle ni i'egro. I em the mind of arace of mill ions 'i/^io have suffered three hundred years Of mental and physic?! slavery. 1-y mind is sore . nd it relics "incc I h'.ve known the sins Of two rrceSj "nd carried the lute of one. I have stretched out my hand in brotherhood -nd h d it burned, uy saui has Bought Reconciliation, but has found only a "b-JUc•'... i/all of hate. - hav< askea oa_y th; t I he recognised rs a m.n, .nil it return I IK ve been be ten ^aU.c «y mind is Weary uM$r £M Of\h?t X once ^39 #*$ 3cen->. II Second narrator .a. -i.d.'.n^ dressed Defore the curtain in rich looking ro£tf. end holding a scroll, prepbe£-},/#&« *-n h*-s hand, /-ec should appear .-s oldas possi and near himself with great dignity, arrll; I au the Negro before slaver/a iiy hone is in i'imbuktoo. I aa a free man, my people ere free •i-n-i our leaders are known by the world. . e arc still a proud race, . nd we hope for peace in this world. (e::it^ The curt in opens en a scene of <$j richly dressed prince leading his peorie in sona, singing a poem cf the merits ofhis civilization, his fathers, -nd their ;: :;hievcncnt . --'he people are .11 quite noVed by the song, -nd respond with the chorus in great enthusiasm. The st-ao is bathed in much light. -rince: my father is a Icing. and his father before him. I em his proud prince. Chorus: t&fe ere ri^fj^ '•nd beautiful race nd will rule the earth some da.y _n light, --rrincc: AAy father is just, aur kings are just, . n the world honors our reign, ahorus- -rince: *--y father's fathers • era men of corn, nd knew the day .ore than the night, Ghcrus• < Prince: My father is glsi-jarfrsn £'^^/ W^Xs^/ . nd knows the stars of Qightir Chorus: 1'rince: ^ur enemies are the scnscf night They come at us as the silent moon, Jhorus: i-rince: Cut we :re strong, oar arms are strong, . nd we have the sword C: aan from the stone, \ Chorus: Lights go out -mid tne curtain caosp.s. Scene III Thir narrator aaa't en stage an • "..ay dim light. His hands -re bound in chains which elsti bind bis feet, -e '.:• as stoopeeas possible, --"nd speaks with a very weary voice, £iii aLething ia in rtgs, sparse s ros-ible. Despite al! this, the narrator snouid -.a' try to astaa,. the attitude of great dignity. .-li the: time he is speaking ana coundscf chairs mc suffering can be hear--1 £roci behind the curtain., ^, Vi£rr-: * a the hegro on sy way La .i.a:aa, Land of the brave and the i-ree» iiy chains are those a:; Slcafisarii I have been dragged from my 'nr&VK& • nd torn from my wile end chi.id, hen now beat me for being a man, /nd praise me when I act li'jce a dog, (exit) The curtain now opens on a dimly lit scene of a slave gully on - ship headed for America. The sounds of pain and suffering increase, and sreh phrases as / "Iiy Lord," and "Ch my Cod''' can be heard distinctly above the groaning cries. Cs each slave speaks, he stands in hischains and turns tovrr" the audience.) 1st Slave: ahat have I done to deserve these chains? 2nd Clave; •••'ho will deliver us from this evil/? I 3rd Clave; a hen will the hand of death coma upon us -nd give us pe-~ce? 4th: Clave: "here are we going in this darkness, darkness so black that we cannot see the whip that bites deep into our b cks? 5th Slave: 'hat will become of us all? ahat will become of us? Curtain closes, the sounds of suffering, and moaning, aid chains f-des slowly into nothing. Scene IV The fourth narrator appears on the stage, **e is a wild, pronhet-like man, dressed in poor clothing, He carries a long st ff, like the staff of Loses. Indeed, he Is hat Turner, the Loses of his people. i.e speaks in a shrill, almost hysteric"1 voice* *filarr»: I am the Legro in slavery,, - 0Jwv*Sl«elave to the white Cotton King* ly name is i-at Turner, .-and I will be hung, Cor trying to lead my people out oftheir bonds. i-y people live in the field, ijaA have spilt their sweat and blood in the field, working under the ahite master's whip. Cur lives are so full of p in •nd suffering That de rh has become our only hope. ...a look to the promise land ?or our deliverence, for we know There will be no rest here! . (e:ait) — _,.««.-...«.:. .;iu iv to tne center or the stage, stops, turns back, and beckon?; to Ian. a...i. ;.c, twko acmes slowly up to her. She bends over and kisses aba child, then sighs heavily. .'oman 31-:ve: Chile, you stay 'long a lor to me, liars Chan bin beatin* everyone sin' ole hat Turner try to revolt, S.ay long clos to me, Chile. You all I got , ailly Hoe, an' 1 ig £>4llfc&£&ty& gonns sell you from me soon. Child: ( half crying) ho Vn#i*8$U- dcn^£ wanna Leave you. I don't wann-go. / Don't let '•:"'! ta>vc. I.K» jq&ifliQ ^yr/t/pttdtiy ain't I mamma.. I don't wrnn~ f oman cp^ve: Das iW£0LL r nt flj.nTt nothin' gonna ho-pen to us now. '3e*/)r$&. i / lt )s Lie woman :i a QhildL Lt g ir .a stalky white man with awh" Y n a" d '".-eg iti 8 beatin' a_..caa both J tmeWrn: Git on y.v }&p> o-1 c r/iffi&f tlt&mtY/Qt*. aLnife even earnedyour food yet. j^. \&H~4 laarn ya not aa ft&F ajk'.i&syovi,e ,.,./ slave. Lou ain't gonn-- have your /baby boy aiuch lon^gf, ',-•.:»: all three i. . a. pr .at.flurry, the white man cracking hiswhip. Scene V The fif:... fiJaYTiC - apaason the stage carrying an meric-n and - Con federate flag in hertwc - a z, apc al .0 creaks in a voice that is, . t first ener getic but then becomes :*s aa *iji. us e'" s^ea-h meveson. ar.: The civil ..'ar came, and .ie i: a aught Our deliverence was at hod, •..hen thetroO; s £rom the fifo'irtf'ns Larc ed thr ugh th.L land, u'e joine them and foughc in the army 'j-liat war. to liberate our people, aefore the war, many of our people had ran .way to freedom in ttte '--orta. aut many i-ore had to stay behind. -after the war it seemed aa though we acre free, .e could vote. hoi. office, and walk the streets Of this 1 nd ^s free men—-a fane peo. le. Cut we were deceived* fter the/northern solaiars returne to their homes, &W) aid masters b ought : IT-w slavery down upon us. It jtjid iwre euch names aa segregation and inequality, flhmt was enforced by thr x/hip calledterror. (e::itac>. Lna curtain o ens on a barren stage decorated only by two rosters, before hich ia:/c men stand: the first sign reads: t-JEITS CliLY, and the second: HO ' n. v iOi — ''-ha. rien turn to the audience and 1st ii n' (at the white Only sign) This sign ne ns I am be in: denie" rrivi1iges ahich ara mine tc have. It docs aot men separate but equ-il. It doea mam. Pw.p aa;. te ^aMKevil. Thissign is tftyirt of the new slavery. ..a c.ail it Jim Gts&W 2".icl Lon: ThissiLgn denies ma equal rights,. I can not vote. b"t I am allowed to pay ta*:es. If I try to vote, I could lose my job, my heme, •id even my family., ijfouid you vote? Curtain closes- « -..i^; lie ^JJLX c ._»•. tjwwuie vtij.^ yj.ttec". ; irr.a i. e have just hel) ed \tM) 6t_x7ar that waa su posec en -TwP&-tthJ0 iM Cafe for .^eaocr :cy„ ffi3/J§0'^r/2fU - no. Se part of that world, since a2\ The curtain now opens on ; ac a a i: men. barren and cold looking. Two men are talking acroe "5 tab; . •- _ IE a :n oil latern. The one man looks scared andtheother de1 a v :r oessie: They killed yy son! TLey rin't &£&&*? to get away wit d-t if I e-n help- it. Ita tiir^ d/BM^stop car kill in' — Ain' t nobody goin' to try an' stcpem? .•illiam: Keep year \joia:e ^tti^LVrou^c^tal^in' cp:--' noi7, Jesaie, L'eybe one of d^y\-$^'^^^*/^VL0^^ to all ycaao say in" . You know it cb n't do no g od to go o: '"^ras^ fl-"t way.. ifav.se" craay awn, . Jessie: l ain't crazy/ KPiaat ruck. Ac.ll lata, I'm sick nd tiredpur&C I'm ( sick an' tiredof betrL Ji& O*/ tired, .-my got my boy, an' I'u ponn demand dat somthin' Le done £f|e*tsrat, -- cin" a .f::ia ro more, *.'i.liaa, I a' n't afraid no too re, •• a L ;; lookir. :c sc : y a;>tt' t. x~ou knows what dey did to your daughter, /illiam: Keep ycur voice $k**v Jessie, or ycu won't be talin* any .aore at all. I'm g^ttin' uay frorj you and your cra-jy t don't do no good, 1 u r s! t aa no gets up and leav aathe room quick .-/) Tie lamp 3 a blown ma tra aaaJe removed, rndthen more "cices are heard, Jatcr the ana ioaaan J ss'e by e-rope around his neck. Let Llansman: ^ca've been t:l*3PLn( a-ighty big, Jessie bay. Siow why you wanna £o :n* ipse: all ^aiiar friends ..it all dat talk: A .e^sjegoin to hang you no::', easi, IT y, jest to shut your mouth. / nae Clansman: -^eyv y-ov been runnin* 3'cur mouth all over e place. We's gonra do the sane to you as we'd do to a chichin dat squawk too nuch- brea hia neck, ;zd 'La.aa r -here's toe m&Si of you smart niggers dese days, life won't 'ear aoreoa i QW &4ftw Jreed«Yi and istice, ;,nd la*J We're j^Ao A #. ««• AjUJb Jesaie: liothin* The lightsgc oi t-- a . iCKiivj a< an.- »..' J e r o curtain strfgyl'- closes nd the liahv -->.-: r-. art ir c ;a ! c.t - - . he's banging body. Lights out. Vl> Scene Vii The £iA%/fc&A&€>*e> .ana-.- ta the sta SpotlL-hta on hir . e! •ata Le' Je -rater ftgjpnfy - .id ;.wu lice - een Today -ae have ceea because they stood Today we wave seen *•' or c in ing in c ur Tomorrox-Tmc ny mora and many more will Cut we've begun, c n^^£iC«t^? -kj0&& - nd someday, someb. The audienci will the :.ec o.6. v rse stnrt "we are not :frag < FREEDOM SCHOOLS IN MISSISSIPPI, 1964 From the carbon copies of the spring's letters and reports I see what real apprehensions, as well as-hopes, the people who dreamed of Freedom Schools had. Out of Charlie Cobb's idea of a situation in which there would bo questioning, release from rigid squelching of initiative and expression—from Charlie Cobb's bitterness about the way the Negro has had to be silent in-order to survive in white America, and his vision of the kids' articulate- ness and reaching for change, meaningful change, in Mississippi— out of his seeing that the kids are ready to see "the link between a rotting shack and a rotting America"—came the original plan for Freedom Schools in Mississippi. That it could be an idea that people working desperately on voter registration and on keeping alive in the state could take seriously Is perhaps evidence of the validity of Charlie Cobb's dream: Mississippi needed more, needs more, than that all Negroes 21 and over shall have the right to vote. The staff in Mississippi understood what Sharlte was dreaming because thej1", too, were daring to dream that what could be done in Mississippi could be deeper, more fundamental, more far-reaching, more revolutionary than voter registration alone: more personal, and in a sense more transforming, than a political program. The decision to have Freedom Schools in Mississippi, then, seems to have been a decision to enter into every phase of the lives of the people of Mississippi. It seems to have been a decision to set the people free for politics in the only way that people really can become free, and that is totally. It was an important decision for the staff to be making, and so it is not surprising that the curriculum for the proposed schools became everyone's concern. I understand that Lois Chaffee, Dona Moses, Mendy Sam- stein, and Casey Hayden as well as Noel Day, Jane Stembridge, and Jack Mirmis worked on and argued about what should be taught, and what the realities of Mississippi are, and how those realities affect the kids, and how to get the kids to discover themselves as human beings. And then, I understand, Staughton Lynd came in to impose a kind of beautiful ofder on the torment that the curri culum was becoming- -torment because it was not just curriculum: it was each person on the staff in Mississippi painfully analyzing what the realities of his world were, and asking himself, with what pain I can only sense, what right he had to let the kids of Mississippi know the truth, and what right he had had to keep it from them until now. And because of these sessions, the whole concept of what could be done in Mississippi must have changed. In a way, the Freedom Schools beg aaa to operate in those planning sessions. A section of the curriculum called "Poor whites, poor Negroes and their fears," for example, considers the unity of experience between Whites and Negroes, as well as the pcyph'4— logical and political barriers. And out of the discussions that produced this mart of the curriculum came, perhaps, the idea of a "White Folks'' Project," aftd the intense economic orientation of what was begun-in Research, and Federal Programs, also new projects. And out of work with the people day after day in the Freedom Schools emerged medical concerns, and farm league ideas, and the community building of community centers. It was because the people trying to change Mississippi were asking themselves the real questions -2- about what is wrongtfith Mississippi that the Summer Project in effect touched every aspect of tho lives of the Negroes in Missi ssippi, and started to touch the lives of the whites. It was tho asking of quest iotas, as I see it, that made the Mississippi Summer Project different from other voter registration projects and other civil rights activities everywhere else in the South. And so it is reasonable that the transformations that occurred—and transformations did occur—out of the Freedom School experience occurred because for the first time in. their lives kids were asking questions. Thd way the curriculum finally come out was that it was ed on. the asking of certain questions, questions which kept being asked through the summer, in connection with the kids' interest in their Freedom School teachers (mostly northern,-mostly white, mostly still in college), in connection with Negro history, in connection with African culture, in connection even with the academic subjects, as well as in connection with the study of the realities of Mississippi 1064 in the light of Nazi Germany 1935. The so-callod "Citizenship Curriculum" set up two sets of questions. The primary set was 1. why are we (teachers and. students), in Free dom schools? 2. what is the Freedom Movement? 3. what alterna tives does tho Freedom Movement offer us? What was called the secondary sot of questions, but what seemed to me the more impor tant, because more personal, set was: 1. what does the majority culture have that we waaat? 2. what does tho majority culture have that we don't waaat? 3» what do we have that we want to keep? The answering of those questions, and the continual raising of them in many contexts, may be said perhaps to be what the Free dom Schools were about. This was so because in order to answer anything out of What those questions suggest, it is necessary for the student to confront the question of who ho is, and what his world is like, and how he fits.into it or is alienated from it. It was out of tho experience of asking these questions that the transformations occurred. At the beginning of the summer, with, rare amazing, exceptions, the kids who were tentatively ex ploring us and the Freedom Schools were willing to express about themselves only one thing with honesty and passion, without the characteristic saying of the thing they think the white maaa wants to hear: that'thing was that as soon . as they could gather enough money for a ticket they were going off to Chicago, or to Califor nia I To leave tho state was their ambition, and about it they were certain, even though they had not thought any further than that, even in terms of trhere the money was to come from, and certainly not in terms of what they would find there and what they would do there. Some sense of "go home to my Lord and be free"— some vague hope of a paradise beyond—seemed to inform their passion for the north, their programless passion. But by the end of tho summer almost all of these kids were planning to stay in,Mississippi. Within, the flexible structure of the Freedom School it was natural that a confession of—an insistence on—the desire to race northward load to a. discussion of the condition of the Negro in the North, about which most of the teachers could tell specifically. -3- And then came the news stories about Harlem, and Rochester, and Modford, Massachusetts, and the kids were interested, and worried. But. it. wc© mot just because the truth about the North began to shatter their dream of it as paradise that the kids changed their minds. Tho yearning for tho North was, of course, the expression of a need to escape tte intolerability of the situation in Missis sippi • But the nature of their need to escape was that they really did not know what it was about Mississippi that they hated—or, rather, they felt that what was intolerable for them had somehow to do with the white maaa, somehow to do with getting only ^3 ••00 a day for 10 hours work chopping a white man's cotton, somehow to do with the police—but they had not yet articulated, if they knew, the connections among all these things. And they had not, as well, articulated the connections of those things with their experiences of repression at home and in school. And so the very amorphous nature of the enemy was threatening to them. The experience in the Freedon School was that patterns began to be seen, and patterns were rea,l and could be dealt with. So tho kids began to see two things at once: that the North was no real escape, and that tho South was not some vague white monster doomed irrationally to crush them. Simu.ltaneously, they began to discover that they themselves could take action against the injus tices —the specific injustices and the condition of injustice— which kept them unhappy raid Impotent. Through the study of Negro History they began to have a sense of themselves as a people who could produce heroes. They saw in the story of Joseph Cinque of the Amisted a parallel to the kinds of revolts that the Movement, as they began to learn about it, represented. They saw that Joseph Cinque, in lea-ding a mutiny on that slave ship instead of asserting his will to freedom by jumping off tho ship into the shark-waiting waters, was saying that freedom is something, that belongs to life, not to death, and that a man has responsibility for bringing all his people to freedom, not just for his own escaping. Connections between then and now kept being made—at first by the . teachers, very soon by the students: who do you know that is like Joseph Cinque? How is Bob Moses like Moses in the Bible? How is ho different? Why did Harriet Tubman go back into the South after she had gotten herslef free into the North—and why so many times? And why doesn't Mrs. Ramer stay in the North once she gets there to speak, since she doesn't have a job on that man's plantation anymore, and since her life is in so much danger? -And what do you think about Fredrick Douglass's talking so straight to the President of the United States? And how does the picture of Jim Forman in the Emancipation Proclamation issue of Ebony suggest that same kind of straight talking? And who do you think the Move ment is proving, right—Booker T. Washington or W.E.B. duBois? And what comment on your own upbringing is made by the fact that you all know about Booker T. Washington but most of you had never heard of W.E.B. duBois? And why aro the changes of gospel songs into Freedom Songs significant"? What does " We S". hall Overcome" really me aaa in terms of what we are doing, and what we can do? Beginning to sense the real potency of organized Negroes in Mississippi, the kids in the Freedom Schools found aaa immediate area of concern in the Negro schools they attended or had droppod -4- out of l tho so-called "public" schools. They had grievances, but had, until drawn into the question-asking, only been able to whine, or to accept passively, or to lash out by dropping out of school or getting themselves expelled. Within the Freedom Schools, eEs pecially by comparing tho Freedom Schools with tho regular schools, they began to become articulate about what was wrong, and tho way things should bo instead: why don't they do this at our school?' was the first question asked, and then there began to be answers, which led to further questions, such as why donrt our teachers register to vote, if they presume to toach us about citizenship? and why can't our principal make his own decisions instead of having, to follow the orders of the white superintendent? and why do we havo no student government, or why doesn't the adminis tration take the existing student government seriously? This was the main question, which come also out of why there are no art classes, no language classes, why there is no oq'aipment in the science labs, why the library is inadequate acid inaccessible, why the classes aro overcrowded. The main question was WEI ARE WE NOT TAKEN SERIOUSLY? which is of course the question that the adults were asking about tho city and county and state, aid the question the Freedom Democratic Party asked—and for which the Party demanded art answer—at the Convention. The students were taken seriously in the Freedom Schools. They were encbu.raged to talk, and their talking was listened to. They wore assigned to write., aaad their writing was read with attention to idea and style as well as to grammar. !jher were encouraged to sing, to dance, to draw, to play, to l?.ugh. They were encouraged to think. And all of this was painful as well as releasing because to be taken seriously requires that one take hinsolf seriously, believe in himself, raid, that requires confron tation. And so Freedom School was painful for the kid* who grew tho most. Tangibly, what was set in motion out of this experience of joy aaad pain was the thing the Mississippi staff had hoped could happen in Mississippi, but could not totally form. In the spring before the summer, SNCC in Mississippi ted tried to organize a Mississippi Student Union, bringing together kids from all over the state. And there was good response, but not on the scale the MSU was soon to achieve out of the Freedom Schools. This summer the kids began to talk boycott of tho schools, but to be able to discipline their thinking about boycott so that their action would not just be acting out their frustrations but careful, considered, programmed, revolutionary meaningful action along tho linos of the Montgomery bus boycott and African revolutionary action. The- kids were able to come together in tho middle of tho summer, in Meridian, and d*-aw up a series of resolutions which said with terrible clor-cy what they felt about their world; what a house should be, vJ^J a school should be, what a job should be, what a, city six*-1-0- 00—even what the federal government should be. And they K?-- --Die to ask why it was that the people did not havo a voice and t0 assort that their voices would be heard. The sorv'usness of their concern for a voice is reflected in the final sti^emont, of the list of grievances drawn up by the McComb Freedom snool: -5- Fc are 12 Pike County high school students. Until we are assured our parents will not suffer reprisals, until we ere sure this list of grie vances is met with sdrious consideration and good will, we will remain anonymous. The McComb students are sending this list of grievances to the school officials, the city officials, the senators and the news papers and the President of the United States* Out into the world; look at me—I am no longer an invisible man. And back again into themselves. Whoever the Freedom Schools touched they activated into confrontation, with themselves and with the world and back again. On one level, it was the white teacher saying to tho Negro girl that nappy hair vs. "good hair" is not a valid distinction: that it is a white man's distinction, and that the queens in Africa--in Songhai, Mali,. Ghana—in, Ethiopia,— had. nappy short hair.' On another level, it was the northern Negro student-teacher saying to the kids yearning Northward that he himself had gone to an almost completely (or completely), segregated school, and that his homo was in a ghetto. On another, it was a senior, suspended from the split-session summer school for par ticipating in the movement and taking Freedom School academic cdurses (fully parallel) instead, saying of Robert Frost's "The Road Not Taken" that the man took tho road that needed him more: "because it was grassy/and wanted wea,r....aaad that has ma.de all the difference." On another level, it was the white aaad Negro Freedom School teachers sitting with tho adults in tho evening classes talking about what kids want and what kids deserve, aaad hearing tho adults express some of their concern for their kids in the forming of a parents' group to support the kids'1 action against the schools. On still another, it was the junior high school, kids in the community coming over in the evening to sit with the adults who were learning their alphabets, one kid to one adult, and both, and the staffs, crying with awe for the beauty aaad strangeness and. naturalness of it. And on*, all levels, it wa.s the whites, the northerners, listening to the Mississippi Negroes, reading what they wrote, taking them seriously, and learning from them. Visible results of the Freedom Summer include the kids'1 drawings on the walls of Freedom Schools and COFO offices all over the state, as well as kids'1 applications for scholarships (National Scholarship Service and Fund for Negro Students) and even more applications for the Tougaloo Work-Study program, which commits them to staying to work in Mississippi. In addition, there is the real probability that the Negro teachers in the regular schools--the teachers who have to sign a.n oath not to participate in civil rights activities or try to vote—have, this first week of school, begun to experience for the first time in their livds the challenge from a student that is not adolescent testing or insolent acting out but serious demanding that in truth there is freedom and that he will have the truthl. Most significantly, the result of the summer's Freedom Schools is seen in the continuation of the Freedom.Schools into the fall, winter, spring, summer plans of the Mississippi Project. directors -6- Somo project/ a, who had been in Mississippi since 1961 doing the alow sometimes depressing always dangerous sorious tiring work of voter registration, first thought of tho Freedom Schools as a ' frill, detrimental to tho basic effort. At best, they were a • front for the real activity.. Rut Freedom Schools were not just, as the same project directors came to concede, a place where kids could be inducted into the Movement, a convenient sourde of canvassers. They wore something, else, and in realizing this the dubious project directors were themselves ' tmasfermod by the Freedom Schools. They were, instead of anything superficial, and will go on to be, the experience—not tho placc»-in which people, because wo needed them, emerged as discussion leaders, as teachdrs, as organizers, as speakers, as friends, as people. I know that this"is so because in leaving the Freedom School in Indianola, tho county seat of Sunflower County where the Move ment haul been rosistdd for three years, and where, when we came in, tho people did not know how to cross arm over arm to sing "We Shall Overcome," X learned for the first time in my life that with kids you. love to disconnect is to suffer. So the teachers wore transformed, too. The transformation of Mississippi is possible because the transformation of people has begun. And if it can happen In Mis sissippi, it can. happen all over the South. The original hope of the Freedom School plan was that there would be about 1000 students In tho state coming to the informal discussion groups and other sessions. It turned out that by tho end of the summer the number was closer to 3000, and that the original a.go expectation of 16-17-18 year olds had to bo revised to include pro-school children and all tho way up to 70 year old people, all anxious to learn about how to bo Free. The subjects ranged from the ori ginally anticipated Negro History, Mississippi Now, and black-white relations to include typing, foreign languages, and ether forms of tutoring. In fact, these aspects of the program wore so success ful that tho continuation of tho Freedom Schools into the regular academic year will involve a full-scale program, of tutorials and independent study as well as exploration in greater intensity of the problems raised in the summer sessions, and longer range work with art, music, aaad drama. To think of kids In Mississippi expressing emotion, on paper with crayons and in abstract shapes rather than taking, knives to each other; to think of their writing aaid performing playe aifoout tho Negro experience in America rather than just ditting in des pairing lethargy within that experience; to think of their or ganizing and running all by themselves a Mississippi Student Union, whose program is net dances and fund-raising but direct action to alleviate sorious grievances} to think, even, of their being willing to come to school after school, day after day, when thoir whole association with school had. been at least uncomfortalle and dull and at worst tragically crippling—to think of these things Is to think that a total transformation of tho young people in an underdeveloped country caaa tako place, and to daro to dream, that it can happen all over the South. There aro programs now, as well as dreams, and materials, and results to learn from. And it may well be that the very staffs of the Freedom Schools in Louisiana and Georgia, etc., will bo the kids who wore just this past summer students in the Freedom Schools in Mississippi, and, discovered themselves thero. Liz Fusco, Coordinator, COFO F.S. THE SETTING UP @F A FREEDOM SCHOOL I. An Idea A. curriculum B. plan for teaching method: academic or informal? C. estimation of scope in terms of time, staff, preparation, and library facilities after original outlay of |200 II. Materials—can be donated mostly: estimate otherwise § 40/mo. A. books, and lumber for shelves 1. Langston Hughes' Pictorial History of the Negro in America 2.. Lor one Bennett' s Before tho Mayflower 3. class sets of books by -lames Baldwin, Richard Wright, Ellison's Invisible Man, Hemingway storios and novels, Frost's-poems. Twain'h Muck Finn, etc. etc. etc. 4. children's books 5. some carefully chosen texts (donated), and novels, etc. 6.. dictionaries 7.. pituro books—both art books and just fun books B. art supplies C. paper, pencils, pons, plywood writing boards, blackboards, thumbtacks, crayons, scissors, etc. Also toilet paper, soap, Ajax, etc., aaad a water cooler. A bulletin, board,, scotch tape, magic markers, extra of everything.. D. magazines to cut pictures out of, and Ebony (they will donate subscriptions), III. staff A. I recommend that whoever comoo down to teach should be observed in practice teaching, and that care should bo taken about his concept of black and white relation ships (is ho, if ho is white, at all paternalistic? does ho equate academic deficiency with stupidity? does he seem over-responsive out of guilt?)., and his use of language that tho people can understand(,a very important aspect—no high-flown academic language, but also no talking down),, and his manner of teaching, depending on your idea for a Freedom School: I think, personally, that lecturing, is not consistent with tho idea of the Mississippi Freedom Schools, but questioning is. Some people think learning is a matter of accumulating a body of knowledge. I don't, and the kind of teaching I like to see Is not based on that concept of learning. That's why your idea of a Freedom School is where you must., start. EL. numbers: undorotaffing is not necessarily a deficiency* I found that tho kids emerged as tdachcrc because wo , needed them, and they did not when wo didn't need thorn. Co who can teach? who cannot? IV. the kids A. initial canvassing may bo nedossary, but our experience was that they wore hungry for Freedom Schools and we oven had to turn away tho little kids for whom we had no program, because their random running and their noise was disturbing. You havo to decide what the limitations are. Be careful not to let potential Student Union loaders think it is a little-kids1' school, I should think,. VEQ -JEW DRGBPED WHEN Jesse Harris was dropped soft. into a deep hole, only not too deep because when Wade dug (paid I. watched). Wade hit it. (the coffin of Jesse Harris'' grave), and that disturbed the joy - of a good shiny possum only not only that hitting of the coffin Did that, but this jumping light too, that slid out of that not too deep not too open hole, disturbed that joy I had with Wade. So the dogs ran and we were just as fast. Nov? who dropped Jesse in his hole and who the possum on top of Jesse? And who, oh who, dropped that light around this place and all through the trees aftemis? Well, he inclined to believe It was Thomas Jefferson, Who was well know to hate Harrises. &8M- whose" grandson loveda to bury fat-possums. But. the light, we never knew what dropped that around the placflt-. a Freedom School student at Moss Point," Mississippi FREEDOM SCHOOL WORKSHOP^ _interlm Report November 16 The Movement in the South is a movement for change, and that change must be shaped and defined from within the Southern states. SNCC, in its own efforts for change, has arrived at levels of aware ness and at toolssthat can be passed on for development and use by others. So it is reasonable that SNCC staff can begin the process by which the people in Mississippi and Georgia and Alabama discover who they are and what their world is like, and what they can do to bring about change, * s ' There is, at present, no mechanism in the South for Negroes' discovering and articulating the things that make up their discontent. The only honest thing we can say to the people we're working with when we talk about clearly given realities is that they live in'Mississippi. That's the only fact we really can't find a way to challenge, so we start Freedom School there, and spend the sessions finding out what that reality means; that they live in Mississippi, and it is not confortable. The Freedom School can perhaps develop a climate in which the people can explore reasons for and ways to change Mississippi, \ The members of the Freedom School workshop reach^d'consensus on the wkmm basis for what a Freedom School is. That Means, we felt, that sitting on someone's porch talking about'why it is necessary to register to vote can be considered Freedom School; as can a precinct meeting at which the Project Director talks about the meaning of the challenge, or at which a block captain leads a discussion of the Freedom Primer; as can a mass meeting which is led by an FDP delegate, or which is divided up into small groups to p]_an a tent elty or ways to feed the Freedom Workers; as is a group of children painting and singing; as is a group of ladies painting or i.g^ng themselves and their "teacher" what the word "Communism" means; as is a -teen-ager leading his friends in drawing up a petition about the schools; as is the secretary of that petition meeting drawing up the minutes of that meeting;* as is anybody sitting down with Pictorial History of the Negro in America, and then "celling his family about what he discovered; as is a voter registration worker sitting down with a group of kids before or after canvassing, discussing techniques of community organization; as is a group of high-school drop-outs learning to read without being ashamed any more, and their parents learning to read and write; as is a group of kids reading Black Boy and then writing The freedom we fight for is not for dogs. The freedom we fight for is for undrunks. The workshop insisted that the concept of the Freedom School is much larger, much deeper, much more integral with the voter-registration program than anything academic could speak to. But there were unresolved questions: 1. How do we feel about sending Freedom School kids North to school? Is it an opportunity? Do sdhoois in the North sducate hhe perron much better than schools in the South do, even though they do better with academics?' Are people educated in the North any freer than people educated in the South, and if not, is there any Value in terms of trying to change Mississippi for the brightest^ most alert, most imaginative, most committed kids to go off North now? UNRESOLVED 2, What about curriculum in the Freedom Schdols? This id related to, the above, but has also to do with why study math, for example, if there Is nothing about math that really speaks to the profe/|§ms he fac£s in Mis sissippi, and everywhere in America, both being a Negro and being a human beinc regardless of race? Is there any way to teach academic subjects ' so that they will be releasing rather than stifling? Watch how kids paint, and see if trainig will make that painting better or worse. UNRESOLVED 3. Orientation of"teachers"has to be much more intensive if what we want ispeople who really know how to wait out a silence while a question is bein? f firmed and if we want the kind of people who know that part of the corruptionof America is its entire educational system, and who really do feel freer teaching without grades than with. Wh*t was unresolved was how to achieve this kind of orientation. 4. who should teachS SNCC Field Staff? Bississipians? Northerners' Some POEMS from the FREEDOM SCHOOLS I. am Mississippi fed, I. am Mississippi bred, Nothing but a poor, black boy. I ami a Mississippi slave, I shall be buried in a Mississippi grave, Nothing but a poor, dead boy. Ida Ruth Griffin, age 12, Harmony Freedom School (.summer), A Negro Soldier One day while I was visiting a cdrtain City this is what I saw. A Negro Soldier with a broken arm who Was wounded in the war. The wind was blowing from the North; there was a drizzle of Rain. He was looking from the Last place; his arm was in a sling. The Negro soldier didn't go Home. H© was looking to the east And to the west. His broken arm Was in a sling, Lillie Mae Powell, Pilgrim's Rest Rreedom School (summer), (Why Did I myDon'ts), why did i my doii'ts why did i my dids what's my didn'ts purpose is it to fulfill my dids what isn'ts have i proclaimed what ises have i pronounced why can't i do my doings my couldn'ts do renounce my wouldn'ts are excuses my couldn'-ts couldn't be helped my weren'ts were all willful my words of little help the haven'ts were just there my didn'ts did believe that all my won'ts are daring my wills to receive Sandra Harris, Blair St.. (Jackson), Freedom School (summer), Midway I've come this far to freedom And I won't turn back. I'm changing to the highway From" my old dirt track. I'm coming and I'm going And I'm stretching and I'm growing And I."11 reap what I've been sowing Qr my,skin's not black; I've prayed and slaved and waited And I've sung my song. You've slashed me and you'Ve treed me And-you'Ve everything but-freed me, 1 But in time you II know you need me. v And It won't be long. I've seen daylight breaking high above the bough,' live found my destination and I've ma.de my vow: j So whether you abhor me or deride me or ignore me, Mighty mountains loom before me, I And I won't stop now* Na.omi Long Hadgett, Greenwood F.S. ((s). y "" J* Freedom in Mississippi In the middle of the night, a stressive bell of Hope is ringing Everyone is on the eve of fear and success is not yet come Until Everyone Wake up and Speak out in an overcoming voice, the slums will still Remain, Let Not the pulling out of a few go down the whole crowd. if this remains we will forever be under bowed. Life, people, the mysteries of tine, Commencing, ending, but not ending, Understandable but often misunderstood This is the mystery. At times they are both terminated Not by nature but by people This is what mystifies us The mystery is ours, let*s keep its objectives:. ^-^i^/'^ A Leader A leader Is a white mouth I was walking through the Woods —I agree with him— of Green When at that moment of the hour A leader will not take a stand I seem to have seen the figure he sits down, and says yes SIR of a flower —I agree with him— There amongst the Weeds A leader wiH not take a risk Where the..- wind had blowr When everybody else Is taking a Grewjeome stray weeds big and great risk, he is a yes SIR. That had taken root and Grown. —I agree with Mm— A-C-^^ A leader will stand up and be heard, speak of the rights of others -»I boo Mm— A leader will take a1risk even if it is against him, or hurt him I boo him A leader will take mexty beatings or even give. • his life I boo him he is a Fool. ^^J^^^Jk^^J^^—{ 3)0 Afor A)OY£ 1964 FREEDOM SCHOOLS CURRICULUM FOR UNIT VIII "FREEDOM RIDES AND THE SIT INS" SUPPLEMENTARY MATERIALS STEMBRIDGE FREEDOM SCHOOLS CURRICULUM; UNIT VIII SUPPLEMENTARY MATERIALS In order to stimulate the greatest possible interest in the factual material and in ideas presented, teachers should rely a great deal on good and highly relevant supplementary materials - such as filmstrips, movies, books, photo exhibits, tapes, records, songs. There is a wealth of such material on many phases of the civil rights movement. POSSIBLE FILMS FOR USE IN UNIT VIII We'll Never Turn Back: 30 mins. sale price $135 Rent $15 attempt of Negroes in Mississippi to register and vote5 includes movement songs, SNCC workers, familiar scenes. Hand in Hand: 75 mins. rent $25 story of two children, one Jewish and one Catholic, who discover the meaning of prejudice and who - together - begin the resolve the ugly problems of adult society, excellent for general use. They Won't Forget: 94 mins. rent $22.50 a teacher is lynched in the deep South and the story becomes one of the strongest indictments of mob violence and intolerance » ever made. Intruder in the Dust: near-lynching of old Negro man in Miss. small boy intervenes. Story by Faulkner 87 mins. rent $22.50 >* A Raisin in the Sun: 128 mins. rent $25 award-winning play about Negro family in the North. Story by Lorraine Hansberry. The Quiet One: 67 mins. $25 young Negro boy in urban society drifts into delinquency and to a rehabilitation school, commentary by James Agee. (the above films can be ordered from BRANDON FILMS* INC/, 200 West 57th Street, New York 19, New York) Boundary Lines: color 10 min. Highly stylized film with musical background concerned with imaginary lines dividing people. Brotherhood of Man: color 10 min. Animated cartoon based on the pamphlet "Races of Mankind." Points out, with humor, that the differences between races are superficial, accidental, and environmental. (these films can be obtained from the New York Public Library) - 2 POSSIBLE FILMS FOR UNIT VIII (continued) Segregation and the South: sound 1 hour rent $15 Montgomery bus boycottj Clinton, Tennessee? early days of sit-ins; White Citizens' Councils and Ku Klux Klan. (order from Contemporary Films, 13 East 37th Street, New York 16) CORE's movie on Freedom Rides (order from CORE, 38 Park Row, New York 38, New York) RECORDS FOR UNIT VIII The Nashville Sit-in Story: early days of protest in Nashville, songs, courtroom scenes, jail scenes. Freedom in the Air: songs and scenes from Albany, Georgia We Shall Overcome: speeches and songs from March on Washington. (all records can be obtained from SNCC, 8 l/2 Raymond St., Atlanta 14) PUBLICATIONS FOR UNIT VIII Hopefully, it would be possible to obtain copies of most of these publications for students to have them. We should plan to order in bulk for the whole Freedom Schools program} however, these listed are most relevant for Unit VIII. "Jailed in" by Thomas Gaither. CORE April 1961. The Rock Hill story as told by one who was much involved. "Direct Action in the South" SRC NEW SOUTH October-November 1963. documents Feb. 1 1960, Freedom Rides, etc. "Albany - a Study in National Responsibility," by Howard Zinn. SRC 1962 "Waiting Room Practices in 21 Southern Cities" SRC NEW SOUTH March 1960 - whole issue devoted to sit-ins "The Freedom Ride" SRC May 1961 chronology and reactions "The Student Protest Movement: A Recapitulation" SRC summary of sit-in activity from Feb. 1960 to Sept. 1961. "What Price Violence?" University of Mississippi riots. SRC Leadership Reports L-38 1962. "Unfinished Revolution" by Tom Kahn SDS. excellent /%> PUBLICATIONS FOR UNIT VIII (continued) (all SRC » Southern Regional Council - materials are available at a small cost from Southern RegionalCouncil, Five Forsythe Street, Atlant„, Ga.) "In Pursuit of Freedom" by William Mahoney in Liberation Sept. 1961 story of his experiences on the Freedom Rides in Jackson, Birmingham, Parchman Penitentiary, excellent. "The Political Significance of the Freedom Rides" by Tom Kahn for SDS. Order from Students for Democratic Society 112 East 19th Street New York, New York 10003 excellent, advanced. "Tribal Life and the 10-cent Store" by James McBride Dabbs in Presbyterian Outlook March 21, 1960. "Dime Store and Dignity" by James McBride Dabbs in the Nation April 2, 1960. "Southern Students Take Over" by Helen Fuller in The New Republic April 25, 1960o "Lunch-counter Lever: Negro Pickets Spur Use of Economic Power in Integration Battle" Wall Street Journal February 23, 1960. "Revolution in Mississippi" by Tom Hayden. SDS McComb campaign also Pike and Walthall counties. BOOKS FOR UNIT VIII These books can be used by teachers as resource material, and by the students themselves0 Books marked thus (+) should be made available to the students to keep. + King, Martin L. Stride Toward Freedom New York: Harper and Bros. Montgomery bus boycott, philosophy of nonviolence, available in paperback. + Peck, James. Freedom Ride New York: Simon and Shuster 1962 - personal account. Proudfoot, Merrill. Diary of a Sit-in. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press 1962. Knoxville Tennessee sit ins, + Gregg, Richard. The Power of Nonviolence paperback Key, V. 0. Southern Politics + Thoreaa, Henry "Essay on the Duty of Civil Disobedience" paperback + Gandhi, M. K. Satyagraha in South Africa /%4 ^v#(fa,r> ^cfPA y^y^r^Y^ // " 4 " SONGS FOR UNIT VIII "We Shall Overcome" songbook by Guy and Candie Carawan. TKPES AND OTHER MATERIALS Hopefully, we will be able to tape the personal experiences of freedom riders and workers who were in McComb. Since many of those people are with COFO now, this should be possible. We hope to have some photo displays which can be used for most of the units and can be trasported from one school to another} eg. Danny Lyon's work from Mississippi. This will have to be worked out with SNCC and Danny. General displays - clippings and posters, press releases arranged in creative manner; maps, charts - but kept to a minimum; emphasis should be on more creative audio]visual materials. WASHINGTON POST, JULY 20, 1964 Freed QFB 73 4T ti aa _ I ,•,.,,., I One explanation is tliat free- Classes field Outdoors Local 5 f>els Criticized By j rhomas R. Kendnck dom schools funcljon within Projc Now clasf >s are held out workerlc s are sharply staff Reporter , Negro neighborhoods and side under Jie trees or in a critical I . truction in the 7 aw Mis.wJ.vippi bred, Z am'.there is less direct contact small chu.ch when it rains. local school system. Students hssissippi fed, vothing but a;with whites, Results are less But land and t lumber have "just sit and listen'' they say, •ijwor black boy. ^tangible; the danger less im- been donated for a commun sometime: 50 io a class. The. ijj' rl am a Mississippi slave, I] mediate. Many whites simply; ity center and a vacant house average ehi'd, they contend, is Ijie2i be buried in, a Mississippi dismiss the project as "un- holds a library of 4000 vol four years behind his white ijjrmve, nothing but a poor dead important'' or are Confused umes. Northern counterpart. Ipo'y." about its'aims. Only a dozen miles from . "My kids n 'ly got angry at JhAIlTHAGE, Miss., July Iff .. AsidJ: from fostering the Neshoba County, where three first about tl ric poem of the |l|ese words were penned ,h,£e Rs introducing students civil rights workers disap 'Poor Black iloy,' said Allen Iji j • ;• to Negro history and literature peared after inspecting a Gould, 20, of Detroit, a student M a 13-year-old youngster in and explaining the "value and burned freedom school site, at Wayne University wjiose lithe nearby Negro emmunity of responsibility of civil rights,", Harmony expected trouble. A rapid-fire comments are punc tylirmoay two days after the Harmony teachers stress sev-i crude cross was burned in tuated with enthusiasm. ijdpjening of a freedom school, eral goals. front of S. O. Williams's store "We're not black slaves, 'IjTljey are evidence not of Discussion Featured until a downpour doused it. A they said, but one girl got up Resignation but of a develop 5-bound box of nails was and retorted, 'We certainly Basically, one said, "we are strewn along the road. ing revolution. trying to get them to think, to are. Can your father vote? ; For in rural Harmony and Lately it has been quiet, tead of just re- Can he eat where he wants other towns and cities ^^"ilkle Pavlov's dogs. although white teachers com across this orthodox-minded plain of a boycott by Carthage to?' It was quiet for a min .J thi. „rlWW.minri,>,1 SpendinWe wang t llfthea m to examine ({state ft band of 200 summer themselves and their situa businessmen against the Ne ute, then they all started •jprbject workers is quietly but tions—to look at the world gro families that shelter them. thinking out loud. It was {•earnestly shattering the, outside, to understand what In nearby Canton, workers are thrilling." jmyths, traditions and conven whites think about them." moved frequently from house tions that Negro youth has to house to halt abuse French Being Taught The chief tool employed is known for generations. More than 80 students at ""We're using a broad ap-' "discussion" exchanges that proach," Gould emphasized. ;!!' The project workers are tend the : Harmony .School, ^'teachers" although only 40 even most high school seniors "They're learning French, Are full-fledged professionals. obviously find a new and en sometimes: walking two miles too, and public speaking. 1 But all have college training thralling experience. On them or more.' \ don't just give them Wright volunteers bank their hopes of and the steady progress they Myths Attacked and Baldwin, either. I'm using are making without fanfare: Pyramiding support for the Frost and Sandburg, even E. E. stands in sharp contrast to civil rights movement and ere-' Jennie Franklin, 25, a Negro Cummings. It's unorthodox that of coworkers engaged in;atinS atl initiative that will teacher from Houston, Tex., but I feel it's working. They a bitter battle for the ballot Persist when the summer] •whose impish smile masks learned something about the box. ;,eiKis- stubborn determination, said, pressures of conformity from Harmony is several miles "We began by talking about Frost's 'The Road Not Taken' .schools Expanding :from a macadam highway and those myths that Negroes eat and an abstract concept like Voter registration leaders is reached by a dirt lane that watermelon all the time, that 'Obligation' means more after readily concede they have turns to red muck during they're lazy or smell bad or hearing Frost talk of 'prom made little headway in their rain3. There is one store at a arc kin to !apes and can't learn ises to keep.'" bid to "collapse the white crt,ssroad and some m {arm as well as! whites.' Tousling the head of a pass power structure at the polls. ing youngster, Gould wryly re But freedom schools are an- homes scattered over the sur- "Some of my boys and girls other matter. Where 21,rounding countryside. Most really believed they were in called a local newspaper editor schools were planned, 33 have residents eke out a living from ferior. We're trying to get at visiting the project and later that little bit of doubt that writing: "What we are wit sprouted. Where 1000 students Jto and b -f tfl ^ d had been hoped, for. 1050 are they can compete intellectu nessing makes me want to ally with white youngsters— vomit ... It is absolutely enrolled. Daily attendance iS on their own land. Averaging "above 90 per cent." „ A* first the Leake County give them faith in their basic, sickening to see these freak •Oddly, considering the long- School Board told project abilities. ish people as they mingle ruh danger to a rigid social workers they could use an "But so many just can't among the Negroes ... It i; system implicit in such fig- abandoned school in the area, read. Tenth graders stumble not going to be easy but wi ijrbs teachers have cncoun-*DU* reneged after the com- over a second-year reader. must ignore them." tered regular harrassment but munity -turned out to sweep Eighth graders can't do Dick •Said Miss Franklin, quiet little of the violent white re- an(1 scrub the building, and Jane (a basic reader). ly: "They won't be able to action that luis sparked bomb Their grammar is! bad, conju much longer. We are giving, ings, beating and mass arrests gation impossible. Wc work on these kids a start,- they'll on the voting front. all of these." never be the same again. This! isn't something anyone can; just snap off when the sum- mer ends." ' ' Howard Zlan - 1 EDUCATIONAL FROIITIERS IH IIIS.SISSIPPI The triple murder In Mississippi, which shocked the world last sunraer, probably would not have taken place if there had not been plans t o set up a school at tho Mount Zion Baptist near Church ±3L Philadelphia. It was the visit of three young civil rights workers to the bumed-out school site which led them to arrest, and then death. That a school should frighten a band of Americans into committing murder is not totally credible} that those particular killers made a deliberate mental connec tion between their act and the establishment of a "Freedom School" in the area is unllaely. ¥et, there is some subiimnal sense in which education spells danger to certain people at certain times, and what happened in Mississippi lastsumner suggests a continued sensing or peril. What I am concerned with in this article, however, Is not so much the danger which the freedom Schools represented to some In Mississippi, but the promise they initiated for the rest of us, throughout Africa* For eight weeks, over two thous and Begro youngsters, averaging fifteen years of age, but ranging from six to twenty-six and over, went to schools which violated all the rules and regulations of educational orthodoxy. They were taaght by teachers who met no official set of qualifications? they met in church "basements or on. the streets, or in the fields; they came and went without attendance records, grades, or exam inations. Out of it all, when the surrier ended, tiny, Indesc lib able upheavals had occurred in the m'nds of these children. And thousands of people — teachers and s tudents — would never be the same for the experience. It was an experiment whictin i cabnoi t be assessed in the usual terms of "success" and "failut^", and it would be wrong to hail it with an enthusiasm which w^uli then lead it to be judged with traditional criteria. But thai venture of last s uramar- In Miss issippi deserves close attention by all Americans interested in j j I the relationship between education and social change. The idea, and the term "freedom school", were first brought I before the civil rights novepent by a slim Howard university I student named Charles Cobb, fijho several years ago interrupt ed his studies to plunge into th^ Mississippi Delta as a field s ec- reaary for the Student Honsriol^njta, Coordinating Committee. Cobb A pursued his scheme with quiet, Is low persistence, and when plans were laid last fall for a big "Mississippi Summer9, with a thous and or more volunteers %$» arrive in the s tate, Freedom Schools were on the agenda, ^ob M©$es, a Harvard M«A. in philosophy, director of the Mississippi project, nave the idea close attention, aid when northern student s i were recruited during the spring, maay a i // ' of them were told to prepare to be teachers. I The man who took charge of the summer -Freedom School _,rodect for C^Fo (the Council of Federate! Organizations: a union of SHCC, CORE, ajtid other civil^ rights groups in Mississippi) was Staughton Lyrid, one of the, natlonTs most promising young histor ians (whose field, some might have noted warningly, was the American Revolution). Ly4d, a Columbia University Ph«D., had i spent three years in North Georgia in a cooperative rural comm unity, and then three mori years at Spelman College, a Megro women's college in Atlanta!* He had just resigned from Spelman in protest apainst restrictions on the academic freedom of both - 3 « students and faculty, and was then Immediately hired by Yale University. From the orientation session at Oxford, Ohio, in early June, to the end of August, Lynd waa a dyn amo of an administrator, driving into the remotest rural regions of the s tate to keep the schools going. At Oxford, the Freedom School teachers were warned about dlf fi coal ties: "You'll arrive in Ruleville, In the Delta. It will be 100 degrees, and you'll be sweaty and dirty* You won't be able to bathe often or sleep well or eat good food. The first day of school, there may be four teachers and three students. And the local Negro minister will phone to say you can't & use his church basement after all, because his life has been threatened. And the currioulup we've drawn up ¥m Negro history and American government — may be something you know only a little about yourself. Well, you'll knock on doors all day In the hot sun to find students* You'll meet on someone's lawn under a tree. You'll tear up the curriculum, and teach what you know.n They were also told to be prepared for violence. Injury, teachers even death. But not so very soon. The first batch ofi had just left the orientation session for Mississippi when word came that one of the s uramer volunteers (Andrew Goodman), a white community center director (Mickey Schwerner), and a lqcal Meridian Negro youth (James Chaney), were missing. I A publicity stunt, said Mississippi officials. But the SNCC veterans of Mississippi disagreed. "Man, those guys are dead," Jim Forman said. h - The s umraer volunteers got into cars, and into buses, and moved into Mississippi. Two hundred Freedom School teachers spread out xx over the state, from Biloxl in the Gulf Coast up into Ruleville in the Delta, and farther north to Holly Springs, covering twenty-five different comrmnitles. Day by day, more and more Negro kids cane around to the schools, and the expected en rollment of a thousand in the state rose to 1>00, then to 2000. In early August,seven new schools started In Jackson, the state capital, with four hundred more students. One of the Jackson Freedom Schools opened in early August in a church basement just a short walk from th© state COFO office on Lynch Street. Its combination of disorder and Inspir ation was very much like that of the other schools In the state. The "faculty" was more experienced than most: a young high school teacher of English from Vermont acted as "coordinator" — a comb ination of principal, janitor, recreation supervisor, and father- confessor. Another youthful junior high school teacher of math ematics was from Brooklyn j '.here was one college professor of history who had taught a number of years In a Southern Negro college; also, an enthusiastic young woman named Jimay Miller, whose husband, Warren Miller, had written in Theiit Cool World, about young Negro kids not far removed from those attending the Freedom School. The teachers lived in spare roma, or spare corners of rooms, in Negro house* in the neighborhood. Two days before the s chool as set to open, in close to hundred-degree heat, the teachers canvassed the neighborhood for students. Each found a Negro youngster hanging around the COFO office, who agreed t o help canvas, so as to establish from the start that these were friendly visitors walking up on the *$m porches, knocking on the doors, asking: "Do y'all know about the Freedom School starting on Wednesday over at Pratt Memorial Church?" No, they mostly didn't, and so the information passed across the threshold: "It's for teen-age boys and girls, to learn about Negro history, and the Coatitution, and the civil rights movement, and mathematics, and maybe French or Spanish, the way they don't get learning in the regular school." Kids on bicycles stopped, and one friend told another, and the word was passed on. No one paid attention to details like age-requirements, so that at the opening of school, sixty kids showed up, from age six to nineteen; Jim^y Miller marched the six-to-ten children off to a corner, to read with them, and teach them Freedom Son 33, and sound out French words whose English equivalents they had not yet discovered, and painstakingly correct their spelling. With the older ones — fourteen to nineteen — any idea of going in an organised way through an outline of Negro history or American government soon fell. Beyond a core of seven or eight who came faithfully every morning at nine, and stayed until mid-afternoon, they liked, there were a dozen others who came and went as JrtnmraMlxsfcirBBkTx ix So the history prof essss, gradually acclimating hiaiself to the casual wildness of pre-college kids, and also to their marv elous*, uninhibited affection, started each day from where the mood struck him, from sore point to which he thought the student's recog nition might be fastened just long enough to pull them onward. 1 One day, it was an editorial in that morning's Clarlon-Ledner, charging civil rights workers were teaching people to break the law. "What do you think about that editorial? Is it true? If you could write a letter to the editor on It, what would you say?... - 6 - Here's paper and pencil, go ahead. We'll pick out one or two and really send it to the editor." ^his was not education for grades, not writing for teacher's approval, but for an inisadlate use; It X was a learning surrounded with urgency. And the students responded apart with seriousneac, picking xs the Issues? are we for the law? is there a higher law? when is civil disobedience justified? Then the teacher explored with them the differences between statutory law, constitutional law, "natural" law. Another day: the teacher had visited, the previous afternoon, the annual fair held in Neshoba County, where the bodies of the three murdered civil rights workers had just been discovered. A strain of tension and fear pervaded the fair grounds. The teacher reported to his students what speakers had told the crowds that day at the Fair. Governor Pa 1 Johnson had said: "It is not Mississippi's obligation to enforce federal statutes." A repres entative of the John Birch society had said: "I am for the Consti tution, for freedom, for the Open Bible." The students were asked: do you disagree? Aren't you for the Constitution? For Freedom? The discussion became heated. Distinctions were drawn, and became more and more refined, all by the students themselves, the teacher just listening: "Which ^onstitulon does he mean, U.S. or Mississippi? Maybe we're for different parts of the U.S. Constitution. Well, maybe iiie're for the same part, but we interpret it differently." Teachers and | tudents ate lunch together in the church base ment, sang together, then separated into various activities. In a creativevriting class, a teen-age girl named Llllie Mae Powell wrote a poem, The. Negro Soldier: — 7 — One day while I was visiting a certain City this is what I saw, A Negro Soldier with a broken arm who was wounded in the war. The wind was blowing from the North; there was a drizdle of Rain. He was looking from the Last place; his arm was In a sling. The Negro soldier didn't go Home. He was looking to tho east And to the west. His broken arm was in a sling. The Jackson Freedom Schools faced only mild harassment. Early in the session, while canvassing for more students, two youthful teachers — one a slim, blonde Skidmore student — were picked up by the police, held for several hours, then discharged. Violence spluttered around the CQFG office in Jackson one ugly Saturday night: a young man building bookshelves for a Freedom School Bookmobile on the street across from the office was clubbed to the ground by a white man who fled in a ear; a dance hall where teachers and s tudents were s pending the evening was sprayed with bullets by a passing car and a Negro boy was wounded; crosses were burned* But XXKK Jackson was, for Mississippi, peaceful. In the rural areas of the state, the Freedom Schools were in greater danger. A church used as a Freedom School in the little town of Gluckstadt was burned to the ground (when the teachers G arrived on the scene, fifteen youngsters were waiting under a tree for class to begin). A nrthern doctor who spent the s ummer in Mississippi with the movement told of the two white girls who lived alone in a hilltop house out in the country, thirty miles from Canton, and held a Freedom School there. In McComb, so dan erous that the Justice Department pleaded with the Mississippi Project not to send anyone in there, a Freedom School was started by a Washington, D«G, speech teacher, a young Negro named Ra$ph Featherstone. Two days after the first contingent arrived, a bomb exploded In tide midst of sleeping SNCC workers. But a hundred children came regularly to attend the McComb Freedom School. It was the violence that prahbed the headlines, but behind it a phenomenal thing was happening to Mississippi: two thousand young peoplex were having experiences that would, for some in a small way, for some drastically, change their lives. The kind of teaching that was done in the Freedom Schools was, despite its departure from ||pfcho<$oxy — or, more 1 lice ly, because of it — just about the best kind there is. For the teachers were1||elected, not by any mechanical set of requirements, but on the basis of general intelligence, enthusiasm, and the kind of social conscience that would drive them so spends hot summer in Mississippi without pay. They taught, not out of text books, but out of the stuff of life, trying constantly t o link the daily hea lines with the best and deepst of man's intellectual tradition. - a - Their object was not to cram a prescribed amount of factual material into young minds, but to give them that first look into new worlds which would, if not Immediately, son© day soon, lead them to books and people and ideas not found in the everyday lives of Mississippi Negroes. They didn't always succeed in this, but even their failures were warmed by the affection that sprang up everywhere between teachers and s tudents — both aware that they talked with one another ins5.de a common cradle of concern. One afternoon in Jackson, a visiting folk singer brought the students of a Freedom School out into the s un-baked street back of the church, x formed them Into a huge circle, and taught them danc e-chant an Israeli xxExxxsaxxrawm imploring the heavens for rain t o aelp the harvest. Older Negroes passed by, sat on porches, listened to their children utter strange words and dance this strange dance; but the young ones seemed, to understand, and they were beginning, for the first time an their lives, to reach beyond their street, beyond their state, to xxxSaxx join in some universal plea, A Stanford university professor of ^nglish told how hard he had to work to make contact with these youngx boys and girls, so different from his regular students. But it came. He walked into class, put them at ease with some foolery, got them to talk about the events In the morning newspaper. Then: lfWho would like to read a story?" One girl stubbornly had her back to the class. He asked her to read and she turned around. "She then read this story by Eudora Welty, 'The Worn Path', and read it beautifully; it could have been a staged performance. And this was- - 10 - back of the church, the only ^lace we had for my class, with the noise of traffic all around. " X When the girl finished reading, the teacher asked the class: "Did you like the story?" There was a chorus: Yes I ?Why?" They responded. He told them aboutsubject and plot, about description and dialogue, and how one analyzes a story to see what its made of. He asked how the story made them feel, and one sad sad, and another said it made her laugh, and he asked how could a story do both at the same time, and spoke to them of .irony. "God, how they • understood!" read He bridged what they read and how they lived. He xxxaat to them from Ralph EinSon's Invisible Man. This was written, he said, out of a Negro boy's personal experience. "How I'll tell you a story of my personal experience." And he told of a wartime incid ent involving himself and Negro soldiers, in Charles on, South Carolina. And then, to the class: "Who else wants to tell a personal story?" The next day, one girl brought in a story which, he realised, was as good prose as any Stanford freshman he had encount ered. And so, literature was read and created at the same time. The teacher shook his head: "it made you want to cry to think how much these kids had, and what little they had been getting." Classes ware crucibles. Discussions of democracy, of the philosophy of non-violence, were hardly academic. In one s chool in Jackson, the class met to dlect delegates to a convention of all Jackson Freedom Schools. An older fellow named Jimmy, age 2lj., had been hangln.p around the class for the past few days. He had spoken breezily of recently spending three years in jail for a knifing. The teacher suggested that Jimmy sit up at the desk - 11 - and chair the meeting. He laughed and complied. "Okay, now, I'll choose the delegates," he announced. There were objections from all over thex room: "We've got to elect theml" They struggled through nominations, seconds, balloting. And so the meeting went on, in a painful learning of democratic procedure, "What kind of resolutions are we going to propose to the convention?" a girl asked. One was su ested: "If any kid is treated brutally in school in Jackson, all the kids in the Jackson schools walk out; we'll have a chairman in each school; wewon't act just on say-so; we'll get written affidavits and witnesses before we take action. It's something like a student union." The teacher was curious: "Do students get beaten up In your schools?" A girl answered: her principal had beaten a boy until he bled. Jimmy then told xedat how he'd been beaten by a teacher when he was younger. And how then he and friends had found the teacher alone and taken revenge, "We had a nice understanding after that." He hesitated. "But I don't know what I'd do now. You know this non-violence we're talking about. If 11 happened now I might beat hi a. Or I night just laugh and go away. I was young then and full of hate. At that time, I see something I want, I take it. Now, I ask. It's the movement I guess....I want my son to come up different." Role-playing was used very often in the Freedom Schools. "Kids that age are natural actors," a teacher explained."And it puts them in other people's shoes. We don't want to win e asy arguments over straw foes. T ey have got to be tough thinkers, tough arguers." TbB teacher listed on the blackboard Barry Gold- — 12 «* water's reasons for voting against the flivll lights Bill* 1. It Is unconstitutional. 2, No law will end prejudice. £x(We cannot pass a law that will make you like me or me 1 lice you". 3. It can't be enforced. I}.. It violates the idea of saates' rights. The class went over the arguments, with one boy portraying Goldwater, and defending his points powerfully, another trying to break them down. Otside on the street, in front of the building,a short, energetic,red-headed teacher was pointing to a blackboard propped up in the sun, the kids sitting In rows in the shade of the build ing. "Okay, we can build any kind of a comaunity we want, now. Lhat will the rules be?" Here was a portentous kind of teaching, but a kind the Scho Is fostered: constantly talking with students not just about what Is., but about what should be. A Harvard graduate in literature who had heen. a teacher in Israel worked in aVicksburg Freedom School . "It was hard. Youngsters hung around the s chool, slept there, Svery morning, to start class,they were like corpses on the floor. You had to clean them out. The school was cramped, noisy, ^e used role- playing a lot. Kids would poraray three generations of Negro families, and we learned history that way. we sat in a circle rather than the usual classroom format, to stress the equality of teacher and student. I read to them from Thomas Wolfe's *fou Can't Go Home Again, and from Martin Luther King's I Have a Dream, xxx then had them write speeches as if they were Senators urgin passage of the Civil Rights Bill. I tried to extend the idea of oppression beyond race, "If you pick on a small kid with glasses - 13 - and beat him up, aren't you acting the same as these white segregationists?* I asked them," He described children In Israel, read the Song of Songs to the class. "They loved It." One teacher spent a whole hour w Ith his students discussing the word "skeptical". He told them: "This Is a Freedom School", and we whouldx mean what we say. We should feel free to Ifchink as xe want, question whomever we like, whether it's our parents, our ministers, our teachers — yes, me, right here, Don't take my word for things. Check up on them. Be skepfc IcaJL" It was a new way of looking at the classroom for these youngsters. They told how in their high school in Jackson the classrooms were wired so that at the flick of a switch thesprlncipal could listen in on any class in the school j teachers were afraid to discuss contro- versial subjects. The £SSfe h^nde girl from Skidmore College taught French to teen-agers in her Freedom School, "I try to do the whole class in French, use pmtomine a lot,...I soon realized these kids had never had contact with a white person before; maybe that's the greatest thing a bout this whole experience. If nothing else is accomplished, it's been a meeting, for both student and teacher.... We have a Freedom Hour at eleven every morning. They run it them selves, make their own rules .n She was asked if the Freedom Schools were not, in fact, Indoctrinating the children. She paused. "Yes, x2 suppose so. But I can't think of anything better to Indoctrinate them with. Freedom. Justice. The Golden Rule. Isn't there.s orae core of belief a school should stand by?" - llj. — XJUf •••!•!• A green-eyed, attractive Radliccfe graduate, interpreter nor for an international agency, xiiose field was Latin-American history, with not a day of teaching experience or e ducation x courses to her credit, went to work in a Freedom School. "My kids were nine to thirteen. I told them about the Spanish back ground of ^egro slaves In the United States, about the Caribbean Islands and the slave plantation system as it developed there, and compared that system with the one in the English colonies. I spoke to them about life in Brazil, about the multi-racial s ocietiesin Latin America where people get along fine, I told them a bout the problems of kids their age in Venezuela, in Puerto Rico (where I've spent some time). You, it did something for them psycholog ically to know that there are people in the world worse off than they arei" With no strict curriculum to follow, the unexpected was ut ilized. A class held out in the sun would take advantage of the people passing by, draw them intodiscussions. One day, three Negro women came by who'd just been trying to register to vote and had been rebuffed. The teacher beckoned: "Come over here and tell my students what happened." And so the students learned about the regis t rat in procedure, about voting, about what to tell their parents about going down to register. The middle-aged Negro woman spoke to them, her anger still fresh, told them they must become educated if they wanted to change things. It was risky, teaching without an ordered curriculum. And because it was risky, the RadsUffe girl said, it led to treasire*. m 15 * "I could experiment, do what I wan tod, try things completely new, because I had no one to answer to, no reports to make. Nothing could happen to me or to these young people that would leave us xv'orse off than before. And I could go off on tangents whenver I wanted, something I'd be afraid to do in a regular school set-up. Wherever thoughts and discussion led, we followed. There was nothing ve didn't dare turn to." The road froa study to actiomwas short. Those who attended the Schools began to come to mass rallies,to canvass for regist ration of voters, to question things around them for the first time. In Shaw County, "out in the rural", when the regular s chool began Its session in August (for Negro children in the Delta, schools open in August to make them available for cotton picking in the fall), white Freedom School teachers were turned away from the regular school cafeteria, *he e some atudents had invited them to a lunch. The students then boycotted the school and flocked in larger numbers to the local Freedom School. The Freedom Schools* challenge to the s ocial structure of Mississippi was obvious from the start. Its challenge to American education as a whole is more subtle. There is, to begin with, the XKK very suggestion that an entire school system can be created in any community outside the offidal order, and critical of its suppositions. But beyond that, there are othe questions nosed by the Mississippi experiment of last summer. Can we, somehow, bring teachers ana students together, not through the xxxxx artificial sieve of certification and e xaraiiKblon, but on the basis of their common attraction to an exciting social m 16 * goal? Can we solve the old educational problem of how to teach children crucial values, while avoiding blind acceptance of the teacher's precepts? Can this be done by honestly accepting as an educational oal that we want to make better human beings in the rising generation lhan \m had in the last, and that this requires a forthright declaration that the educational process cherishes equality, justice, compassion, and world brotherhood? Is It possible to deliberately create a hunger for those goals through the most fierce argument about x^hether or not they are worthwhile? And cannot the schools have a running, no-Ideas-barred exchange of views about alternative ways to those goals? Is there, in the floating, prosperous, nervous American social order of the Sixties, a national equivalent -^ffoy-the excite ment of the eivil rights movement, strong enough in Its pull to create a learning motivation that even the enticements of monetary success cannot match? Can tea hers and students In the nation — paying no attention to certification, degrees, and the paraphernalia of the regular school establishment — be enlisted in the educatioifcl eqa Ivalent of war? Would it be possible to declare boldly that the aim of the schools is to find solutions for poverty, for Injustice, for race and national hatred, and turn an educational efforts Into a national striving for those s olutlons? people Perhaps xkxxrrHKtanx can begin, here and there (not waiting for the government, but leading it) to set up more yardsticks, imperfect but suggestive, like the one lastsumaer in Mississippi. Education can, and should, be dangerous, # # # August 29, 1964 NATIONAL GUARDIAN 5 A DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE FROM THE MISSISSIPPI WAY OF LIFE ni hookw open a door to the world Freedom School theme by a 10-year-oid in Hattiesburg, Mississippi: old) and "Freedom is like when you bombed out Freedom House. When Joyce's "Well, it was this bus hriver, I was on the first straight seat on the bus, and make $40 a week and a white man with poem was read to a secret meeting of a he told, me to move back. I said, '1 will not. I paid a dime and two pennies for a the same job makes $100, you should make dozen Negro businessmen, they were transfer and I'm not moving.' He said, 'You know white people must get on this $100" (a 10-year-oid in Jackson), moved to tears and a home was found bus-' I said, 'You know colored people must get on this bus, too.'" They were students who, like those In for the school and its 100 students. the rural community of Carthage, where PROBLEMS WERE SIMILAR elsewhere." By Joanne Grant trine: "As a permanent member of the there is no Negro public school, were ex When the Freedom School staff arrived Guardian staff cosrespondent Negro race I'm sick and tired of any posed in Freedom. School to E. E, Cum in Carthage, the entire Negro commun JACKSON, MISS. thing that smacks of paternalism." mings and James Joyce's Portrait of the ity was assembled at. the church to greet, .CROSS THE STATE youngsters ex Other resolutions sought solutions for Artist as a Young Man. When this re them. Two days later the staff was evict pressed similar attitudes in the Miss every discriminatory practice in the life porter visited the Meridian school, the ed from the school; the community again issippi Summer Project's Freedom School of the Mississippi Negro, One on hous French class was discussing existential appeared with pick-up trucks to help classes, in poetry, in school newspapers. ing, for example, called for a building ism and reading aloud Jean Paul Sartre's move the library to a new school. Then The impact of the program on the state's code with these minimum requirements: The Respectful Prostitute. They were the Carthage community began build educaaonally-deprived Negro youngsters "A complete bathroom unit, a kitchen students who, like Joyce Brown, wrote ing its own community center to house was readily apparent at a convention held sink, a central heating system, insulated poetry. Joyce, who began voter regis a library, a winter Freedom School and at the end of the second session Aug. 8 walls and ceilings, laundry room, pan tration canvassing at 12. is now a 16- adult classes. in Meridian, Miss. At the convention, try space, an adequate wiring system pro year-old Freedom School student in Mc organized and run b£ the students, were viding for at least three electrical out Comb and chairman of the Freedom Among the results of the summer's about 75 delegates from 41 Freedom lets in the living room and kitchen end School convention. She wrote in "House Freedom School program has been the Schools with a registered attendance of unifying of Negro communities in many areas. In addition, the program has pro 2,135. They adopted a platform—with a vided a glimpse of a far broader world program for "our state, our nation and for its 2,000 Negro students. It has been our world" with resolutions on subjects a small bridge with white Mississippians ranging from medical care to foreign af (white children attended Freedom Schools fairs. They also resolved that "copies of for short periods in Vicksburg and Holly this platform be sent to the President, Springs). It has helped develop local every Congressman, the Library oi" Con young Negro leadership. It has taught gress, the Governor and every member of young Americans from other parts oi the Mississippi legislature." the country that, as the Freedom School Resolutions had been drawn up by the convention theme put it: Freedom is a students in each school before the con struggle, vention, then were consolidated into a platform by delegates at workshops on AS THE SECOND of the summer's ses voter registration, medical care, housing, sions ended, plans were being developed education, jobs, federal aid and foreign for the schools to continue through the affairs. There was vigorous discussion, winter in each of the state's 25 summer both, in workshops and in plenary ses project areas. Half of the budget of sions, which expressed the essence of the $100,000 will provide scholarships for Freedom school aim of freeing the chil- volunteers who give up a year of college "areiT iroiu Uii' .sUk-au'ca t,i th" Jlt'^n— *", *-"?"*'