Facilitation Guide Gender-Sensitive Conflict Analysis
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Saferworld-In-Kenya.Pdf
SAFERWORLDKenya Introduction Kenya is a multi-ethnic country that experiences several It is ten years since Kenya adopted a new constitution that set Competition between communities and clans We have suffered all forms of types of overlapping conflict. These include conflict over in motion a devolution of power to newly created counties. for political supremacy has characterised the conflicts! And now the political landscape since independence and resources, cycles of election-related violence, sexual and The outcomes of devolution so far have been mixed. While al-Shabaab attacks have made gender-based violence, increasing numbers of attacks there have been benefits, it has also created new centres of remains the major challenge to stability in Kenya. by non-state armed groups, and violence associated with power, and some communities remain marginalised from Violence involving non-state armed groups also it worse. In fact, the focus law enforcement, including extra-judicial killings by the political processes. This has led to conflicts both within undermines stability, both in coastal and north- now is not on ethnic conflict police and attacks on police officers. counties over local political positions and between counties eastern areas of the country and increasingly anymore, the main source of over access to natural resources, while weak accountability in urban areas. The impact of the novel coronavirus (COVID-19) has reinforced threat now is al-Shabaab. mechanisms have allowed corruption to thrive. Large-scale these conflict dynamics. For instance, sexual and gender- infrastructure projects and oil and gas exploration have taken A member of the National Assembly, Mandera North, based violence (including by law enforcement officers) during a donor consultative meeting, February 2020. -
Negotiating Peace in Sierra Leone: Confronting the Justice Challenge
Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue rDecembeerp 2007 ort Negotiating peace in Sierra Leone: Confronting the justice challenge Priscilla Hayner Report The Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue is an independent and impartial foundation, Contents based in Geneva, that promotes and facilitates 1. Introduction and overview 5 dialogue to resolve armed conflicts and reduce civilian suffering. 2. Background to the 1999 talks 8 114, rue de lausanne 3. Participation in the Lomé talks: April–July 1999 10 ch-1202 geneva 4. Amnesty in the Lomé process and Accord 12 switzerland The context 12 [email protected] t: + 41 22 908 11 30 Rapid agreement on a blanket amnesty 13 f: +41 22 908 11 40 A second look at the amnesty: was it unavoidable? 16 www.hdcentre.org The amnesty and the UN and other international participants 17 © Copyright 5. Other justice issues at Lomé 19 Henry Dunant Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue, 2007 A Truth and Reconciliation Commission 19 Reproduction of all or Provisions for reparations 20 part of this publication The security forces and demobilisation of combatants 20 may be authorised only Reaching an agreement on power-sharing 21 with written consent and acknowledgement of the 6. After the agreement: a difficult peace 22 source. Slow implementation and near collapse of the accord 23 The International Center The Special Court for Sierra Leone 25 for Transitional Justice Implementing the Truth and Reconciliation Commission 26 assists countries pursuing Judicial reform efforts 28 accountability for past mass Creation of a new Human Rights Commission 28 atrocity or human rights abuse. It assists in the development Demobilisation, and reform of the armed forces and police 29 of integrated, comprehensive, and localized approaches to 7. -
Written Evidence Submitted by Saferworld
NSM0016 Written evidence submitted by Saferworld Introduction 1. When the Integrated Security, Defence and Foreign Policy Review (or Integrated Review) is published, the UK Government will have to begin the much harder, and more important task of implementing it. This requires moving beyond positive policy documents to ensure the mechanisms of government work effectively. Given that, this submission will explore: how the UK can make more coherent policy; how the UK can measure success; and the role of oversight. 2. In doing so, this submission focuses on four of the questions posed by the Committee in its Call for Evidence: How well the National Security Council and/or Cabinet Office ensures that preparedness plans are resourced and exercised, and how their lessons are learned/implemented? How the NSC maintains its centrality in the policy-making process, sets ministerial direction and oversees implementation of national security decisions? The role of key government departments and agencies in national security policy-making. The coherence of the NSC committee structures, as reshaped in this parliament and further revised to address Covid. Key points Addressing divergences in language, culture and planning processes between departments will be important for creating more coherent foreign policy – as will ensuring the long-term vision and approach of the Department for International Development (DfID) is not lost with the merger. Continued problems remain in measuring the impact of UK activities. The focus on short-term objectives (such as building influence or countering certain armed groups), can hinder the ability to measure the UK’s impact on the drivers of instability. -
Life on the Boundary Line the Future of Security in Shida Kartli
REPORT Life on the boundary line The future of security in Shida Kartli Malte Viefhues and David Wood October 2010 Life on the boundary line The future of security in Shida Kartli Malte Viefhues and David Wood SAFERWORLD OCTOBER 2010 Acknowledgements This report was written by Malte Viefhues and David Wood. It is based on quantitative and qualitative data gathered by the Caucasus Research Resource Centers (CRRC) in July and August 2010 as part of Saferworld’s regional programme to increase under- standing of, and responsiveness to, the safety and security needs of conflict-affected communities. In Shida Kartli, Saferworld is working in partnership with the Caucasus Institute for Peace Democracy and Development (CIPDD). Activities in Shida Kartli, including this report, have been funded by the European Union through the Instrument for Stability. This report was copy-edited by Emily Speers Mears. © Saferworld, October 2010. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without full attribution. Saferworld welcomes and encourages the utilisation and dissemination of the material included in this publication. Contents Executive summary i The needs of conflict-affected communities i Personal safety and the role of security providers ii The potential for increased tension and a return to violence ii Contact, trust and confidence across the divide iii 1. Introduction 1 Community-based approaches to security 2 Research areas 2 2. The needs of conflict-affected communities 4 Who lives in the communities and how do they live? 4 What are the critical needs facing communities? 6 How is the situation in communities changing? 8 Summary and conclusions 9 3. -
Cover A4 Eng
February 2007 Small arms and human security in Kosovo An agenda for action VENDiSIGURTË BEZBEDNOMESTO S A F E P L A C E The Forum for Civic Initiatives (FIQ) is a Kosovar non-governmental organisation promoting the involvement of Kosovar citizens in social and decision-making processes through programmes designed to focus attention on the values and functioning of an open and democratic society. Saferworld is an independent non-governmental organisation that works with governments and civil society internationally to research, promote and implement new strategies to increase human security and prevent armed violence. Small arms and human security in Kosovo An agenda for action Acknowledgements This briefing note was prepared by Astrit Istrefi (Forum for Civic Initiatives) and Anna Richards, Simon Rynn, Henry Smith and Juliana Sokolová (Saferworld). SAFEPLACE | Building security in Kosovo 3 1. Introduction There can be no doubt that the proliferation and study jointly conducted by the non-governmental misuse of small arms and light weapons (SALW) organisations Forum for Civic Initiatives (FIQ) and poses a fundamental challenge to the stability of Saferworld between February and June 2006 at Kosovo. This challenge will come into sharper the request of the United Nations Development focus as the decision on Final Status approaches. Programme (UNDP) Kosovo and the South Eastern Underlying this is the fact that exercising control and Eastern Europe Clearinghouse for the Control over SALW in Kosovo since the end of the conflict of Small Arms -
We Won't Wait: As War Ravages Yemen, Its Women Strive to Build
OXFAM AND SAFERWORLD BRIEFING PAPER 30 JANUARY 2017 An Oxfam Community Health Volunteer speaks at a public health promotion event to celebrate Global Handwashing Day in Taiz. Photo: Oxfam WE WON’T WAIT As war ravages Yemen, its women strive to build peace Conflict in Yemen has left thousands dead, millions homeless or hungry, and an economy in ruins. But hopes for peace talks are fading and a new approach is needed. Women and girls are particularly affected by the conflict and have a crucial role to play in building peace at the local level. Despite some efforts to assist them, women are not receiving enough practical support and diplomatic commitment. Such backing is necessary to bridge the gap between local, national and international peace talks. This is essential for a viable and inclusive peace process that yields lasting results. www.oxfam.org SUMMARY ‘I hope my children are able to return home and complete their schooling. I don’t want them to become soldiers to kill other people, even if they are their enemies,’ says Asmaa, a mother of three forced from her home due to intense cross-border fighting between Yemen and Saudi Arabia. The current conflict between the internationally recognized government (supported by a coalition of Arabian Gulf states led by Saudi Arabia), and opposition forces known as the Houthis (supported by the General People’s Council, or GPC, which is affiliated with the previous president Ali Abdullah Saleh), has resulted in a humanitarian catastrophe that will be felt for decades. More than 10 million Yemenis are in acute need of humanitarian aid. -
Towards an International Arms Trade Treaty (ATT)
Towards an International Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) “The idea is simple: require our countries not to transfer weapons to states, groups or individuals if there is reason to believe the weapons will be used to violate human rights or existing international law… An Arms Trade Treaty would make legal ties out of the moral ties by which we already know we must abide.” Dr. Óscar Arias Sánchez, Nobel Laureate and President of Costa Rica The need for an ATT None of the major challenges facing the international community today, from the humanitarian disaster in Darfur, to combating the threat of terrorism and improving prospects for development in Africa, can be resolved without controlling the spread of armaments. With no international legally-binding controls on the import and export of arms, weapons are able to move easily across the world to regions of conflict and to countries notorious for human rights abuses. An ATT would fill this gap, helping to prevent weapons being so easily transferred across the globe. What would an ATT do? An ATT would establish legally-binding international controls, based on existing commitments under international law, on the import and export of arms and set out a practical mechanism for their application. Recent progress towards achieving an ATT Last year, 153 governments voted in favour of a resolution mandating a start to international discussions on an ATT. Proposed by the UK and six other states, this landmark resolution sets out a process for the UN to consider the scope, feasibility and draft parameters of a legally-binding ATT. -
Conflict Analysis of Liberia
Conflict analysis of Liberia February 2014 Siân Herbert About this report This rapid review provides a short synthesis of the literature on conflict and peace in Liberia. It aims to orient policymakers to the key debates and emerging issues. It was prepared for the European Commission’s Instrument for Stability, © European Union 2014. The views expressed in this report are those of the author, and do not represent the opinions or views of the European Union, the GSDRC, or the partner agencies of the GSDRC. The author extends thanks to Dr Mats Utas (The Nordic Africa Institute), who acted as consultant and peer reviewer for this report. Expert contributors Dr Thomas Jaye (Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping Training Centre) Diego Osorio (former United Nations Mission in Liberia) Dr Sukanya Podder (Cranfield University) Dr Alexander Ramsbotham (Conciliation Resources) Eric Werker (Harvard Business School) Craig Lamberton (USAID) Julia Escalona (USAID) Tiana Martin (USAID) Suggested citation Herbert, S. (2014). Conflict analysis of Liberia. Birmingham, UK: GSDRC, University of Birmingham. About GSDRC GSDRC is a partnership of research institutes, think-tanks and consultancy organisations with expertise in governance, social development, humanitarian and conflict issues. We provide applied knowledge services on demand and online. Our specialist research team supports a range of international development agencies, synthesising the latest evidence and expert thinking to inform policy and practice. GSDRC, International Development Department, College of Social Sciences University of Birmingham, B15 2TT, UK www.gsdrc.org [email protected] Conflict analysis of Liberia Contents 1. Overview 1 2. Conflict and violence profile 2 3. Principal domestic actors 4 3.1 Political personalities and parties 3.2 Principal security actors 3.3 Ex-combatants and ex-commanders 3.4 Civil society organisations 4. -
Policy Brief and Accompanying Report Were Drawn from Security and Livelihoods
peOpLe’s peacemaKIng perspectIves may 2012 nagorny Karabakh conflict and frontline areas Over the past twO decades progress on finding a resolution to the Nagorny Karabakh Key OutcOmes (NK) conflict has proved elusive. The unresolved conflict continues to evolve and pose persistent n cBms need to happen, where and shifting challenges on the ground, including insecurity, long-term displacement, ingrained possible, independently of the mistrust and serious limits on development and regional opportunities. Since fighting ended broader more intractable political in 1994, there has been an uneasy situation of ‘no war, no peace’ between Armenians and frameworks, to help create the Azerbaijanis. conditions for a sustainable peace agreement. The geography of the NK conflict has resulted in two distinct border contexts (see map). One features a heavily militarised and entrenched Line of Contact (LOC) along a fiercely contested n the eu can and should play a de facto border deep inside internationally recognised Azerbaijani territory, where mostly one more active role in promoting the side (Azerbaijan) has a civilian population. The second features civilian populations living on practical benefits of cBms for either side of the state border between Armenia and Azerbaijan, which although also closed conflict-affected people, as part of and militarised is less tense and offers more opportunities for mutually beneficial cooperation. its support for the OSCE Minsk Group, and challenge more the use of militant This brief highlights the potential for a number of key confidence building measures (CBMs); rhetoric. both military (joint investigation, sniper withdrawal) and civilian (resource management). n Local people living near the Line of Military CBMs are clearly required and expected by the international community; without contact require special attention cooperation on them, the sides are only undermining their own international standing. -
Whatsapp Peacebuilding Courses: Strengthening the Role of Young People in Kyrgyzstan
Project profile WhatsApp peacebuilding courses: strengthening the role of young people in Kyrgyzstan Introduction In 2018 Saferworld, the International Debate Education Association Central Asia, International Center Interbilim and Foundation for Tolerance International – with the support of the United Nations Peacebuilding Fund – launched a project to strengthen the role of young people in Kyrgyzstan to promote peace and security. The project aims to facilitate safe dialogue spaces for young women and men in Kyrgyzstan to collectively identify and articulate their peace and security concerns, support youth to advocate for action and accountability from their authorities, and create opportunities for their meaningful participation in decision-making processes. The project also aims to facilitate the youth-led report in Kyrgyzstan on young people’s perceptions of the government’s progress on goals related to youth, gender, peace and security under the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. To ensure that the project supports as many young people as possible, including in remote areas of Kyrgyzstan, Saferworld aims to run peacebuilding courses via WhatsApp for 100–180 young people aged between 17 and 25. Project WhatsApp peacebuilding courses: Background strengthening the role of young people in Kyrgyzstan Young people, who constitute more than a third of Kyrgyzstan’s population, face various challenges including a lack of employment and development opportunities, Project locations limited access to services, and marginalisation within their Osh, Batken, Jalal-Abad and Chui districts communities. Living in this environment, young women and men appear to be excluded from major socio-economic and political life in Kyrgyzstan, and are often divided along Donor geographical, ethnic, religious and gender lines. -
The Arms Trade Treaty Working to Prevent BRIEFING Armed Violence
2008 Y ar U febr “The idea is simple: require our countries not to transfer weapons to states, groups or individuals if there is reason to believe the weapons will be used to violate human rights or existing international law… An Arms Trade Treaty would make legal ties out of the moral ties by which we already know we must abide.” Dr Óscar Arias Sánchez, Nobel Laureate and President of Costa Rica The Arms Trade Treaty Working to prevent BRIEFING armed violence This briefing summarises the progress made so far conventional arms transfer controls at sub-regional and regional levels. on reaching an international Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) An effective, legally-binding ATT would and outlines the next steps of the process for 2008. ensure that these existing efforts are not undermined by the lack of a consistent, comprehensive global framework. States have a right to self-defence and regions have agreements in place to a legitimate need to retain arms for regulate the international transfer of “…the absence of a universal defence and security. However, the arms, many of these fail to fully reflect and inclusive system assuring irresponsible and poorly regulated trade states’ obligations under international high basic standards governing in arms fuels conflict, destabilises entire law and are often poorly enforced. regions, undermines sustainable develop- There is also a significant number of the import, export and transfer ment and contributes to human rights states that are not party to any regional of conventional arms is a abuses and violations of international or multilateral agreements to control the contributory factor to conflict, humanitarian law. -
Paix Sans Frontières Building Peace Across Borders
ISSUE ISSUE 22 Accord 22 Accord edited by an international review of peace initiatives Alexander Ramsbotham Paix sans frontières and I William Zartman 2011 building peace across borders ISSUE Paix sans frontières Armed confl ict does not respect political or territorial 22 22 boundaries. It forms part of wider, regional confl ict systems. building peace But there is a policy gap across borders and in borderlands 2011 where statehood and diplomacy can struggle to reach, across borders as confl ict response strategies still focus on the nation state as the central unit of analysis and intervention. This twenty-second publication in Conciliation Resources’ Accord series addresses this gap. It looks at how peacebuilding strategies and capacity can ‘think outside the state’: beyond the state, through regional engagement, and below it, through cross-border community or trade networks. building peace across borders across peace building “In many of today’s wars, violence is driven in part by cross- border regional confl ict dynamics. And, as this important new publication from Conciliation Resources makes clear, failure to take the regional dimension of civil wars into account increases the risk that peacebuilding strategies will fail. What is needed, in addition to the statebuilding policies that are now de rigeur in post-confl ict environments, are strategies that address cross- border confl ict dynamics with the relevant regional states and cross-border communal engagement.” Andrew Mack, Director of the Human Security Report Project (HSRP) at Simon Fraser University and a faculty member of the university’s School for International Studies. Conciliation Resources is an international non-governmental organisation that works in fragile and confl ict-affected states to prevent violence, promote justice and transform confl ict into opportunities for development.