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Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography (PMHB), LCIII (1939), 294-301, but It Is Narrowly Conceived and Contains Serious Errors

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Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography (PMHB), LCIII (1939), 294-301, but It Is Narrowly Conceived and Contains Serious Errors PennsylvaniTHE a Magazine OF HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY Power, Justice, and Foreign Relations in the Confederation Period: The Marbois-Longchamps Affair, 1784-1786 ISTORIANS of the early Republic who have not ignored the Marbois-Longchamps Affair altogether have dismissed the case as being at best a minor diplomatic episode in the H 1 history of the young nation and at worst a trivial incident. However, a close examination of the political, legal, and diplomatic repercus- sions created by Charles Julian de Longchamps' assault upon the French Consul, Francois Barbe de Marbois, suggests that it played 1 Works which pay some heed to the affair include Robert L. Brunhouse, The Counter- Revolution in Pennsylvania, 1776-1790 (Harrisburg, 1942), 148-149, 275-276, and Thomas R. Meehan, "The Pennsylvania Supreme Court in the Laws and the Commonwealth, 1776-1790" (doctoral dissertation, University of Wisconsin, 1960), 393-401. The standard account is Alfred Rosenthal, "The Marbois-Longchamps Affair," Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography (PMHB), LCIII (1939), 294-301, but it is narrowly conceived and contains serious errors. E. Wilson Lyon's The Man Who Sold Louisiana: The Career of Francois Barbe-Marbois (Norman, OkL, 1942), concentrates on Marbois' role but makes no effort to examine state and congressional materials. Professors Rowe and Knott wish to thank Becky Richards Edgerton and Edward Van der Maas for their help in translating foreign language materials, and to acknowledge the financial support of a University of Northern Colorado Research and Publications Committee grant. 275 276 G. S. ROWE WITH ALEXANDER W. KNOTT July an important role in the shaping of Pennsylvania's constitutional arrangements at a crucial moment in that state's history. A careful exploration of its ramifications suggests, too, that few events in Pennsylvania during the Confederation Era did more to lay bare the difficulties faced by citizens of that state in their strivings to formalize republican ideals and practices and, so far as they could influence the tone and direction of American diplomacy, to promote foreign relations based on those enlightened concepts.2 Despite having achieved remarkable successes by 1784, the Amer- ican Confederation remained beset by problems. The power of Congress dwindled in that year as did the number of members in attendance. Congressional foreign policy remained tentative and its strategy for defining the powers of foreign diplomatic personnel and for protecting their persons and property continued largely un- formed. To what extent the young Republic recognized the law of nations was still virtually uncharted. Denied power to raise revenue or to secure acceptable foreign trade agreements, unable to pay its debts, faced with a nagging depression and fearful lest England undermine Franco-American friendship and successfully wed her former colonies once again to her interests, Congress gave every sign of becoming an "Invisible State." Strains between Congress and the states contributed their own force to Congress' deterioration throughout 1784. Longtime congressional disagreements with Penn- sylvania officials, for instance, led the national government in June 1783 to desert Philadelphia in favor of a series of temporary resi- dences. As Congress assumed what one foreign minister termed its "ambulatory character," states looked to their own resources for solutions to their problems.3 2 Studies of early American republicanism and the implications of republican values and assumptions for America's domestic and foreign policies are numerous and increasing rapidly. Although now outdated, the best survey of the literature remains Robert E. Shalhope's "Towards a Republican Synthesis: The Emergence of an Understanding of Republicanism in American Historiography," William and Mary Quarterly, XXIV (1972), 49-89. The emergence of, and changes in, America's republican ideas are traced in detail in Gordon S. Wood, The Creation of the American Republic, 1776-1787 (Chapel Hill, 1969). 3 Edmund C. Burnett, The Continental Congress (New York, 1941), 573-612; H. James Henderson, Party Politics in the Continental Congress (New York, 1974), 340-343, 350-377; Charles Thomson to Thomas Hardy, July 2,1784, Edmund C. Burnett, ed., Letters of Members of the Continental Congress (Washington, 1921-1936), VIII, 846-847, hereinafter cited as LMCC; Brunhouse, Counter-Revolution in Pennsylvania, 138-140. Also see James H. Fowler, 1980 THE MARBOIS-LONGCHAMPS AFFAIR 277 Yet confusion and turmoil were not strangers to individual states. Pennsylvania was more openly torn than most. Myriad political, constitutional, legal and social issues divided state leaders, fostered widespread discord, and stimulated jealousy and infighting among its governmental branches.4 In November 1783, the Council of Censors met, charged with evaluating past political and constitu- tional developments and proposing changes within the state. Partisan debate within that Council, especially over whether or not to call a convention to amend or abolish the current state constitution, exacerbated the already heated political climate throughout the remainder of the year and into 1784. Furthermore, violence in Penn- sylvania's Wyoming Valley and an increasing number of reported robberies and assaults throughout the state fueled tension as did the ongoing and often vitriolic debate over the nature and direction of America's republican values and institutions.5 It was this often turbulent and, in some respects, fragile society that Charles Julian de Longchamps encountered upon his arrival in Philadelphia in September 1783. His problems began almost imme- diately. A series of minor scrapes with the law brought him to the attention of city magistrates, though he was eventually found inno- II, "The Breakdown of Congressional Authority: A Study of Relations between the Con- tinental Congress and the States, 1780-1783" (doctoral dissertation, Oklahoma State Univer- sity, 1977). Merrill Jensen discusses the achievements of the Confederation in The New Nation (New York, 1950), 347-421. 4 These developments, familiar to most students of Pennsylvania history, are discussed at length in Brunhouse, Counter-Revolution in Pennsylvania; Douglas Arnold, "Political Ideology and the Internal Revolution in Pennsylvania, 1776-1790" (doctoral dissertation, Princeton University, 1976); and Roland Baumann, "The Democratic-Republicans of Philadelphia: The Origins, 1776-1797" (doctoral dissertation, Pennsylvania State University, 1970). 5 Jackson T. Main, Political Parties Before the Constitution (Chapel Hill, 1973), chapt. 7; Arnold, "Political Ideology and the Internal Revolution in Pennsylvania," esp. chapt. 5; Journal of the Council of Censors Convened at Philadelphia . November, 1783 (Philadelphia, 1783), passim; G. S. Rowe, Thomas McKean: The Shaping of an American Republicanism (Boulder, Colo., 1978), 178-180, 189-190, 195-201, 202-209. Typical of this last question was the argument over the Society of the Cincinnati which raged in Pennsylvania throughout 1783 and 1784. The quarrel over the value of the Society was not merely a debate concerning the worth of that organization; in a larger sense it was an attempt to define the course of republicanism, to identify attitudes, organizations, and habits most conducive to the legi- timate aspirations of a republican society. 278 G. S. ROWE WITH ALEXANDER W. KNOTT July cent in one instance and permitted to remain free on a peace bond in another.6 His seduction of a well-to-do Quaker girl and his sub- sequent marriage to her against the wishes of her guardians outraged the local Quaker community. Suspecting that his claims of being well connected, even titled, were false, the girl's guardians sought Confirmation of Longchamps' assertions from the French legation in Philadelphia. When informed that Longchamps' claims were (as one member of the diplomatic corps put it) "a web of lies," that he was a mere "adventurer," the son of a petty merchant from Tours or St. Malo, the guardians initiated a campaign in the local press against him, belittling his reputation and warning local females against unscrupulous Frenchmen.7 Longchamps himself visited French authorities on numerous occa- sions seeking certification of his titles and military honors.8 Suspicious of Longchamps and appalled by accounts of his criminal past, the Chevalier de la Luzerne, French Minister to the United States, advised his ride, Marbois, to have nothing to do with Longchamps, declaring that "it was clear that he intended to abuse" the authen- tication he desired.9 Offended by the legation's reticence, Long- champs called at Luzerne's residence on May 17, 1784, where he threatened to "dishonour" Marbois. Then, meeting the Consul in the street two days later, he physically assaulted him, forcing 6 Chevalier de la Luzerne to John Dickinson, May 19, 28, 1784, Samuel Hazard, ed., Pennsylvania Archives (Philadelphia, 1855), 1st Ser., XI, 462-464, 473-474. See also Luzerne to Comte de Vergennes, June 19, 1784, Archives Diplomatiques: Correspondence Politique. Ministere des Affaires Etrangeres, XXVII, 424-431, hereinafter cited as AD:CP. 7 "Abishag," Freeman's Journal, Mar. 24, 1784; "Leander," Independent Gazetteer, Apr. 3, 1784; Report of P. J. Van Berckel, June 24, 1784, Algemeen Rijksarchief, Dept. van Buiten- landsche Zaken: Legatie Archieven, no. 1161, The Hague; Luzerne to Dickinson, May 28, 1784, Pa. Arch., 1st Ser., XI, 474. Charles Thomson, Secretary of Congress, was convinced that
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