Venantius Fortunatus and Christian Theology at the End of the Sixth Century in Gaul by Benjamin Byron Wheaton A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Centre for Medieval Studies University of Toronto © Copyright by Benjamin Byron Wheaton 2018 Venantius Fortunatus and Christian Theology at the End of the Sixth Century in Gaul Benjamin Byron Wheaton Doctor of Philosophy Centre for Medieval Studies University of Toronto 2018 Abstract The writings of the poet Venantius Fortunatus are a major historical source for the study of Gallic society in the sixth century CE. The amount of Christian doctrine treated in these writings is considerable, and provides a fascinating perspective on late sixth-century Gallic theological thought and how it fit into broader Christian discussions of doctrine across the Mediterranean world. This approach to studying Fortunatus’ writings is different from previous scholarship on the poet, and in addition to shedding light on Gallic society’s approach to doctrinal issues will also serve to illumine Fortunatus’ own capacity for theological discourse. Part 1 of this thesis explores his two extant sermons, one on the Apostles’ Creed (The Expositio symboli) and the other on the Lord’s Prayer (The Expositio orationis dominicae). The Expositio symboli of Fortunatus, when considered in the context of both the text from which it was adapted, Rufinus of Aquileia’s fifth-century Expositio symboli, and other sermons on the same subject from the fifth and sixth centuries, showcases his skill at shaping and transmitting Christian doctrine. The Expositio dominicae orationis also does this, but has the additional facet of containing a strong polemic against semi- Pelagianism. It becomes clear from this polemic that Fortunatus held to a strongly ii Augustinian doctrine of the freedom of the will. Part 2 of this thesis looks at Fortunatus’ interaction with the Christological controversies of the sixth century, centring around the Three Chapters schism fomented by the decisions of the Second Council of Constantinople held in 553. Fortunatus’ writings that touch on the subject display a careful attitude towards the schism that sought to reconcile the two sides. Venantius Fortunatus shows himself to be adept at doctrinal exposition amidst a late sixth-century Gallic church that retained a vibrant interest in these matters. iii Acknowledgments There are many people whose generous assistance and kind encouragement enabled this thesis to be successfully completed, and to whom my sincerest thanks are due. Michael Herren stepped in at a time of need and has been an excellent co-supervisor. His insightful comments on my text and enthusiasm for this project have been invaluable. Alexander Murray has been a supportive and wise co-supervisor whose expertise has been equally invaluable. Nicholas Everett rounded out my advisory committee, and I am grateful to have benefited from his thoughtful critiques and advice throughout my degree. Michael Roberts and Jesse Billett were very helpful external and internal readers. The broader scholarly community at the Centre for Medieval Studies and the University of Toronto has been a pleasure to be a part of. Special thanks are due to William Robins, Dorothea Kullmann, Christopher Berard, Paul Greenham, Richard Shaw, Andrew Dunning and Justin Haynes for their encouragement and many a stimulating conversation. Most of the work on this thesis was done in the pleasant confines of the library of the Pontifical Institute for Mediaeval Studies, whose staff could not have been kinder. My parents, Byron and Jackie Wheaton, have been incredibly supportive throughout this entire process. To them as well my loving thanks are due (although I got my doctorate 20 years earlier than you did, Dad!). I believe that what I have written contributes to our knowledge of the truth. But as Fortunatus reminded me: Unde in homine mendace causa veritatis sit, nisi ipsa veritas se ministret, hoc est, nisi in hominem ipsam bonam voluntatem Deus veritatis inspiret qui et velle tribuit et posse conplevit? Therefore I say, in gratitude, Soli Deo gloria: to God alone be the glory. iv Table of Contents Acknowledgments iv Table of Contents v List of Appendices vii Abbreviations viii General Introduction 1 PART 1 THE SERMONS OF VENANTIUS FORTUNATUS Introduction to the Sermons 0.1 The Sermons of Venantius Fortunatus and the Context in the Carmina 4 0.2 The Composition of the Final Two Books of the Carmina 4 0.3 The Purpose of the Sermons in the Carmina 11 Chapter 1: The Expositio symboli: Reception and Literary Context 1.0 Introduction to the ES 14 1.1 Later Medieval Reception of the ES 15 1.2 The Symbol in Italy and Gaul 32 1.3 Symbol Sermons in Italy and Gaul 38 1.3.1 Northern Italian Symbol Sermons 39 1.3.2 Gallic Symbol Sermons 55 1.4 Conclusion 62 Chapter 2: The Expositio symboli of Rufinus of Aquileia and the ES of Venantius Fortunatus 2.0 Introduction 63 2.1 The Secondary Literature 64 2.2 Rufinus of Aquileia’s Expositio symboli 76 2.3 Rufinus and his Summarizers 78 2.4 Venantius Fortunatus and Rufinus of Aquileia Compared 83 2.5 Conclusion 122 Chapter 3: Background to the Expositio orationis dominicae 3.0 Introduction 125 3.1 The Secondary Literature on the EOD 126 3.2 The Authenticity of the EOD 132 3.3 The Sources of the EOD 138 3.4 The Content of the EOD 151 3.5 Conclusion 153 Chapter 4: The EOD of Venantius Fortunatus and the Semi-Pelagian Controversy 4.0 Introduction 154 4.1 The Semi-Pelagian Controversy in the Fifth and Sixth Centuries 156 4.2 The Semi-Pelagian Controversy in Sixth-Century Gaul 165 v 4.3 Venantius Fortunatus on the Freedom of the Will in the EOD 175 4.4 The Augustinianism of Fortunatus, Compared with Gregory of Tours 202 4.5 Conclusion 205 Appendix: The Roman View of Grace and Free Will 208 PART 2 VENANTIUS FORTUNATUS AND THE THREE CHAPTERS SCHISM Chapter 5: The Background to the Three Chapters Controversy 5.0 Introduction 229 5.1 The Christological Questions at the Councils of Ephesus (431) and 230 Chalcedon (451) 5.2 From Chalcedon (451) to the Second Council of Constantinople (553) 240 5.3 The Three Chapters Schism 249 5.4 Justinian and his Successors on Christology 271 5.5 The Gallic Response to the Christological Controversies 274 5.6 Conclusion 282 Chapter 6: Venantius Fortunatus in the Context of the Christological Controversies of the Sixth Century 6.0 Introduction 284 6.1 The Panegyric Ad Iustinum iuniorem imperatorem 284 et Sophiam Augustos 6.2 The Christology of the Carmina 299 6.3 The In laudem sanctae Mariae of Fortunatus 302 6.4 Venantius Fortunatus and the Three Chapters Schism 308 6.5 Conclusion 325 Conclusion 327 Bibliography 329 vi List of Appendices Appendix to Part 1: The Roman View of Grace and Free Will vii Abbreviations AA Auctores Antiquissimi ACO Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum BAV Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana BnF Bibliothèque nationale de France CCSL Corpus Christianorum Series Latina CCSM Corpus Christianorum Series Mediaevalis codd. codices CSEL Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum MGH Monumenta Germaniae Historica MS manuscript PG Patrologia Graeca PL Patrologia Latina SSRM Scriptores rerum Merowingicarum viii General Introduction Everywhere in the literature produced by the society of sixth-century Merovingian Gaul the centrality of Christian doctrine is evident. “Since I am about to relate the wars of kings with foreign enemies, martyrs with pagans and churches with heretics, I desire first of all to demonstrate my faith, so that anyone who reads this does not doubt that I am a catholic,” writes Gregory of Tours at the beginning of his Histories.1 Moreover, expositions of the Apostles’ Creed (or Symbol) were a popular topic of sermons prepared for Gallic congregations, suggesting that, as Lisa Bailey observes, “the ‘ordinary people’ they addressed probably cared more about theology than we tend to give them credit for.”2 Holding to correct Christian doctrine was very important for all levels of Gallic society, from the aristocratic churchmen and the elites of the royal courts addressed by Gregory to the rural congregations addressed by their priest in sermons. For all the importance of correct doctrine to society under the Merovingians, the reputation of this period for sophisticated theological thought is very poor. A dearth in specifically theological texts such as commentaries and a glut in such “popular” works as hagiographies have led scholars to underrate the theological acumen of the Gallic church of the late sixth century. Yet such texts as hagiographies can display more sophisticated and innovative theology than it might at first appear. Scholars have begun to realize this and the time is ripe for a re-assessment of the Gallic church’s doctrinal activities. Using the Italian-born poet Venantius Fortunatus to contribute to a re-assessment may seem at first glance an unusual choice. Yet when looking at the development of theology in 1 “Scripturus bella regum cum gentibus adversis, martyrum cum paganis, ecclesiarum cum hereticis, prius fidem meam proferre cupio, ut qui ligiret me non dubitet esse catholicum.” Gregory of Tours, Historia, ed. B. Krusch and W. Levison, MGH SSRM, vol. 1.1 (Hanover, 1951), 3. 2 Lisa Kaaren Bailey, Christianity’s Quiet Success (Notre Dame: Notre Dame University Press, 2010), 61. 1 Merovingian Gaul, it is important to take into consideration parallel developments across the Christian world. Venantius Fortunatus was educated in Byzantine Italy, migrated to Gaul in 566 and was heavily involved in Gallic society thereafter. He was made bishop of Poitiers at some point in the 590s. This means that his experiences on the one hand set him apart from the local clergy while on the other hand included him at the highest levels of the Gallic ecclesiastical hierarchy.