Poland After the Round Table
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Wojciech Roszkowski Post-Communist Lustration in Poland: a Political and Moral Dilemma Congress of the Societas Ethica, Warsaw 22 August 2009 Draft Not to Be Quoted
Wojciech Roszkowski Post-Communist Lustration in Poland: a Political and Moral Dilemma Congress of the Societas Ethica, Warsaw 22 August 2009 Draft not to be quoted 1. Introduction Quite recently a well-known Polish writer stated that the major dividing line in the Polish society runs across the attitude towards lustration. Some Poles, he said, have been secret security agents or collaborators or, for some reasons, defend this cooperation, others have not and want to make things clear1. Even if this statement is a bit exaggerated, it shows how heated the debates on lustration in Poland are. Secret services in democratic countries are a different story than security services in totalitarian states. Timothy Garton Ash even calls this comparison “absurd”2. A democratic state is, by definition, a common good of its citizens. Some of them are professionals dealing with the protection of state in police, armed forces and special services, all of them being subordinated to civilian, constitutional organs of the state. Other citizens are recruited by these services extremely rarely and not without their consent. In totalitarian states secret services are the backbone of despotic power of the ruling party and serve not the security of a country but the security of the ruling elites. Therefore they should rather be given the name of security services. They tend to bring under their control all aspects of political, social, economic, and cultural life of the subjects of the totalitarian state, becoming, along with uniformed police and armed forces, a pillar of state coercion. Apart from propaganda, which is to make people believe in the ideological goals of the totalitarian state, terror is the main vehicle of power, aiming at discouraging people from any thoughts and deeds contrary to the said goals and even from any activity independent of the party-state. -
Nabytki Biblioteki Kórnickiej Rok 2019
NABYTKI BK PAN w 2019 roku styczeń-grudzień RĘKOPISY DUDA GRACZ, Jerzy; List do Barbary Keller-Wojtkiewicz z 29.06.1983.; Katowice : 1983. DUDA GRACZ, Jerzy; List do Barbary Keller-Wojtkiewicz z 25.07.1983.; Katowice : 1983. IŁŁAKOWICZÓWNA, Kazimiera; Kartka korespondencyjna adresowana do Henryka Krzeczkowskiego właściwie Hermana Gernera tłumacza, pisarza, publicysty, działacza opozycji demokratycznej w PRL, Format 10,5x14,5 cm. Kartka dwustronnie zapisana; [S.l s.n.], 1962 IŁŁAKOWICZÓWNA, Kazimiera; Kartka pocztowa z życzeniami adresowana do Henryka Krzeczkowskiego właściwie Hermana Gernera tłumacza, pisarza, publicysty, działacza opozycji demokratycznej w PRL, Format 9x16 cm. Kartka datow. Poznań 20.12.62.; Poznań [s.n.], 1962. IŁŁAKOWICZÓWNA, Kazimiera; Kartka pocztowa z życzeniami świątecznymi adresowana do Henryka Krzeczkowskiego właściwie Hermana Gernera tłumacza, pisarza, publicysty, działacza opozycji demokratycznej w PRL, Format 10,2x15 cm. Kartka datow. Poznań 20.12.64.; Poznań [s.n.], 1964. IŁŁAKOWICZÓWNA, Kazimiera; List rękopiśmienny adresowany do Henryka Krzeczkowskiego właściwie Hermana Gernera tłumacza, pisarza, publicysty, działacza opozycji demokratycznej w PRL, Format 20,5x14,5 cm. 2-stronnie zapisany atramentem. List datow. Poznań 25.1.63; Poznań [s.n.], 1963. JEŻEWSCY; Jeżewscy herbu Jastrzębiec - Zbiór 8 dokumentów zwiazanych z legitymacją szlachecką Ignacego Józefa Jeżewskiego przed Heroldią Królestwa Polskiego w latach 1837-1838, dat. Płock 1806 i Warszawa 1837-1838. Papier stemplowy, Autografy petenta i urzędników. Pieczęcie urzędowe; Rękopis; [S.l. : s.n., ca 1837]. Kronika życiowa Jana Witkowskiego spisana 09.07.1980 w Poznaniu. Reprodukcje 194 fotografie z oryginału na płycie CD. Proces Jana Działyńskiego i towarzyszy, wydany 28 kwietnia 1865 r. Wyrok Sądu Najwyższego w Berlinie w tzw. drugim procesie polskim.; Berlin : 1865. -
Lithuanians and Poles Against Communism After 1956. Parallel Ways to Freedom?
Lithuanians and Poles against Communism after 1956. Parallel Ways to Freedom? The project has been co-financed by the Department of Public and Cultural Diplomacy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs within the competition ‘Cooperation in the field of public diplomacy 2013.’ The publication expresses only the views of the author and must not be identified with the official stance of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The book is available under the Creative Commons Attribution License 3.0, Poland. Some rights have been reserved to the authors and the Faculty of International and Po- litical Studies of the Jagiellonian University. This piece has been created as a part of the competition ‘Cooperation in the Field of Public Diplomacy in 2013,’ implemented by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 2013. It is permitted to use this work, provided that the above information, including the information on the applicable license, holders of rights and competition ‘Cooperation in the field of public diplomacy 2013’ is included. Translated from Polish by Anna Sekułowicz and Łukasz Moskała Translated from Lithuanian by Aldona Matulytė Copy-edited by Keith Horeschka Cover designe by Bartłomiej Klepiński ISBN 978-609-8086-05-8 © PI Bernardinai.lt, 2015 © Jagiellonian University, 2015 Lithuanians and Poles against Communism after 1956. Parallel Ways to Freedom? Editet by Katarzyna Korzeniewska, Adam Mielczarek, Monika Kareniauskaitė, and Małgorzata Stefanowicz Vilnius 2015 Table of Contents 7 Katarzyna Korzeniewska, Adam Mielczarek, Monika Kareniauskaitė, Małgorzata -
Wybory Prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej W Toruniu W 1990 R
Piotr Witwicki Wybory prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej w Toruniu w 1990 r. Rocznik Toruński 35, 95-116 2008 ROCZNIK TORUŃSKI TOM 35 ROK 2008 Wybory prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej w Toruniu w 1990 r. Piotr Witwicki Rozpisanie wyborów i kształtowanie się sceny politycznej Wybory parlamentarne 4 VI 1989 r. uruchomiły lawinę przemian politycznych w Polsce. Ogromne poparcie, jakie w „częściowo demo kratycznych” wyborach uzyskała strona opozycyjna1, pozwoliło na wprowadzanie reform, o których dotąd nikt nie śmiał nawet pomyśleć. W sierpniu 1989 r. Polska miała już pierwszego niekomunistycznego premiera. W skład rządu Tadeusza Mazowieckiego wchodzili nie tylko przedstawiciele Obywatelskiego Klubu Parlamentarnego (OKP), Zjed noczonego Stronnictwa Ludowego (ZSL) czy Stronnictwa Demokra tycznego (SD), ale również pięciu ministrów z Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej (PZPR). Ta ostatnia partia zachowała wpływy w nie których resortach, zwłaszcza zaś w Ministerstwie Spraw Wewnętrznych i Ministerstwie Obrony Narodowej, na czele których stanęli generało wie Czesław Kiszczak i Florian Siwicki. Mimo to, jeszcze w grudniu 1989 r., Sejm dokonał zmian w konsty tucji, które formalnie zakończyły istnienie PRL. Przywrócono dawną nazwę państwa - Rzeczpospolita Polska oraz godło - orła w koronie. 1 Z województwa toruńskiego w Senacie znaleźli się Alicja Grześkowiak i Stani sław Dembiński. Do Sejmu weszli: Krzysztof Żabiński, Jan Wyrowiński i Wiktor K ulerski. 95 Z ustawy zasadniczej usunięto zapis o „przewodniej roli” PZPR i soju szach z ZSRR. W Sejmie, zwanym kontraktowym, tylko 35% miejsc było obsa dzonych w wolnych wyborach. Mimo jednak tego, że rząd pochodził z „nieprawego łoża”, wprowadzał on istotne zmiany, jak np. reformu jący gospodarkę pakiet Balcerowicza czy ustawa o samorządzie teryto rialnym. Jednocześnie także w otoczeniu międzynarodowym Polski następowały znaczące wydarzenia. -
Polish Legislation During the Pandemic Vs. Corruption Anti-Crisis Shields: Completing the Law and Justice State Project?
Polish Legislation during the Pandemic vs. Corruption Anti-crisis Shields: Completing the Law and Justice State Project? Grzegorz Makowski, Marcin Waszak All crises – economic, health, military or other – not only create inherent problems but often spawn indirect threats, too. Corruption is usually one such indirect, yet serious, factor that will aggravate a crisis. It tends to accompany less prosperous spells, as people concentrate on the more burning issue of saving their lives or assets, or trying to recover. People are less attentive to standards and pro- cedures, and less prone to be financially transparent or accountable. Moreover, crises require rapid, tough decisions. Policies and procedures tailored to normality may be seen like a burden. While laws and procedures lack relevance during of crisis, discretionary behaviour finds an easy way in, which is always a major factor breeding corruption, as Robert Klitgaard rightly pointed out. Corruption is a complex phenomenon. For once, it fits the classic Klitgaard ‘equation’: Corruption = 1 Monopoly of Power + Discretion – Accountability. Accountability is not plausible without transparen- Stefan Batory Foundation cy, which will be fundamental to our analysis later in this paper. Yet the nature of corruption may be better captured in terms of particularism, when relatively narrow groups (a political party, an interest group or a particular social group) are capable of controlling various public, business and other insti- tutions whose resources should, in principle, be accessible based -
Wydawnictwa Drugiego Obiegu W Zbiorach Biblioteki Uniwersyteckiej W Toruniu
Wydawnictwa drugiego obiegu w zbiorach Biblioteki Uniwersyteckiej w Toruniu Lista druków zwartych, wydanych w latach 1976-1990 poza kontrolą władz cenzorskich PRL dostępnych w Bibliotece Uniwersyteckiej w Toruniu. Podstawę księgozbioru stanowiły trzy biblioteki niezależnych instytucji: Toruńskiej Oficyny, Toruńskiego Klubu Książki Nieocenzurowanej oraz Niezależnej Biblioteki i Archiwum w Toruniu. Zostały one uzupełnione o liczne dary krajowych instytucji naukowych, a przede wszystkim książki od osób prywatnych, często związanych z działalnością opozycyjną lat 1981-1989. Kolekcja obejmuje całokształt polskiej niezależnej produkcji wydawniczej poza kontrolą władz PRL. Dokumentuje zarówno dzieje podziemnego ruchu wydawniczego po 1976 roku, jak również reprezentuje całą gamę tematyczną ówczesnego niezależnego życia intelektualnego kraju. Wydawnictwa drugiego obiegu wydawniczego udostępniane są na miejscu w Czytelni Głównej. Stan na 21.11.2018 roku. 11 listopada 1918-1988. [Wrocław] : Wolni i Solidarni : Solidarność Walcząca, [1988]. (Wrocław 1. : druk: Agencja Informacyjna Solidarności Walczącej). 11 Listopada 1918. Wkład Chełmszczyzny w dzieło Niepodległości. Śpiewnik pieśni patriotycznej i legionowej / Komisja Zakładowa Pracowników Oświaty i Wychowania NSZZ 2. "Solidarność" Regionu Chełmskiego. Chełm : Komitet Organizacyjny Obchodów Święta Niepodległości, 1981. 11 listopada : śpiewniczek pieśni patriotycznej. [Warszawa : Biblioteka Historyczna i 3. Literacka], 1979. 11 listopada : śpiewniczek pieśni patriotycznych. Warszawa ; Gdańsk : Biblioteka Historyczno- 4. Literacka, 1981. 11 listopada : śpiewniczek pieśni patriotycznych. Warszawa ; Gdańsk : Biblioteka Historyczno- 5. Literacka, 1981. 6. 12 lat katorgi / Adolf Popławski. [Toruń] : Kwadrat, 1988. 13. Brygada Armii Krajowej Okręgu Wileńskiego / Adam Walczak ps. "Nietoperz". [S.l. : 7. s.l., ca 1985]. 8. 13 dni nadziei / Sandor Kopacsi. [S.l. : s. n., 1981]. 13 dni nadziei : Węgry 1956 / Sandor Kopăcsi. [Warszawa] : Oficyna Wydawnicza Post 9. Scriptum, [1983]. 13 dni nadziei : Węgry 1956 / Sandor Kopăcsi. -
Political Thought of the “Fighting Solidarity” Organisation
CHAPTER XIII FREEDOM, SOLIDARITY, INDEPENDENCE: POLITICAL THOUGHT OF THE “FIGHTING SOLIDARITY” ORGANISATION KRZYSZTOF BRZECHCZYN The goal of this article is to analyse the main lines of the political programme developed by the “Fighting Solidarity” organisation, centred on the three concepts given in the title, i.e. freedom, independence and solidarity. Since “Fighting Solidarity” is not prominently featured in books about Poland’s contemporary history, the first section of the article contains a brief description of the organisation’s history, while subsequent sections provide a description of the political thought developed by “Fighting Solidarity”. Section three contains an overview of the organisation’s attitude towards totalitarian communism; and section four, a synopsis of the idea of a “Solidary Republic”, which is in the political programme promoted by the organisation. The final section features a description of expectations of “Fighting Solidarity” members concerning the fall of communism and the consequential critical attitude of the negotiations conducted by representatives of “Solidarity” and the political opposition at the Round Table. Finally, the summary presents a concise evaluation of the organisation’s political thought. “FIGHTING SOLIDARITY” – A HISTORICAL OUTLINE “Fighting Solidarity” was established by Kornel Morawiecki in Wrocław in June 19821. The organisation was set up in response to growing disagreement between Władysław Frasyniuk and Kornel Morawiecki. The two activists were at variance as they promoted different methods of struggle with the communist system. In general, Frasyniuk claimed that social resistance should be a tool employed to force the authorities of the day to conclude another agreement with the society. Morawiecki contended that it should be a tool to oust the communists from power. -
ARTYKUŁ a Ground-Breaking Visit, Or a Visit of Ground- Breaking Times? Author: RADOSŁAW MORAWSKI 09.07.2020
ARTYKUŁ A ground-breaking visit, or a visit of ground- breaking times? Author: RADOSŁAW MORAWSKI 09.07.2020 On the late evening of July 9th 1989, Air Force One with president George H. W. Bush and his wife Barbara on board landed at the Okęcie airport in Warsaw. An official visit of the fourth American president on Polish lands began, lasting two days. Previously, Poland was visited by Richard Nixon (in 1972), Gerald Ford (in 1975) and Jimmy Carter (in 1977). Each of these visits gathered a lot of attention in the country over the Vistula river. Here were the leaders of one of the most powerful countries in the world, an oasis of freedom, for many years portrayed by the communist propaganda as the “rotten west”, visiting from behind the iron curtain. As Reagan’s vice president… Although George Bush visited Poland as the president of the USA, it was not his first visit in the country. Two years prior, in September 1987, he made a four-day trip to Poland as the deputy of Ronald Reagan. The visit in 1987 was quite peculiar for those times, since, apart from the scheduled, official meetings with the authorities of the Polish People’s Republic, Bush had a lot of private meetings with opposition activists. The visit in 1987 was quite peculiar for those times, since, apart from the scheduled, official meetings with the authorities of the Polish People’s Republic, Bush had a lot of private meetings with opposition activists (Lech Wałęsa, Bronisław Geremek, Zbigniew Bujak, Leszek Moczulski). Vice president Bush laid wreaths at the grave of priest Jerzy Popiełuszko and made a speech in the Polish television, where he mentioned his meeting with Wałęsa. -
From Poland with Love
Focus on Poland Monthly Newsletter – July Topic of the month PiS tightens control over Supreme Court The battle over the courts continues (for background see June-Newsletter) and focuses on the replacement of the First President of the Court. PiS government being afraid of the obstruction of the process of appointment of new Supreme Court judges and not being able to appoint a new First President, passed the 6th amendment of the Supreme Court Law. The biggest judges’ association announced it could obstruct the process by a mass action of filling in applications and later protest against the selection committee’s results. The ruling party said the reforms are necessary to “serve” Polish citizens. The new proposal signed quickly by President Andrzej Duda allows the government to choose the next Supreme Court First President, and follows the removal of 22 Supreme Court judges earlier this month. In total, there are 72 justices on Poland's Supreme Court. The law signed in last Thursday of July allows Prof. Małgorzta Gersdorf’s successor to be chosen when only two-thirds of the positions on the court are filled, instead of nearly all of them. Jarosław Kaczyński is keen to push through his latest reforms quickly so that his party can appoint a new First President without having to have so many new judges in place and before the EU can intervene. Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki commented that Prof. Gersdorf had to be replaced quickly to avoid legal chaos and that Poland would not meet demands by Brussels to reverse its judicial “reforms”. -
Poland's Rock Star-Politician: What Happened to Paweł Kukiz?
Poland’s rock star-politician: What happened to Paweł Kukiz? blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2016/05/11/polands-rock-star-politician-what-happened-to-pawel-kukiz/ 5/11/2016 A year ago rock star and social activist Paweł Kukiz caused a sensation when he finished a surprise third in the first round of the Polish presidential election. He held on to enough support for his new Kukiz ‘15 grouping to secure representation in the legislature after the October parliamentary election. Aleks Szczerbiak writes that Kukiz ‘15 has retained a reasonably stable base of support, but its lack of organisational and programmatic coherence casts doubt over the grouping’s long-term prospects, which are closely linked to its leader’s personal credibility. Election success in spite of blunders Last May the charismatic rock star and social activist Paweł Kukiz caused a political sensation when he came from nowhere to finish third in the first round of the Polish presidential election, picking up more than one fifth of the vote. Standing as an independent right-wing ‘anti-system’ candidate, Mr Kukiz’s signature issue, and main focus of his earlier social activism, was strong support for the replacement of Poland’s current list-based proportional electoral system with UK-style single-member constituencies (known by the Polish acronym ‘JOW’), which he saw as the key to renewing Polish politics. Opinion polls conducted immediately after the presidential poll showed Mr Kukiz to be Poland’s most trusted politician and his (as-yet-unnamed) grouping running in second place behind the right- wing Law and Justice (PiS) party – the main opposition grouping, which went on to win a decisive victory in the parliamentary election – but ahead of the ruling centrist Civic Platform (PO). -
New Political Entrepreneurs in Poland
ARTICLES 137 New Political Entrepreneurs in Poland Beata KosowsKa-Gąstoł and Katarzyna soBolewsKa-MyśliK* Abstract Parties launched by political entrepreneurs are usually newcomers into more or less established party systems. Their ‘founding fathers’ act without specific external group support and the literature on new parties predicts that there is a low survival rate for entrepreneurial parties. In the case of Po- land, the party system had been relatively stable from the 2001 until the 2011 parliamentary elec- tions and subsequently some new parties entered into politics, tried to gain electoral support as well as political relevance. The most recent groupings in the Polish political system which are closest to the theoretical concept of entrepreneurial parties are the Palikot’s Movement (Ruch Palikota), Kukiz’15 and the Modern Party (Nowoczesna). The aim of the paper is to examine to what extent the leaders of these parties can be seen as political entrepreneurs and the parties as ‘entrepreneurial parties’. Another point we discuss is in which aspects the leaders of the parties examined are similar in their role of political entrepreneurs and in which they differ. In order to answer these questions, the previous careers of the leaders, the ways they entered politics and the strategies they used to achieve their goals will also be analyzed. Keywords: political entrepreneurs; entrepreneurial issue parties; Polish parties; new parties DOI: 10.5817/PC2017-2-137 1. Introduction While in the 1990s the main division line in Poland was between post-communist and post-Solidarity parties, that changed from the 2005 elections on as two post-Solidarity par- ties, Law and Justice (PiS – Prawo i Sprawiedliwość) and Civic Platform (PO – Platforma Obywatelska), became electoral rivals. -
London School of Econmics and Political Science Anna M. Pluta A
London School of Econmics and Political Science Legitimising Accession: Transformation Politics and Elite Consensus on EU Membership in Poland, 1989-2003. Anna M. Pluta A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, September, 2010. 1 UMI Number: U615B49 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615B49 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 it'iniU S' Acknowledgements First of all, I would like to thank my supervisor, Dr .Piers Ludlow, for his kindness, challenging feedback, and the care he put into reviewing my work. I am also much indebted to Dr.Abby Inness for her very valuable comments. The thesis could not have been formulated without the input the interviewees and I would like to thank them for the time and the insights they offered. Fieldwork in Poland was made possible by funding from the Department of International History at the London School of Economics, for which I am very grateful. I would also like to thank Dr.Kirsten Schulze, without whose support and encouragement this study could not have been completed.