American Exceptionalism and Counterinsurgency
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American Exceptionalism and the Antebellum Slavery Debate Travis Cormier
University of North Dakota UND Scholarly Commons Theses and Dissertations Theses, Dissertations, and Senior Projects January 2014 American Exceptionalism And The Antebellum Slavery Debate Travis Cormier Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.und.edu/theses Recommended Citation Cormier, Travis, "American Exceptionalism And The Antebellum Slavery Debate" (2014). Theses and Dissertations. 1524. https://commons.und.edu/theses/1524 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, and Senior Projects at UND Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of UND Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. AMERICAN EXCEPTIONALISM AND THE ANTEBELLUM SLAVERY DEBATE by Travis Cormier Bachelor of Arts, University of North Dakota, 2005 A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the University of North Dakota in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Grand Forks, North Dakota May 2014 This thesis, submitted by Travis Cormier in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in History from the University of North Dakota, has been read by the Faculty Advisory Committee under whom the work has been done and is hereby approved. _______________________________________ Eric Burin Date _______________________________________ James Mochoruk Date _______________________________________ Ty Reese Date This thesis is being submitted by the appointed -
Principles of Counterinsurgency Garner the Support of Enough of the Population the Principles and Imperatives of Modern Coun to Create Stability
Eliot Cohen; Lieutenant Colonel Conrad Crane, U.S. Army, Retired; Lieutenant Colonel Jan Horvath, U.S. Army; and Lieutenant Colonel John Nagl, U.S. Army MERICA began the 20th century with helps illuminate the extraordinary challenges inher Amilitary forces engaged in counterinsurgency ent in defeating an insurgency. (COIN) operations in the Philippines. Today, it is Legitimacy as the main objective. A legitimate conducting similar operations in Afghanistan, Iraq, government derives its just powers from the gov and a number of other countries around the globe. erned and competently manages collective security During the past century, Soldiers and Marines and political, economic, and social development. gained considerable experience fighting insurgents Legitimate governments are inherently stable. They in Southeast Asia, Latin America, Africa, and now engender the popular support required to manage in Southwest Asia and the Middle East. internal problems, change, and conflict. Illegitimate Conducting a successful counterinsurgency governments are inherently unstable. Misguided, requires an adaptive force led by agile leaders. corrupt, and incompetent governance inevitably While every insurgency is different because of fosters instability. Thus, illegitimate governance is distinct environments, root causes, and cultures, all the root cause of and the central strategic problem successful COIN campaigns are based on common in today’s unstable globalsecurity environment. principles. All insurgencies use variations of stand Five actions that are indicators of legitimacy and ard frameworks and doctrine and generally adhere that any political actor facing threats to stability to elements of a definable revolutionary campaign should implement are— plan. In the Information Age, insurgencies have ● Free, fair, and frequent selection of leaders. -
Institutional Memory and the US Air Force Lt Col Daniel J
Institutional Memory and the US Air Force Lt Col Daniel J. Brown, USAF Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed or implied in theJournal are those of the authors and should not be construed as carrying the official sanction of the Department of Defense, Air Force, Air Education and Training Command, Air University, or other agencies or departments of the US government. This article may be reproduced in whole or in part without permission. If it is reproduced, theAir and Space Power Journal requests a courtesy line. No modern war has been won without air superiority. —Gen T. Michael Moseley, 2007 lthough the vague term modern war leaves some question about the wars General Moseley was referring to, his 2007 white paper raises questions re- garding airpower’s impact and historical record, especially in light of the two Aconflicts that consumed the US military at the end of that year.1 The question of whether or not air superiority is vital to successful military operations is nothing new; indeed, arguments concerning the utility of American airpower have raged in earnest for over 100 years. No technological milestone such as the atomic bomb, super- sonic flight, precision-guided weapons, or even stealth has settled the debate about where Airmen and airpower fit in the dialogue of national defense. After each ad- vance is tested in combat, a new round of intellectual sparring commences regarding 38 | Air & Space Power Journal Institutional Memory and the US Air Force the effect of airpower. Though hugely useful in the development of military think- ing, these differing schools of thought have always returned to fundamental ques- tions, the answers to which vary widely depending on the strategic context of the day. -
The End of American Exceptionalism the Social Question in the United States
3 The End of American Exceptionalism The Social Question in the United States Fred Block Exceptionalism has been the dominant theme in United States history from its founding. At the time that the United States won its independence, the old nations against which the United States formed its identity were, in fact, the great European imperial powers—England, France, the Netherlands, and Spain, and the United States differed from these nations in critical ways. First, to expand and grow, the United States had no need to establish overseas colonies; it could draw immigrants from Europe and extend its territorial empire westward. It was able to create an internal colony in the American South where chattel slavery was the central economic institution. Second, it led the world in developing a democratic political system in which the right to vote was given to most adult white males. However, the tensions between slave states and free states resulted in the creation of a uniquely constrained central government.1 Third, the combination of early democracy, the continuing inflows of both coerced and free laborers, and the rich- ness of the American continent created a uniquely productive economy that sus- tained unprecedented levels of prosperity for two full centuries. Together, these elements made the trajectory of the United States exceptional.2 But over the last forty-five years, American exceptionalism seems to have come to an end. Werner Sombart insisted that there was no socialism in America because “all socialist utopias came to nothing on roast beef and apple pie,”3 mean- ing that the material prosperity and upward mobility available to white workers in the United States precluded the kind of mass socialist movements that emerged in Europe. -
TRACING the DISCOURSE of AMERICAN EXCEPTIONALISM by Aron Tabor
DOES EXCEPTION PROVE THE RULE? TRACING THE DISCOURSE OF AMERICAN EXCEPTIONALISM By Aron Tabor Submitted to Central European University Doctoral School of Political Science, Public Policy and International Relations In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science Supervisor: Alexander Astrov Word Count: 91,719 Budapest, Hungary 2019 ii Declaration I hereby declare that no parts of this thesis have been accepted for any other degrees in any other institutions. This thesis contains no material previously written and/or published by another person, except where appropriate acknowledgement is made in the form of bibliographical reference. Aron Tabor April 26, 2019 iii iv Abstract The first two decades of the twenty-first century saw an unprecedented proliferation of the discourse of American exceptionalism both in scholarly works and in the world of politics; several recent contributions have characterized this notion in the context of a set of beliefs that create, construct, (re-)define and reproduce a particular foreign policy identity. At the same time, some authors also note that the term “American exceptionalism” itself was born in a specific discourse within U.S. Communism, and, for a period, it was primarily understood with reference to the peculiar causes behind the absence of a strong socialist movement in the United States. The connection between this original meaning and the later usage is not fully explored; often it is assumed that “exceptionalism” existed before the label was created as the idea is traced back to the founding of the American nation or even to the colonial period. -
Trump's Generals
STRATEGIC STUDIES QUARTERLY - PERSPECTIVE Trump’s Generals: A Natural Experiment in Civil-Military Relations JAMES JOYNER Abstract President Donald Trump’s filling of numerous top policy positions with active and retired officers he called “my generals” generated fears of mili- tarization of foreign policy, loss of civilian control of the military, and politicization of the military—yet also hope that they might restrain his worst impulses. Because the generals were all gone by the halfway mark of his administration, we have a natural experiment that allows us to com- pare a Trump presidency with and without retired generals serving as “adults in the room.” None of the dire predictions turned out to be quite true. While Trump repeatedly flirted with civil- military crises, they were not significantly amplified or deterred by the presence of retired generals in key roles. Further, the pattern continued in the second half of the ad- ministration when “true” civilians filled these billets. Whether longer-term damage was done, however, remains unresolved. ***** he presidency of Donald Trump served as a natural experiment, testing many of the long- debated precepts of the civil-military relations (CMR) literature. His postelection interviewing of Tmore than a half dozen recently retired four- star officers for senior posts in his administration unleashed a torrent of columns pointing to the dangers of further militarization of US foreign policy and damage to the military as a nonpartisan institution. At the same time, many argued that these men were uniquely qualified to rein in Trump’s worst pro- clivities. With Trump’s tenure over, we can begin to evaluate these claims. -
American Exceptionalism and Global Governance: a Tale of Two Worlds?” Corporate Social Responsibility Initiative Working Paper No
American Exceptionalism and Global Governance A Tale of Two Worlds? John Gerard Ruggie Faculty Chair, Corporate Social Responsibility Initiative Kirkpatrick Professor of International Affairs Weil Director, Mossavar-Rahmani Center for Business and Government John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University April 2004 ⎪ Working Paper No. 5 A Working Paper of the: Corporate Social Responsibility Initiative A Cooperative Project among: The Mossavar-Rahmani Center for Business and Government The Center for Public Leadership The Hauser Center for Nonprofit Organizations Citation This paper may be cited as: Ruggie, John G. 2004. “American Exceptionalism and Global Governance: A Tale of Two Worlds?” Corporate Social Responsibility Initiative Working Paper No. 5. Cambridge, MA: John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University. Comments may be directed to the author. Corporate Social Responsibility Initiative The Corporate Social Responsibility Initiative at the Harvard Kennedy School of Government is a multi-disciplinary and multi-stakeholder program that seeks to study and enhance the public contributions of private enterprise. It explores the intersection of corporate responsibility, corporate governance and strategy, public policy, and the media. It bridges theory and practice, builds leadership skills, and supports constructive dialogue and collaboration among different sectors. It was founded in 2004 with the support of Walter H. Shorenstein, Chevron Corporation, The Coca-Cola Company, and General Motors. The views expressed in this paper are those of the author and do not imply endorsement by the Corporate Social Responsibility Initiative, the John F. Kennedy School of Government, or Harvard University. For Further Information Further information on the Corporate Social Responsibility Initiative can be obtained from the Program Coordinator, Corporate Social Responsibility Initiative, Harvard Kennedy School, 79 JFK Street, Mailbox 82, Cambridge, MA 02138, telephone (617) 495-1446, telefax (617) 496-5821, email [email protected]. -
Our Lives Marked by War: Reflections on J. Glenn Gray's the Warriors
Our Lives Marked By War: Reflections on J. Glenn Gray’s The Warriors John Nagl September 5, 2013 John Nagl, a retired Lieutenant Colonel in the U.S. Army, is Headmaster at The Haverford School in Haverford, Pennsylvania. He is the author of Knife Fights: A Memoir of Modern War and a member of the Juniata College Board of Trustees. am going to talk to you tonight a little bit about this book, The Warriors: Reflections on Men in I Battle.1 It was written by a philosophy professor who studied Martin Heidegger, and I’m guessing none of you have studied Heidegger yet. There are philosophy professors in the room, so I won’t get in trouble by telling you to continue in that tradition. Heidegger is tough going. What I’m going to try do for you tonight is put in context some of what J. Glenn Gray talked about in ways that will make sense to you and connect with your life a little bit. And I’m going to do a lot of that by telling some of my stories. First, let’s talk about this very interesting man, Jesse Glenn Gray. It’s the centenary of his birth. He is no longer here, but he was an interesting guy. He graduated from this fine institution you have just become a part of and he did pretty well, magna cum laude, which means “with great honors.” That is pretty good. I am sure all of you — because you came to watch this on a Sunday night — don’t have much by way of a social life, so you, too, are likely to be magna cum laude. -
The Long War: Four Views by Joseph J
The Long War: Four Views By Joseph J. Collins Journal Article | Jan 5 2015 - 6:29pm The Long War: Four Views Joseph J. Collins While the Long War continues to march, four new books have presented challenging and sometimes contradictory conclusions about the war and its lessons for the future. This review essay looks at: the memoir of a Secretary of Defense, a recent RAND study, the cri de coeur of a retired general, and the memoir of a combat veteran and leading coindinista. What follows is not just a review essay, but also an exploration of lessons encountered, but not yet learned. It ends with a call for help from the Small Wars Journal readership. Robert Gates’s memoir, Duty: the Memoirs of a Secretary at War made tremendous splash[1] for its hard- but-fair critique of two Presidents, the firing of a few generals, its blow-by-blow description of the battle inside the Pentagon to improve support to war-fighters, and, surprise to many, the emotional bond that this tough secretary forged with the troops in Afghanistan and Iraq. Lost in the many great vignettes and secretarial sea stories is the fact that the last chapter of this book, “Reflections,” is a mini-war college, full of the kind of wisdom that can only come from years of strategic analysis, and a world class resume: Deputy National Security Advisor, head of the Central Intelligence Agency, President of Texas A&M, and Secretary of War for two Presidents with vastly different styles and priorities. Gates’s take-aways are a short-course in strategy for future leaders. -
Revitalizing America's Military Officer Corps
FEBRUARY Keeping The Edge: 2010 Revitalizing America’s Military Officer Corps Edited by Dr. John A. Nagl and Brian M. Burton Contributing Authors: Brian M. Burton; Dr. John A. Nagl; Dr. Don M. Snider; Frank G. Hoffman; Captain Mark R. Hagerott, USN; Colonel Roderick C. Zastrow, USAF Acknowledgments We would like to thank our colleagues at the Center for a New American Security for all of their assistance and support during this process. Dr. Kristin Lord and Garrett Mitchell provided excellent organizational and editing recommendations during the writing process. Liz Fontaine was invaluable in translating the draft text into a high-quality final product. We benefited tremendously from the research support provided at all stages of the project by Joseph S. Nye, Jr. Research Intern, National Security Interns Nick Masellis, Seth Rosen, Maile Yeats and Iranga Kahangama. This report is the outcome of consultation and cooperation with numerous military officers and other students of the military profession. We are very grateful for the generous support of the Smith Richardson Foundation, which made this project possible. We especially thank the contributors to this monograph, Captain Mark Hagerott, USN; Frank Hoffman; Dr. Don M. Snider; and Col. Rod Zastrow, USAF. We also greatly appreciate the participation of numerous others in our working groups, whose thoughtful discussion informed our recommendations. Finally, we acknowledge the helpful insights and comments on draft versions of this report provided by Col. Ross Brown, USA; Col. Joe Buche, USA; Commander Herb Carmen, USN; Lt. Col. Jeffery Goodes, USMC; Vice Admiral (ret.) Kevin Green, USN; Lt. Col. Kelly Martin, USAF; Tom Ricks; Rear Admiral James “Phil” Wisecup, USN; Dr. -
An Actor-Centric Theory Of
he United States, the most power- Soldiers and Afghan National Police coordinate ful nation in the world, is reas- security for Afghan national election, September 2010 sessing its approach to war. With TAmerica entering the 10th year of what was originally called the global war on terror, the Nation finds itself engaged in con- flicts in Central Asia and the Middle East that challenge decades of planning, training, and doctrine. Although collectively this series of campaigns recently crossed the marker-point for America’s longest combat engagement ever, arguments persist—even in the pages of this publication—as to whether we have the correct approach.1 This debate is, for the most part, limited in scope.2 In general, it can be summarized as revolving around one contentious point: whether one agrees with the idea that the United States must redefine its fighting capacity based upon irregular threats—such as insurgency—or not. On the one hand, we have the proponents of a counterinsurgency, or COIN, approach often associated with U.S. Army (Chris G. Neeley) one of Washington’s newest think tanks, the Center for a New American Security, and its energetic president, retired U.S. Army Lieutenant Colonel John Nagl.3 In brief, the An Actor-centric argument on this side of the current debate is that the U.S. Army (note, not the U.S. Marine Corps) deliberately shunned irregular warfare, and counterinsurgency in particular, Theory of War after it was “not allowed” (politically) to win the Vietnam war.4 Only when faced 30 years later in Iraq with an insurgency that seemed Understanding the Difference to be winning did the uniformed establish- ment return to the library of irregular warfare Between COIN and Counterinsurgency and, under the leadership of General David Petraeus, rewrite and embrace this form of war in the shape of revised Field Manual 3–24, Counterinsurgency.5 This doctrinal By SEBASTIAN L.v . -
The Influence of American Exceptionalism on Latin American Foreign Affairs: a Case Study of Guantánamo Bay, Cuba
Encuentro Latinoamericano | ISSN 2414-6625 Vol. 3 No.1 (July 2016) The influence of American Exceptionalism on Latin American foreign affairs: a case study of Guantánamo Bay, Cuba Inês Daniela Pereira da Costa Inês Costa, 31, holds an undergraduate diploma in Physical Anthropology and a Master’s Degree in Human Evolution and Biology, from the Faculty of Sciences and Technology, University of Coimbra. In 2010, a change in field of study led to a Bachelor’s Degree in Modern Languages, with emphasis in English and Spanish. Inês Costa is currently in her second year of the PhD in American Studies at the Faculty of Arts and Humanities of the University of Coimbra, Portugal. Her interests in the field are related to American Exceptionalism, militarism, immigration and human rights violations. Contact: [email protected]. Abstract Since the inception of the United States, American Exceptionalism has played a decisive role in the mediation of relations both in the domestic and foreign spheres. This influential identity character is founded on the beliefs of American uniqueness and the sanctity of their mission, but has, nevertheless, acquired the status of a prevalent paradigm. It is, thus, a malleable state created fantasy capable of creating consensus among the American population, while also offering effective instruments of disavowal capable of exonerating significant state incongruences. Throughout the twentieth century American Exceptionalism has served as a powerful hegemonic discursive instrument, justifying countless interventions in Latin American foreign and domestic affairs. Cuba and Guantánamo Bay Naval Base provide a clear example of this course of action. The recent usage of this base on the War on Terror establishes that, despite recent criticism, U.S.